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Part II. 


Division II. 


Henry H. Howorth, f.s.a. 


Longmans, Green, and Co. 




AT MIWM umwniTY 
DK 20 1938 

DS 19 .H69 1970X « ^ 
Howorth, Henry H. 1842-1923. 
History of the Mongols 


Chapter Vlll. Tlie White Horde end the Kirghiz Kazak*. - 627— fi8!^ 
Girai Khan and Janibeg Khan. •- •"•••- - — .•«. — —'627 

1^ 3 ^t ID pW i\r) T1 •■ — *——••■—•*•*—••••••*•*••«■ •••••-•«•••••«•«•« ••••■••••••^•«««« •••«•• •••••■•••«•••••••• •*••• ••«•»«••*•• ^^0€a 

&^iimash or Khan. " — - -631 

jlacir or lahir'n,——-"- ••—■•••• ..« ...»«-.~...^..~...«— ..«^ « "•"•■681" 

Uziak Ahmccl K.h3.n- ** *• -«...~— ..- ..~~ -...„~^.^^..« » "632 

tt^ wr 1^1 r^ ^f) Y* iV. i)f^Y\ •■■••■«*••• •••■*'•»♦•**••*•••—»■> «■—■■•■ I —■>•»•— aw^^* ■••«••••»«*• ■■■■■*•— ♦♦■•••^ '***^******^^^^? 

^% "il /^?i 1 IV n?l T\ a ^>— *■••**•« ••■■■■ ••«*■ •••*«■ •••«•• •«w*»*»i**»*« •••••■« •••*•«••••■ ••»•«• ••••• *«•«•»*•««•••■•••■ • ■■••* ••••• Cs_"C*i 

I ^^\' K ^^ I iV. kTS TT ••«•••••••••>••«•••••••«• ••»«•«•••••• *••••*••«••• «•••«>•••••••••••••««••••••••••••**«•••••••*«•• • ****** *****'tI^'vI'% 

I Sl\i fn wv f^A T^ •*•••••—»•**—•» •-•«••-•••••« ■•■••' »■-•••- ■—•»»■ — ■*»»»■» •«•*•■ »•■■*• •••••••••«•'*«••••«••••«•■••■••••••• •••••<AK ^it 

i i?i V ic 3^ iv xi ^ n. •■■■■•■■■> ai*! ■»<•»•■■■•■■■■■*■ p«« >■■■■»■>■ I »•«. ■^^ »•>•»«»»»•■»»••«»— « ••••«• •«••«••••«•>••»«•* ••••• fl .lo 

'i he Middle Horde. • • ^12 

Bulat Khan or Shemiaka. — 642 

Abul Ma.khinet Kh^.n. 643 

V P,ji jvn&ii« •^^-*— ..•«...*..«..-«-.-«..^.-— ^ ..^....••.**.-*.^^.*^.^.^.^ ^. — •*'650 

Nurali Khan. - - -601 

£»rali Khan. ••*" — — — - •*" — '-— — — -609 

/VicnuvaX JkJnan. .-..*.«.— .^....^.....»..~....... ~>..„^...».m_.^ 670 

Jantiura Khan* - - — 671 

Shirgazy Khan.-- - 672 


The Great Horde. <573 

Notes. - — - -679 

Chapter IX. The Uzbegs m Maveia Un Nehr, Balkh, 

and Khokand. G8G -875 

The Abulkhairids. 68(> 

Abiilkhair Khan.-- GSG 

Muhamraed Abulfath Sheibani Khan. C91 

Kuchkunji Khan. 713 

Abusaid Khan. - 719 

UbeiduHa Khan. 720 

AbduUa Khan I. 72:^ 

Abdul Latif Khan. — ~ - 723 

Nauruz Ahmed Khan. - - •• 726 

Pir Muh:^.mmed Khan. -. 7£9 

Izkander Khan. 730 

AbduUa Khan II.- 733 

Abdul Mumin Khan. 738 

Pir Muhammed Khan IT. ■ 739 

The Janids or Astrakhanids. 743 

Baki Muhammed Khan. 743 

Vali Muhammed Khan. - 74G 

Seyid Imaum KuU Behadur Khan. - 747 

Seyid Nadir Muhammed Behidur Khan. 751 

Seyid Abdul Azis Khan. — 752 

Seyid Subkan KuU Khan. ^ - 755 

Seyid Ubeidulla Khan. - 7G0 

Se}'id Abulfaiz Muhammed Khrn. 7G2 

Seyid Abdul Mumin Muhammed Khrn. - 7G5 

Ubeidulla Khan 111. - - 7GG 

Muhammed Rahim Behadvtr Khrn. - 7GG 

Seyid Abulghazi Khan. •- 7G7 

The Haidarids or Manguts. - - 780 

Seyid Amir Haidar. 780 

Mir Hussein. •* - - - 7S7 

Mir Omar. — - — - - 788 

Mir Nasrul la. •- - - - 790 

Mir Muzaffar Ud Din. - - S09 

Khokand and Tashkend. 8IG 

Narbuteh Bi. - 817 


Alina Khrn. - - - 819 

Muhajnmed Ali or Madali Khan. — - • - - — 823 

Murad Bek Khan. 829 

Khudayar Khan. - - — * 829 

Malla Khan. ~ ~ 832 

Shah Murad Khan. - a36 

Khudayar Khan (Restored). — - 8;^ 

Seyid Sultan Khan. — - •• 836 

Khudayar Klmn (Third Reign). - 838 

Nasruddin Klian. - — -^ -842 

Uratippa and Jizakh. - - •- — 8i5 

Urgut and Kohistan. — - - 850 

Hissar, Kulab, &c. - - •• -852 

Balkh, Khulra, and Kunduz. - - 853 

Badakshan. -^ 865 

Meitneneh. 867 

Andkhud or Andkhoi. - 868 

Sliabirgh?.n. - " - 868 

Sivpul. •- 869 

Oha.pter X. Khuarezm or Khiv^. 876—977 

Origin of the Khannte. - 876 

Ilbars Khan. — - 879 

Su]ta.n Haji Khan. - aso 

Hassan Kuli Kli?.n. - - —•• 880 

Sofian Khan. SSI 

Bujugha Khan. SS2 

Avanek Khan. - - aS2 

Kal Khan. 8S\ 

Akatai Kh?n. - -- 88i 

Dost Kha.n. - - 885 

Hajim or Haji Muha.mmed Khan. - aS6 

Arab Muhammed Khan. — 891 

Izfendiar Khan. S91 

Abulghazi Beliadur Khan. 900 

Anusha Muliammed Bahadur Khan. 903 

Miihammed Erenk Khan. •- " --•^4 

Shah Niaz Khan. — -^ — " •••^" " "* ** ^^ 

Arab Muharamed Klian.- "•^ 

Haji Muhammed Behadur Khan. " 9^ 

Yadigar Khan. - ~ - ** '"•^ 

Shirgha^i Khan. — ^ ' --906 

Ubars Klian. - - ^1^ 

Tagir Khan. ..««.«-...^ - - -^ "i^l-^ 

Abul Muhammed Khan. - - ^^^ 

Abulghazi Khan II."-"- -•"• '*- • - ""^ W5 

. Kaip Khan. • ^^^ 

Abulghaii Klian III. - — - »16 

lltp.iar Khan. '•«••••""••♦"••"•«'•»• ' '••- " 9iS 

Muhammed Fxahim Khan. - — »20 

Allah Kuli Khan. -™ -♦ «0 

Rahim Kuli Khan. ^' «ll 

Muhammed Amin Khan. - " Wl 

Abdulla Khan."- — »^ 

Kutlugh Murad Khan. •* ■ " "^^ 

Seyid Muhammed Kh; n. 0^4 

Seyid Muhammed Rr.lim Khi'n. 91® 

Notes ' -•- ^'^ 

Cliapter XI. The Sheibanids of 'luran. 978-1010 

Murtaza Khan. — ** 982 

Kuchum Khar.. •- " 982 

AH Khan. — •' ^ 1002 

hhim Kh?n. - - 1004 

Ablaigirim. 1004 

Devlet Glial. - -1000 

Notes. - 1008 

Cliapter XII. The Nogais, Karakalpaks, and Siberian 

Tartars. 1011-^1068 

The Great Nogais. 1028 

The Little Nogais. •• • - - lOiO 

Tie Karakalpaks. — * lOofJ 

The Siberian Tartars. - " 1001 

Notes. - lOGG 

Notes, Corrections, and Additions. *— — — 1069 -1087 




WE have now Urated oot the various Itnei of princes who ruled 
at Astrakhan, Kazan, Kanmo^ and fai the Krim until thdr 
final overthrow and abscnption by Russia, and we must turn 
once moie to the White Horde, which held sway in the eastern parts of 
the Kipchak. 

We traced its history down to the death of Bormk Khan in tiie year 
S31 («>., 1427-S). He was, as I have shown,* a constant rsndidate for 
the throne of Serai, and not only had a considerd>le stn^^le for it with 
Ulogh Mnhammed, but he also strove to disposses the Timurids of 
Sighnak,the ancient capital of his horde^ and which Tfanur had annexed. 
On his death in 831 his children were apparently very young, and 
Abulkhair Khan, ci the house of Shdban, acquired supreme authority 
in the country east of the Yeroba.t 


Bonak Khan, it would seem, left two sons called Girai and Jantb^ 
who appafeatly shared their fisher's throne. Of these Girai was probably 
the elder, since his son succeeded Janib^. Girai is not mentioned by 
Abutgfaazi, who calk his brother Jantb^, ^ Abosaid sumaaed Janlb^ 
Khan.*^ They are both mentioned in the Taiildii Rashidi of Haidar and 
intheSheibanehNameh. The latter work expressly calls Janib^teaott 
of Borrak, the brother of GiraLi We do not hear of them uacQ te year 
i4Si» when we axe told by Haidar that Abulkhair, the repieseatative of 
the house of Sheiban| had gained great anthimty in the Kipchak, and 
that Janib^ and Girai fled from him, and sou|^t icfiige in MoBgnfistaa 
(&/., the country of Issikul and Kashgar) with Issanbq|^ who was Khan 
there. By the latter they were wdl received and given die district of Chn 
(i>^of the river Chu), Bashi Kuri (?), which lies on the western limit of 
MiM)goIistan« There, we are told, they enjoyed themselves in quiet until 
Abulldiair%death,which took place in 1469. Many dien repaired to Girai 
and Janib^,so that their number increased to 200^000 perMnSf and they 
got the name of Uzb^ JCasaks. This name of Kasiks they got ao 

*^ffl#«c]uptarv. t S«f Bcxt cbapur. 

I Op. cH., iSt. f Vtl. Zero., j6^ B S«t aezt elupur. 


doubt, as I have shown in the introduction, from their being fugitives 
par ixcilUnce* This was the beginning then of the history of the 
KasakSy who are called improperly IQrgfaiz Kazaks by most writers. 

The sons of Abulkhair carried on the strife with Girai and Janibeg 
Khan, and when Mahmud Khan of Mongolistan in 893 hej. (U,^ 1488) 
granted Turkestan to Shdbaai, the grandson of Abulkhair, we are told he 
incurred the enmity of Girai and Janibeg. '' Sheibani was their enemy,** 
they said, '' and why was he sent to be in collision with them ?^ In 
consequence of this two battles took place between Mahmud Khan and 
the brothers, and the former, who had made himself unpopular among 
the amirs by his arbitrary ways, was defeated. Ahmed Khan, the brother 
of Mahmud, subsequently repaired this misfortune, and defeated the 
Kazaks three times.! We do not again read of either Girai or Janibeg, 
nor do we know when either of them died. M. Veliaminof Zemoft has 
shown how Von Hammer was led astray in regard to the genealogy of 
Janib^, and what confusion has been created by the author of the 
Golden Horde identifying him with Seyid Ahmed, who died at Kovno 
m Lithuania, and whose history has ahready occupied us.| 


Haidar tells us that both Girai and Janibeg left many sons. Girai, it 
would seem, was succeeded by his son Berenduk^ who became the over- 
chief of the Kazaks, and we are told that the famous Kastm Khan, son 
of Janibeg, was in all respects submissive to him, as his father before 
him had been.) During his rdgn the Kazaks and Sheibanids or Uzbegs 
continned their former strife. We are told by Khuandemir that when at 
Sij^hnidc on one occasion an envoy went to Sheibani, the great chief of 
the Uzbegs, from Musa, the leader of the Nogais, offering him the 
throne of Desht Kipchak if he would go there. Sheibani accordingly 
went, and was well received by Musa. Meanwhile Berenduk Khan, who 
was the real ruler of the country, set out with a large army against him. 
Sheibani won the victory and Berenduk fled, but Musa refused to 
fulfil his promise on the ground that his amirs were not agreeable.^ 
Khuandemir also reports that about the year 1494 Sheibani and his 
brotker Mahmud, having subdued all Turkestan, Berenduk Khan 
i^ipeared at Sabran, and at the request of the anur Muhammed Terkhan 
ttie people of the town seized Mahmud and handed him over to 
KasiOL The ktter sent him with an escort to Suzak, but he escaped on 
die way, and joined his brother at Otrar. Berenduk was not long in 
bekaguring that town» and had several fioxe fights with its garrison, but 
at le^^ agreed to a peace and returned home. Presently the Kazaks 
allied themselves with the Khan of Mongolistan, and again made a demon- 

*Tiir. RMb. t//. :U.a63-i66. Mnfr.a92,&c. 

J Tar. RmIu ^ V«l. Ztrn., ti, Ufi. 


stradon against Otrar, from which they once more retired. Shahibeg 
then marched against the Kazaks, whose chief camp was in the Ala tagh 
mountains (probably Ala Tau near Vcmoe). Peace was again made 
between them, and Berenduk made Sheibani's son Muhammed Timur 
Solun his brother-in-law. 

In the winter of 912 (/./., 1507) we again find the Kazaks molettfaig 
Mavera im ndir,* and Sheibani marching against tbenut Two years 
later, namdy, in 1509, he ^^ain went against them. We are told that 
at this time, although Berenduk Khan was the di Jure ruler of Kipchak, 
that all the authority was vurtually in the hands of Kaiiii^ and that tte 
Kazaks could muster a force of two hundr ed thousand oiMu SheUumi 
took up his winter quarters at Kuruk, whence he fiat s lifce into tli« 
enemy's country, but on hearing a report that Kasim Kktm waa coming, 
this division retired, and created quite a paftie is Shelbani's army, 
and he beat the drum for retreat ** Nothing was attended to," says 
Haidar. The army, broken and scattered, leached Samarkand in the 
end of the winter, whence Sheibani withdrew to Khcnasan, As I have 
said, nothing was left to Berenduk but the semblance of authority, and 
this was now to end, for we read in the Tarikhi Radiidi diat he wna at 
length expelled and retired to Samarkand, where he died in esile.t 


The throne of the Kazaks now passed to the Qmify of Jaajb^jg Khan* 
The latter, according to Abulghazi, had nine soof, IiaecU or Iraiji, 
Mahmudi Kasim, Itik or Aitek (perhaps rightly Aibck)r jMtmkf Kanbar, 
Tanish (called Benish by Haidar), Uziak, and Jsmk, Yadik, or Jadik.f 
Iranchi is called Iranji Khan on one occisiwi hf Kh«atidemir, who 
*names him as the rukr of Sabran, where he ptwiit hod Shdhani,! but it 
would seem from Haidar^s po^ve ttiieiiifiit aad other facts, that 
Berenduk was in fact succe e ded by Kaaim, who had long previously 
been the real mkr of the Desht. We ajse told that during Berenduk's 
reign he would not live near him, for if he should not pay him due 
xtg^ he would resent it, and if he did he could not in his heart submit 
to hun. Berenduk then lived at Sendchtik (? Sighnak) and Kainu on 
the borders of Mongolistan. Haidar says he subdued the whole of 
Desht Kipchak, and his army was more than a thousand thousand in 
number. After Juchi Khan none was ever more poweiiui in that yurt 
than he.Y The Turkish biographer of Uraz Makhmet tells us the 
mother of Kasim was Jaghun Berkiny and that he ruled for some time in 
his fathet^ ulus.^ The most famous of Kasim Khan's brothers was 
Yadik, who is called Uzbeg in Erskine's translati<m of the Tarikhi 
Rashkii, but Yadik by VelZemof in his extracts from that work. Heisao 
doubt the ** Uzbeg Sultan,"* one of the sultans of the Kazaks mentfieaAl 

» U^ «5i, 252. t Tm . lUth. I /rf. f Op. cit. . i8t. Vel. Zero., U. jtj, atfS. 

I Vol. ZfTB.. M, 240. ^ T«T. RmIu *• Vel. Zern., ii. 1^ 


by BabeTi and who Ersldne says in a note was called Awik Sultan in the 
Persian text* He married Sultan Nigar Khanum, the fourth daughter of 
Yunis Khan of Mongolistan, the widow of Mahmud Morza, son of Sultan 
Abusaid|t who after his death married his brother Kasini4 which shows 
the latter outlived him. The biographer of Uraz Makhmet tells us he 
was killed with one of his sons at Ilianli Tuk, fighting against the Nogai 
Sheikh Murza. He was buried at Bakirghan Ata, in the disttict of 
Ufgenj or Khiva.{ This place is mentioned by Abulghazi, and was the 
burial place of a famous Mussuhnan saint namedSuliman Hakim.| Kanbar, 
another son of Janibeg, was all his life in the service of Kasim Khan, and 
was constantly in the front of the army.f But to return to Kasim. 

We are told that in the year 918 (iW., 1512), when the Uzbegs had 
acquired great influence in Mavera un nehr, news arrived of the approach 
of Kasim Khan. The latter marching from his quarters near Mongolistan 
went to Tarexy the keys of Sairam were given up to him by Ketch Beg, its 
governor, and thence he went on to Tashkend, but again retired. The 
Khan Sultan Said went after hun and overtook him at the river Chu. 
Kasim was then past sixty and going on towards seventy, and did not go 
to meet the Khan, but sent some of his sultans, such as Janish Khan, 
Benish Khan, &c., to the number of thirty or forty, with orders to 
bend the knee to the Khan. Of this number Janish Khan and 
Benish Khan were very aged. When they kneeled the Khan rose, and 
he remained seated while the others did obeisance. Kasim treated the 
Khan with a courtesy the latter nevdr forgot, and he always described 
}\itn as a man of worth. 

After they had met he af^roached the Khan and said, ** I am a 
man of the desert. Here we have neither form nor ceremony in our 
friendship. Our only valuable property is our horse ; our best food is its * 
ileshi our best drink its milk and what is made of it« In my country 
there is neither palace nor garden. My great recreation b to inspect my 
herds. Let us go and pass an hour in looking at them.* They accord- 
ingly went He then showed the Khan two iuMrses which he said were 
worth all the herd bendes. The Khan assented. ^ We people of the 
desert depend for our lives on our horses. These are my choicest ones. 
You are an incomparable guest Do me the fttvour of choosing which 
you like and leave me the other** He at the same time pointed out the 
good points of eadt The Khan chose one, which he called Oghlan 
Ttffuk, and surely, says Haidar, such a horse was never seen. With it 
he joined a nuniber of other horses and ofiered them to the Khan with a 
cup of kumiz, sayii^^This b the way we greet our guests, oblige me 
by drinking." The Khan had previously renounced all intoxicating 
drmks, and replied^ ** I have foreswom such things as this, how can I 

« BnUtt't Babv, IS. Nou,4- tBabw.ij. X Tar. Rash. 

i Vd. Zmmi, H. 135- I M'* U7* t id,, 12^. 


bfttak my vowT Kksim ui^g^ that he had nothing else to oflfer him, as 
maie^ mUk and what was made of it was the hest drink he had. Yean 
must tAxp&t bdott I can entertain such a guest as you again, and here I 
am deprived of the power of showing yon hospitality. Thereupon he 
held down his head and seemed nmdi crestfidlen. Upon this we are told 
that the Khan, to please him, drank it up, to the great joy of Kasint 
For twenty-one days they continued to feast together and exchange cups 
of kumix. It was now the end of summer, and the Kazaks hegan to 
retire to their winter quarters without Kasim's permissi o n. He 
apologised for them, and said it was not convenient to make-an attack 
on Turkestan till the spring. Next year (!>., in 920) Kasim seems to 
have made an unimportant attack on the Uxbcgs.* This is the last notice 
1 can find of Kasim Khan, of whom Baber reports that it was said none 
of the Khans or Sultans of the Kazaks ever kept the horde in such 
comi^ete order as he did, and that his army amounted to nearly three 
hundred thousand men. Haidar says he died in the year 934 (f>., 1518}. 


Kasim wis succeeded by Mimash, who Haidar apparently in one place 
makes his son, but he was probably a wm of Yadik Sultan, for Haidar 
mentions a son of Yadik called Bibash or llimash, idio married the 
sister of Muhammed Rashid Khan. Haidar says Bibash foil in one of 
the wars. 


Mimash was succeeded by Tagir, who was unquestionably the son of 
Yadik. Of him we read that in the year 939, after carrying on an inter- 
course with the Khan of Mongolistan by envoys, he went to him in person 
and took with him Sultan Nigar Khanum. He was very fond of her, but 
she comidained that her old age prevented her attending him in his migra-* 
toryltfi^ and that she wished to go to her brother's son, Sultan Said Khan 
to end her days. He agreed to go with her. The Khan, out of gratitude 
to him for taking hb aunt, rose to meet him, which was contrary to 
etiquette^ but T^^ would not be outdone in courtesy, and duly bent his 
forehead to the ground in the prescribed way. His sister, the Khanum's 
daughter, says Haidar, was married to Rashid Khan, and was still in 
his harem when he wrotct At this time^ we are told, Tagir Khan's 
power was on the decline. He once controlled one million of men, 
but now only two hundred thousand. He was of a harsh and severe 
disposition^ and became embroiled with the neighbouring Sultans. He 
slew his brother Abul Kasim Sultan with his own hand. His people 
deserted him and dispersed, and being left alone with his son he took 

* TaiikU RasImU. 1/41. : Vtl. gtm^ op. fit. U. 173. 


refuge with the Kirghiz (/^., the Buruts). They also apparently got 
weary of him, for we read that in the year 936 (/^ 1530) the Kirghiz as 
well as his own people deserted him.* In another place Haidar says he 
died miserably among the Kiighizes, and that nearly thirty thousand 
Kazaks collected in Mongolistan and raised his brother Buidash to 
the throne. ** Such has been the change in fortune's whed/ says Haidar, 
** that of these tribes for the last four years not a trace remains. In the 
year 930 they were a million of men, in 944 not a trace of them 
remained.*t This is probably an exaggeration, but there can be no 
doubt that at this time the Kazak confederacy was much disint^rated. 


The biographer of Uraz Makhmet tells us that in this time of con- 
fusion several chieftains are mentioned as leaders of the Kazaks. He 
says of one of them : There was also an Ahmed Khan, sometimes called 
Uzb^ and sometimes Ahmed. He did not rule long, and fell in a fight 
with Seidiak the Nogai prince, by the hand of Urak Murza4 This is no 
doubt the same Setdiak who in 1535 wrote to the Emperor Ivan Vasili- 
vitch to tdl him how his neighbours had submitted to him, and he adds^ 
**th.t Kasak Tzar Usian Mahmed Tzar is living with us with fifteen 
sons.1 As M* Vd. Zemof says, this seems clearly to be the same 
person as the Ahmed Khan above named. But we may perhaps go a 
step further, and identify this Uzian with the Uziak who is made a 
brother of Yadik by the biographer of Uraz Makhmet This author says 
he had a son named Bulat Sultan, who with his sons died in battle 
against the Nogais.l Lcvchine, in his gcneak)gical uble of the Kazak 
chiefs, also makes Yadik and Uziak brothers, and makes them the stem- 
fathers of the Royal race of the Kazaks. He also names his son Bulak, 
thus showing he was the same Uziak as the one mentioned in the 
biogn^y just cited. Uziak was the ancestor of Abulkhair Khan, the 
famous chief of the Little Horde. At this time the Nogais were very 
active and enterprising. Haidar tells us that in 932 hej. tiiey drove a 
large number of the Kazaks from Uzbegistan {i.e^ from the Kazak 
steppes). In 1535 we are toW, however, that Uiey were strong enough 
to capture and conquer the princes of Tashkend. They also seem to 
have defeated the Kalmuks.t la IW7 the Nogai prince Yusuf wrote 
to the Emperor to tdl him how he had defeated the Kazaks. 


The person who apparentiy restored the prosperity of the Kazaks was 
Ak Nazar, the son of Kasim, whose fame had spread beyond the borders 

♦ TtfRMh. tOp.dt. :V«L2traof.^;$. 

|/A,a3^ |/rf..w5- ir«..33«. 


of his own people, and is still alive among the Bashkirs and Nogais. 
The biographer of Uraz Makhxnet tdls ns Ak Naxar was the son of 
Kasim by his wife Khanik Sultan Khanime.* Haidar Razi calls Ak 
Nazar lord of the Kazaks and the Khghises, and says that the ruler of ^ 
Aksu and Mongolistan fell in a straggle with him. This was Abdul 
Latif Sultan, son of Abdur Rashid Khan, and grandson of Sultan Siud 
Khan.t He is mentioned also in the Abdullah Nameh| where in relating 
the struggle between the Shdbani Khan AbduUa and his rival Baba 
Sultan,t the author tells us how a spy came and reported that the latter 
had fled to the Kazaks on the river Talas, who had d(me homage to him. 
The Khan sent messengers to inquire, who brought word that the chiefe 
of the Kazaks, such as Ak Nazar Khan, Jalim Sultan, Shiga! Sultan (the 
son of Yadik), and Dustai Sultan, with others their brothers and sonS| wero 
settled on the banks of the river Taras, and that one of them, Ondan 
Sultan (the son of Shigai), had married the wife of Abdul Kerim Sultan* 
and had made captive her sister for Jalim Sultan. They also reported 
that the story told by the spy about Baba Sultan having taken refoge 
with the Kazaks was untrue. The spy was accordin^y put to death. 
Thereupon the Khan himself set out for the Talas, where envoys came to 
him from the Kazak chiefs with greeting, and in the inflated language of 
the Abdulla Nameh, ^put the head of submission in the yoke of 
obedience^" and declared that the treaty they had made with him they 
were willii^ to keep, and reported that one of Baba Sultan's children 
and some of his dependents having taken refuge with them, they widied 
to know whether they were to be sent alive or whether their heads glone 
were to be sent. The Khan, we are told, gave the envoy a robe oi 
honour and presents, and ordered the amir Sukhum Atalik to accom- 
pany him back to the Kazak camp. The Khan bade the Kazaks send 
the captives to him, and he also made over four towns in Turkestan 
to them as a token oi his good wilL{ 

Some time after we read how the Kazaks, who it seems were not 
content with their foothold in Turlcestan, were making raids on the 
Khan's territory. Baba Sultan, the ruler of Tashkend, being unable 
to resist them, had surrendered Yassy (<>., Turkestan) and Sabran 
to them. He seems then to have conspired with them, and it was 
arranged that Saiban Sultan Kazak, who had for some time been 
obedient to the Khan, should cross the Sihun and invade the district of 
Bukhara, while Baba and his people similarly ravaged Samarkand. 
Both parties seem to have made a successful harrying. The allies of 
Baba Sultan were apparently only a small section of the Kazaks, and we 
now find him sending Jan Kuli beg as his envoy to his father-in-law 
Jalim Sultan, to ask him and the other Kazak chiefs to come to a 

* Vet. Ztrnof, ii. its. t Id, 333. I See chapter on Bukhara. 

I Vel. Zera,, ii. 179*283. 



conference, where they coold amuige a common policy against the Khan, 
He was evidently no fitvonrite of theirSi for the Kazaks determined to 
kill bis envoy Jan Kuli, and to send Jalim Sultan with some troops to try 
and surprise hinL Jan Kuli was allowed to escape by his executioner, 
and hastened to acquaint his master. 

Meanwhile Jalim Sultan and two sons of Ak Nazar Khan, unaware of 

this escape, marched with a oonsidenble force to surprise Baba SultaiL 

They met on the banks of the river Shirab khani (i/^ the wine cellarX 

and it was agreed that Baba Sultan should accompany them to Ak Nazar 

Khan. Baba Sultan, who had been forewarned, as I have shown, ordered 

his warriors to draw their swotds and £ill upon the treacherous chiefs. 

Thereupon we are told the valley ** blossomed forth in tulips with their 

Uood.'' He then ordered his brother Buzakhur to ride on in all haste 

and endeavour to surprise and destroy Ak Nazar Khan.* We are not 

told what the issue was, but it would seem that Ak Nazar was in (act 

killed. On turning to the Russian archives we find him mentioned in 

them more than once. Simeon Malkhof, who was sent on a mission to 

the Nogais in 1569^ naentions the Kazak hordes of Ak Nazar, of Shigai 

Tzarevitch, and (tf Chelim (m., Jalim) Tssr0vitch,t and eight years later, 

namdy, in 1577, we find the son of the boyard Boris Tomoshirof 

reporting that the Kazaks^ wbo were then ruled ever by Akak Nazar (/./., 

Ak Nazar), were at war with the Nogais, but desired to be on friendly 

terms with the Russians.^ The death of the Kazak princes to(^ place in 



Ak Nazar Khan was immediately succeeded by Shigai, the son of 
Yad&, who is mentioned above as Shigai Sultan, and who occurs in 
Levchine's tables. The biographer of Uraz Makhmet says that Yadik 
had many wives and concubines^ and also many sons. The best known 
of whom were Tugnm Khan, Bukei Sultan, Shigai Suhan, and Malik 
Sultan. The mother of the last two was Abaikan-Bikem.| This Tugum 
Khan I have very little doubt was the Tagir Khan already named, and 
this exactly agrees with the note in the biography just named, that he 
with Bashibeg, son of Malik, died on the borders of the Jagatai ulus. 
Bukei Sultan will occupy us presently. He was probably dead at this 
time, which explains why Shigai acquired the supremacy. 

Yadik, according to the Tarikhi Rashidi, died about the year 1503, 
and as Hafiztanish mentions Shigai as late as i$8a, it is dear that he 
must have lived to a very old age. The latter author says in the Abdulla 
Namdi that he was wdl versed in a&irs, and had had many experiences 

'/<<., >9*-^ t Of.cit.,323. ]/<<•» 334* 4 /if., 292. 

I V«l. Ztroof, op. dt.» ii. 274. 


of life* Some time afker the plot against Baba Sultan above mentioned 
Shigai seems to have tried to surprise the Utter on the Tales, but fidled 
and had to retire.t In 1581 Abdnlla Khan, who was still straggling 
with Babe Sultan, found himself at Kara tan, near the river Sir 
Daria. There came to meet him Shigai Khani with his son Tevkel and 
others. The two diie& had a friendly meeting; and it seems AbduUe 
appointed Shigai governor of Khqjeadi where he left hun on his return 
hom^andtookTevkdSnltanwithhhn. The latter disthigitishedhimsdf at 
a grand shooting match held in the ovlsldrts of the Khan's garden, idiere 
the competitors fired at a nmnber of gVsleniqg silver and gold balls hung 
on the end of a pole. Soon after this AbddU undertook his fiunous 
expedition to the Uhigh Tagh hi pursuit of Babe Sultan. He set out 
from Bukhara in Januaryi 15S2. He crossed the Jazartes, and on the 
river Aris he learnt tiiat Babe had retired to the Desht Kipchak, leaving 
a part of his army at Kara samaui a place mentiofied in the accounts of 
Thnur's campaigns, and identified by M. VeL Zemof with Kara asman 
on the Arish4 and over the riven Bi^an, Chayan, and Arslanlik to Ikan, 
now a viOage near the town of IKirkestant and thence on to the river 
Sari su. This he crossed in AprOt and advanced to die Uldgh Tagh 
mounta n is, where he learnt that Baba had taken shelter with the 
Manguts or Nogais. He sent a body of troops in pursuit of him, and 
himself returned towards hom^ and laid siege to Sabran, where he was 
delayed for two months. 

On one occasion when Abdulla was hunting on the river Sabran his 
son Abdul Mumin Sultan was lost, but the following day he came into 
the camp with Yan Behadur Sultan, the younger brother of Shigai Khan, 
who was handsomely rewarded by the Khan. The latter once more 
entered the Kipchak in pursuit of his indffotigable enemy, and ordered 
the Kasaks under Tevkel to lead the way, crossing the two lost rivers 
called Kendedik,! Here we are told tiiat one of the commanders with a 
body ofscout% near i^/fwtvi/yiMifAriiaif, came upon some of Baba 
Saltan's peojde and were made prisoners. These spies Baba Saltan put 
to death, and beii^; thus duly warned he fled to the Nogais. Some of 
bis people were oveitaken and plundered by Shigai Khan. Abdulla 
Khan now advanced to the Ulugh Ta|^ and thence to the Ilandiik or 
Jilanchik, where Shiigai Khan went to meet him.| This is the last 
mention I can find of the latter, and he probably died about this time 
at a very advanced age. Mulkr in his account of Siberia mentions an 
old Tartar tradition that Ahmed Girai, the brother of Kurhum, the 
famous Khan of Siberia, had married a daughter of Shigai Khan, a 
princeof Bukhara, whom he treated badly. Shjgai marched against him 
to pnni^ him, and slew him on the banks of the Irtish. * I quite agree 

i Sm MlM At tiM tad of tiM obtpttr. I Op. dt, ii. 309- 


with M. VeL Zemof that by this prince of Bukhara none other than our 
Shiga! Khan is meant The Russians sometimes used the name Bukhara 
for Central Asia.* The biographer of Uraz Makhmet, so often quoted, 
tells tts Sh^ had many wives, of whom three are well known. By 
Yashem Bekem, of the race of Jagatai^he hadTukai Khan, Ishim Sultan, 
and Soltan-Sabir-bek-Khanim ; by Baim Bekem, ^eyid kul Sultan, Ondan 
Sultan, and Altin Khanim ; and by Dadim Khanim, the daughter of 
Beiendttk Khan, Ali Sultan, Selim Sultan, Ibrahim Sultan, and Shagim 

The Tukai Khan of this list is no doubt the Tevkei Khan who will 
next occupy U8.t We shall also have more to say of Ishim, who after- 
wards became Khan. The only other name in the list of much interest 
is Ondan Sultan, of whom we are told he was very brave and shot 
superbly with the bow, and during Shigai Khan's reign led tht; van 
of the army. The Kalmuks killed him at the age of thirty, and his 
grave is still to be seen near Ahmed Issevi in Turkestan. He had 
a number of wives and concubines, of these two were pre-eminent. By 
Altin Khanim, the daughter of Bulat Sultan, son of Uziak Khan, he had 
Uhu Makhmet Khan and Tatli Khanim, and by Chuyum Khanim 
daughter of Kemsen Sultan, son of Berenduk Khan, Kuchak Sultan, who 
was a fiivourite 9xAproUgi of Tcvkel Khan.} The Uraz Makhmet here 
named was the well-known Khan of Kasimof.1 


Shigai Khan was succeeded by his Son Tevkei, whose name has 
already been mentioned in the account of the struggle between AbdnUa 
Khan and Baba Sultan, when Tevkei Sultan is named among the active 
supporters of the former. When Abdulla returned from his famous 
expedition to the Ulugh Tagh,^ Tevkei, who was in charge of some 
herds at Ak kurgan, heard that Sultan Ts^r, Baba Sultan's brother, had 
got through the pass Sungluk. He went in pursuit of him, captured 
him, and handed him over to Abdulla. Abdulla rewarded Tevkei with a 
robe of golden tissue and other presents. This was about 1582-3. Soon 
after he presented Abdulla with the head of Baba Sultan, Jan Muhammed 
Atalik, La6f Sultan, son of Baba, &c., and the latter again rewarded him 
with presents, and made him governor of Aferinkend, the best post in 
SaMUikand, and which had been filled by Abdulla's own father.** 

The capture of Baba is described in the Abdulla Nameh. That restless 
intriguer having taken refuge among the Nogais had proved treacherous 
to them, and was forced to fly. He first thought of going to Tura (/./., 

^ Op. cit. ii. 3S4- t l«L» 3^36$. I On this tee VeL Zenof, op. dt. ii. 367. 368. 

S/il..36s* |X«/r,436. ^ VMlr^M/«.635. •• Vd. Ztni*,ii. 310^x2. 


SiberuX bat eventually resolved to return to Tarkestal^ in tlie hope of 
nising bis own people. He stopped tn rouU at Sighnak, whence he sent 
on two Kalmnks who had supported him to report They fell into 
TevkeFs hands and acted as guides to him. With their assbtance he 
fbond out Baba*s encampment, killed him, and captured hb son Lati^ 
Jan Mnhammed Atalik the head of the amirs, &c.*^ 

There is an interesting reference to Tevkel in the extracts from Seify, 
translated by M. Schefef in his edition of Abdul Kerim. He says the 
Kazaks, who numbered two hundred thoosand fiuniliesi had a Khan 
called TevkeL That on one occasion these Kazaks invaded the country 
of the Kalmuks. The chief of the latter ordered one of his officers to go 
against him, and not to return without taking either Tevkd or his head. 
When. Tevkel discovered the enormous strength of the enemy he fled 
towards Tashkend. The Kalmuks pursued and carried off one>half of 
his people. The other, half remained with him at Tashkend This 
town was then governed by Nauruz Ahmed Khan, who was also called 
Borrak Khan.! Tevkel sent a messenger to him with the message : " I 
have come to your country and have put myself under your protection. 
We are both descended from Jingis Khan, and are therefore related 
Qfsides, we are both Mussulmans, and therefore of the same faith. Help 
me and let us march together against the Kalmuks." Borrak Khan 
replied,." If ten princes like you and I were leagued together, we coukl 
not overcome the Kalmuks, who are as numerous as the hordes of 

In 1583 Tev](|l took part in Abdulla's campaign agamat Andijan and 
Fer^^iana. Suddenly swqperting that AbdnUa was unfriendly to him, be 
retired to the Desht Kipdiak. In 1586^ having learnt f)iat AbduUa and 
his people were occupied on a distant campaign, Tevkel suddenly 
appeared in the north of the kingdom, and threatened Turkestan, Tash« 
kend, and even Samarkand A small force was sent against lam, and a 
fight ensued at ShirabKhani, a dependency of Tashkend The Kazaks 
were badly anned They had only for coats and yiigaks for armour. 
This drcumstance made the Uibegs over confident, and they were 
badly beaten. News was at once sent to Samarkand to IbeiduUa Sultaa, 
the brother of Abdidla Khan, who crossed the Sir Daria and reached 
Tashkend Tevkel was encamped near Sahram, whence he now hastily 
retreated IbdduDa pursued him mto the steppe but could not over- 
take him.^ 

In 1588 a revolt against Abdulla and his brother-in-law, Uzbdc, the 
son of Rustem, the son of Janib^ whom he had appointed ruler 
of tli^ district, took place at Tashkend. The people of Tash- 
kend, Shahrukhia, and Khojend proclaimed Jan Ali, one of the 
Kazak Sultans, as Khan. Things were unsettled for some months. 

*/il. Vat*.45. t8M]»zt«lMVt«r. tOp.cit.»294fa»5* iV«LZ«ao^o^cit, 11.399, 340. 


and we aie totd that the sons of Ak Naiar Khan, Mungatai, and 
Din Muhammed took part in the disturbances.* When we next read 
ofTevkd it is in connection with Russia. We are told that in 1594 he 
sent his envoy Kul Muhammed to the Tiar Feodor Ivanovitch offering 
to consider himself and his tribe as subjects of the Tzar, and asking the 
latter to liberate his nephew Uraz Makhmett In March, 1595, the Tiar 
wrote him a reply accepting his suggestion to treat him as his sozerain, 
and sent hun some firearms, but requiring him to keep Abdulla, the Khan of 
Bokhara, quiet !!! and to reduce the Siberian Khan Kuchum to obedience. 
In regard to Urai Makhmet he undertook to liberate him if he (Tevkel) 
would send his own son Hussein in his place. This note was sent back 
by TerkePs envoy, who was accompanied by Veliamin Stepanof.} 

Iskander Munshi mentions Tevkel in 1597. He says that when the 
news of the quarrel of Abdulk Khan and his son Abdul Mumin spread 
in Tttriccstan, the various Kazak Sultans, who had up to then feared the 
power of Abdulla and lived at peace, broke out into rebellion, and among 
them Tevkel, who had assumed the title of Khan, and who" approached 
Tashkend with a numerous army. Not deeming Tevkel a foeman 
worthy of his steel, Abdulla contented himself with sending some of the 
sultans of his house, the neighbouring amirs, and a portion of his troops. 
A severe battle was fought between Tashkend and Samarkand, in which 
Abdulla's army was beaten, and a lai^ge number of its chiefs perished. 
The survivors fled to Bukhara in a sad plight. Abdulla collected his 
people to exact revenge and marched towards Samarkand, but he there 
fell ill and died. His death was succeeded by confusion. Tevkel 
determined to take advantage of this. Collecting a large army he 
marched into Turkestan, where and in Mavera un nehr some of the more 
important towni, namely, Aksi, Andijan, Tashkend, Samarkand, and the 
country as far as Miankal, submitted to him. He left his brother Ishim 
Sultan with twenty thousand men in Samarkand, while he advanced 
with seventy or eighty thousand on Bukhara, which was defended by a 
garrison of fifteen thousand men under Pir Muhammed. The latter 
made daily sorties from the various gates. These continued for eleven 
days. At length on the twelfth the whole garrison came out, and a fierce 
battle was fought from dawn to sunset. The Kazaks were defeated and 
most of their men scattered. Tevkel now determined to raise the siege. 
Having lighted a number of fires in the camp to deceive the enemy he 
\vithdrew during the night. Meanwhile some of the fugitives reached 
Samarkand and informed Ishim of his brother's defeat The latter sent 
off a messenger with the foUowing message : " You should be very much 
ashamed that your numerous army has been defeated by a handful of 

Bukharians. If you appear here, it may weU be the people of Samarkand 
will not receive you. Let the Khan return and I will join him with my 

• U, M»- » I'M'* ««/»» 436. I V«l. Zcmof, of>. cit., H. 106. Levchiae, 141. 142. 


troops.'' Tevkei accordingly turned back in company with his brother 
Meanwhile Pir Muhammed had set out in pursuit, and was joined by 
many of the people from the country round. The hostile forces faced 
one another at Uzun Sukal in MiankaL For a month there were ahnost 
continaoos skkmishes between them. At length Tevkei losing patience 
determined upon a general attack. The fight was a fierce one. Said 
Muhammed Saltan, a. relative of Pur Muhanmied, and Muhammed Baki 
Atalik were both killed ; but on the other hand Tevkei was wounded, 
and did not gain any marked success. He iell back on Tashkend, where 
he died. This was in 1598.* 


Tevkd was succeeded as over-chief of the Kazakt by his Inrodier 
Iddm, already named. After the events just mentioned, we first hear of 
him in the year 1020 hej. (#>., 1611}, when widi five thousand Kasaks he 
is me n tioped as mixed up in the. civil strife ni^iich arose between Vali 
Mohammed, the banished Khan of Bokhara, and his nephew Imaum 
knlL This strife ended with the death of ValL In this straggle Said Bi, 
the brother of Ishim, also took partt We next read of him in Abolghaii. 
The latter when a fugitive from Uigenj, about the year 1625, took refuge 
with Ishim Khan at Turkestan, with whom he lived for three months. He 
tdls OS that when Tursun Khan of Tashkend visited Turkestan, Ishim 
presented him to hun, saying, ^Here is Abulghazi, a descendant of 
Yadigar Khan, never before has a prince of this house sought shelter 
with OS, white many of our princes have sought shelter with thenL'' 
T^nrson Khan took him to Tashkend. Two years later (i>., in 1627) the 
latter was killed by Ishim Khan, and Abulghazi received permission to 
go to Imanm kali Khan at Bokhara.} 

This Turson Khan of Tashkend is called Tursun Muhammed Saltan, 
son of Mehdi Soltan, in one of M. Desmaison's notes.{ That is, he 
L^^tiiiM hhn widi the Ud>eg prince of ihis name, who a hundred years 
befixe is mentioped by Baber.f Thb seems quite inadmissible dirono- 
logicaBy. Was he the Torsun Khan, son of Khodai Mendi, imrntjoaed 
by Levdune in bis second genealogical table, and whom he makes a 
detcrrtdaitf of Bokei Khan, who was probably the Bakei Sultan, son of 
Yadik, mcntimwtd by die biographer of Uraz Mahkmetf It is troe that 
anthor says Bakei left no sons, bat this may well be a mistake since the 
fiuBily fd Bakd was more or less obscor^ and it is almost certahi that 
tiie Kasaks at diis time would be found obeying no chief who was not 
deieea d ed from Yadik. Bakd Khan, according to Levchine, had a son 
Kochnk, whose son was called Khudai Mendi, whose son was Tursun 

* VeL Zcraof, it 345-3S>* t I4L, 371, 57a. I Op. ai^ jsS, jag. 

iAb^dtasitSSB. NoCe,3. | B«ber^ Memoirt, 399. 5 V«l. ZeraoC ii. 474. 


Khan. This view abo has chronological difficulties. I am rather 
disposed to identify hhn with Torsunbi, who was with Tevkd at Bukhara, 
and who in the feast already described distinguished himself by his 
dexterity, and we are told was rewarded by AbduUa with a present of a 
largesumof money, a horse, and the gold and silver balls he had knocked 
down in the shooting.* He was not improbably a son of Ak Nazar 
Khan. Iskander Munshi teUs us how in 162 1 Imaum kuH of Bukhara, 
having been twice beaten by the Kazaks, was compelled to make peace ; 
the negotiations for which were chiefly carried on with the Khan of the 
Kazaka Tnrsun Muhammed.t Tursun, as I have said, was killed by 
Ishhn Khan in 1627. 

In 1635 we find Ishim Khan at war vrith Baatur Khungtaidshi of the 
Sungars, a war which ended disastrously for the Kazaks. Yangir or 
Yehangir Sultan, the son of Ishim, who commanded his troi^s, was 
captured.} This is die last mention I can find of Ishim Khan, and he 
probably died about this time. 


I have mentioned how Yehangir was made prisoner by Baatur. We 
are told that having recovered his freedom, he molested the Kalmyks 
with continual attacks, and at length Baatur the Sungar chief, in the 
summer of 1643, marched against him with fifty diousand men, and 
carried ofi" the two tribes of Alat Kirghiz and Tokmani (<>., the people 
of Alatau and Togmak). Yehangir had only six hundred men with him, 
but he posted them well, dug some trenches between the hills, and 
when the Kahnuks attacked him fell on them in rear, and his fire- 
arms created such a panic that they lost ten thousand men killed!! 
Yehangir was soon after joined by another Tartar prince named 
Yalantush with twenty thousand men, and BsCatur thought it prudent to 
retire. I In 1644 Baatur again summoned his people, and again resolved 
to fight the Kazaks, but the Khoshote Kundelung Taishi, who was a 
friend of Yehangir, intervened, and the strife was apparently postponed.^ 
This is the last mention I can find of Yehangir, who according to 
Levchine lived, Iflce his forefathers, at Turkestan.^ 


Yehangir was succeeded by his son Tiavka, who b one of the most 
famous of the Kazak Khans. Levchine grows rhetorical in speaking 
of him and the veneration in which he is held by his compatriots. 

I ■ I I I ■ II I !■ 

« Yd. Zmu, U. S99. Mi.^SJA' I PMCher. Sib. G«s., SoS^io. | Vid$ itmU, v«| u 611 619. 
I Piicher, SIb. Get., 608-6x0. 5 FiKbcr, op, dt, 610, 6ix. ** Opk cit., 149. 


According to him he was the Lycmgas and Draco of the Kaiakt. He 
introduced peace among them and put an end to the quarreis of their 
dans. His sagacity and equity gained him great influence. He united 
the weak tribes witn one another, and compelled the strong ones to 
respect them. It is to him that may most reasonably be traced the 
division of the Kazaks into three hordes. These were at first probably 
merely administrative divisions. It may be that as such they were of 
very old date, for we find the Oghuz Turks, from whom the Kasaks are 
in fact descended, divided into three similar sections^ but Tia^ca seems 
to have given them theii present oiganisation. He appointed three vice- 
ger^ts to control their affairs, Tiul for the Great Hofde, Kazbek for the 
Middle Horde, and Aitiak for the Litde one. But during his reign the 
Kaiaks remained a tolerably homogeneous race and directly subject to 
him, as they had been to his ancestors. He reigned like them at 
Turkestan.* Muhammed Amin tells us that in the year 1688 Subhan 
kuli, son of Imaum kuli, sent two of his officers to Tashkend to interview 
and n^otiate with the Kazak Khan Tiavka.t This shows that the 
Kazaks were still supreme at Tashkend. Tiavka spent all his life in 
fighting the Kalmuks. In 1698, at the b^inning of his reign, we find 
the Sungar chief Tse wang Arabian writing to the Chinese Emperor 
and giving him the reasons for his strife with the Kazaks. How Galdan, 
having captured the son of Tiavkaj had sent him to the Dahu Lama, 
whereupon Tiavka had asked him (Tse wang Arabtan) to intercede with 
the Dalai Lama on his behalf. That he had done so, and sent TIavka's 
sen to his father escorted by five hundred men, who had basely put them 
to death, tc^ether with a Sungar grandee, with his wife^ children, and 
peo|^, appropriating one hundred kibitkas to himselC This was in the 
district of Hutiyan han (? the Ulugh Tagh range^ which was apparently 
at this time the camping ground of some of tiie Kalmuks), how he 
had further waylaid the son of the Totgut chief Ayuka, who was going 
to him with his sister ; and, lastly, how he had pillaged a Russian 
caravan which was returning home again after visiting his country} 
This war was very disastrous for the Kazaks. They were very hard 
pressed and driven from their old quarters, and laigdy disintegraied. In 
the later years of Tiavka his authority seems to have grown weaker, and 
the administrative officers he put over the hordes began to assert them- 
selves in a more independent fiashion, and it is from this time that I date 
the division of the Kazaks into three more or less independent and 
substantive hordes, governed by their own princes. Of the three 
divisions the Middle Horde was the most powerfiil and numerous, and 
was the direct heir of the White Horde^ w th whose line of princes its 
rulers was continuous^ and I shall therefore begin the separate histories 
with that of the Middle Horde. 

* Uvcktet. 149. tVeLZ«rB,U. Nott, s> I Anie, I 64M, y%i.Z%m^lL Not«,S3. 



In 1718, when he was evidently driven to gieat straits, we find Tiavka 
(or Tend, as MuUer calU him), Khaip, and Abulkhair, who are aU styled 
Khan, appealing to Prince Matthew Petroviu Gagarin, the governor 
of Siberia, offering to put themselves under Russian pcotection, no 
doubt in the hopes of receiving assistance against the KaUnuks.* 
Tiavka died about the year 1718. 

The Middle Horde 


In Levchine*s genealogical table Tiavka*s son is called Bulat Khan. 
The use of this title Khan shows that he actually ruled. Now it is 
strange that his name does not occur, so far as I know, elsewhere^ nor is 
it known to the Russian chroniclers. On the other hand, they mentioa 
at this time or shortly after a Shemiaka Khan, who was the ruler of dM 
Middle Horde, and who is made the immediate predecessor of Abul 
Makhmet. Now Abul Makhmet was the son of Bulat Khan according 
to Levchin^s table, and this Shemiaka, who was so fiunous, does not 
occur in that table at alL These facts have driven me to the conclusion 
that Bulat Khan and Shemiaka were in fiict synonyms for the same 
person. It is a curious fact that one of the Russian princes, who acted 
a very turbulent part in the history of Russia in the fourteenth century^ 
was called Shemiaka. 

We have reached a very critical stage in Kazak history. The terrible 
power of the Sungarian Kalmuks, which was at this time dominating 
over Central Asia, crushed them to powder, and drove them largdy out 
of their old quarters and largely disint^rated them. The Sungarian 
Khan, after inflicting several defeats upon them, had hi 1723 captured 
Turkestan, the old capital of their Khans, and where most of them were 
buried. He had also appropriated Tashkend and Sairam, and reduced 
the Great Horde and a section of the Middle Horde to obediencct The 
greater part of the Middle Horde retired towards Samarkand, part of the 
Great Horde and a small section of the Middle towards Khojend, and 
the Little one to Bukhara and Khiva. Famine and want pursued the 
unhappy fugitives. 

These disasters pieced up for a while their internal quarrels, and it was 
determined at a general assembly to make a united efibrt to eject their 
enemies from the old Kazak country. Abulkhair, the chief of the Little 
Horde, who will occupy us at some length presentlyi was appointed 
generalissimo, and a white horse was sacrificed as a gauge of mutual 
fiddity. They thereupon advanced against their old enemieS| and 

* MiUtTi SamU HitU Nacb., ir. aS4- Vd. ZmimI; 0. Notf,S3* t Levduoc, xsi, tst. 


defeated them in several encountersi but afraid that the Sungar chief 
would exact terrible vei^itance upon them, they determined finally to 
withdraw from their old land. The Great Horde alone remained 
behind. The Little Horde advanced westwards, driving before it the 
Kalmuks of the Volga, and settled down between the Yemba and the Ural 
or Jaik, while the Middle Horde went northward as fiur as the rivers Ori 
and Ui, whence they ejected a large number of Bashkirs. This invited 
and in fact secured ample reprisals in after days, and the dispossessed 
Bashkirs, with the Cossacks of the Ural, formed a continual thorn in the 
flank of the Kazaks ; and in view of the many dangers whkh surrounded 
them, the latter determined to submit to Russia. We accordingly find 
that in 1733 Shemiaka took the oath of allegiance to the Empress. This 
was apparently resented by his people, and disturbances broke out in the 
Middle Horde.*^ They attacked the Bashkirs unsuccessfully, and after- 
wards repeated the venture with sunilar results. This second raid was 
led by Shemiaka, notwithstanding the oath he had sworn to the 
Rusttans,t but he aftenvards sent envoys to apologise for his beliaviour.t 
At thb'time Abulkhair of the Little Horde, who was the most important 
of the Kazak chiefs, seems to have used his influence to induce the 
Middle Horde to submit to Russia, and in the year 1734 Kirilof, the 
Russian frontier commander, was intrusted with patents of investiture 
for Shemiaka. These were not presented as he in the meantime died. 
The document is still extant, and has been translated by Levchine. It 
was addressed by Anne, the Empress and autocratrix of all the Russias, 
&c., ^ to our subject Shemiaka Khan and the dders and army of the 
Kirghiz Kazaks of the Middle Horde.** It recited his recent oath and 
backslidings, and oftered him pardon.! 


Levchine says that on the death of Shemiaka the Middle Horde was 
ruled by Abul MakhmeC and Ablai. The latter did not become Khan, 
however, till much later. Abul Makhmet was, according to the first of 
his genealogical tables, tlie son of the Pulad Khan (that is in my view of 
Shemiaka), and he there says that he submitted to Russia in 173a Ablai 
win occupy us fiirther later on. When Tatischef was appointed governor 
of Orenburgh,intheplaceof Kirik^in 1737, he sent a sumflsons to Abul 
Makhmet Khan and Ablai to go and meet him at Orenbuigh. They did 
not obey this summons, and on the return of the envoy, in August, 1738, 
explained that it was because they lived a long way off on the river 
Irtish, but that they wouM go the following spring and duly swear iealty.| 

170, t/4ni7r< I/ii|X8o. f A/., i8o» x8i. 1/^^,189. 


This did not come about, however, for Tatischef was recalled in the 
beginning of 1 739 and replaced by Prince Umssof. Hitherto the Middle 
Horde had not apparently elected a definite Khan, but Abul Makhmet 
at this time acquired that position, and a feud arose between hhn and 
Abulkhair of the Little Horde, who claimed some land of suzerainty over 
him. In 1740 Abu) Makhmet Khan, accompanied by Abiai Sultan, and 
by many chiefs, elders, and ordinary Kazaks of the Middle Horde, 
arrived at Orenbuigh, and had an interview with Prince Urussof, by 
whom they were received with the same honours as he had previously 
received Abulkhair. They presented courteous letters of submission, 
which were read out by an interpreter, after which Abul Makhmet and 
Ablai knelt down on a piece of gdklen tissue and swore fealty They 
kissed the koran, put it on their heads, and attached their tamghas or 
seals to the documents containing the oath. One hundred and twenty 
eight grandees of the Middle Horde took a similar oath in an adjoining 
tent, and the commonalty out of doors, and the ceremony was followed 
by a feast, the firing of salvoes of artillery, &c The following day an 
interview took place between them and the Russian commander, at 
which he urged upon them that they should protect the Russian caravans 
traversing their country, endeavour to restore the things which had been 
pilli^:ed by the Great Hcvde from Miiller's caravan {^uide in/ra\ 
and endeavour to restore peace between the Kazaks and the Volga 
Kalmuks. These requests were hardly in the power of the two chiefs to 
comply with. The plunder of caravans was too old a perquisite of the 
Kazaks to be given up at the instance of their chiefs, while the>' had no 
authority near the Volga, where the disputes with the Kalmuks chiefly 
arose. Abulkhair's two sons Nuralt and Erali happened to be at 
Orenburgh at the same time as the chiefs of the Middle Horde, but they 
refused to meet them, and took their departure hastily, for fear of being 
imprisoned at the instance of Abul Makhmet* 

In 1 741 Karasakal (1./., Blackbeard), the leader of the rebellious 
Bashkirs, sought refuge among the Kazaks, and led a plundering band of 
the lauer (doubUess of the Middle Horde) against the Sungars, who 
pursued them, ravaging the Kazak encampments they met with rn route. 
They were stopped by a message of Prince Urussof, who warned them 
not to disturb the peace which subsisted between their masters and the 
Russians. They protested they did not know the Kazaks were Russian 
subiects, and did not seem to understand the diplomatic language of the 
prince, who told them to remit their complaints against the Kazaks to 
St Petersburg, and not to take the law into their own hands.t 

Abul Mald^met now wrote to ask the Russians to build a strong 
tortress hi his country.! The Kazaks continued to molest the Hungarian 
frontiers, and in 1741 the Sungar chief Galdan Chereng sent two armies 

•Id., i»o.i9j. t /rf., ,93. ,^ » /rf., ,94. 


to punish Uid Middle and the Little Hovde setpeetivdy. The vesolt 
of this was that Ahlai was captured and carried off as a prisoner, 
and in 1742 we find the Rnssian Major MiUler being despa t ched 
to Galdan Chereng to negotiate his snneader. Abul Makhmet was 
sUso constrained to send the Sungar chief an embassy and to give up his 
own son to him as a hostage.* The Russian authorities now protested 
agamst this intercourse, and objected strongly to their new cKents the 
Kaxaks having direct n^fotlations with the Kahnuks, and undenook to 
restrain their raids, but the Sungars, who knew their neighbours well, 
refused to rely on Kasak promisesy and insisted upon hostages.! Abul 
Makhmet was warned to restrain his people. The latter was an ol^ect of 
jealousy to Abulkhair of the Little Horde, who sent him word when he 
was on his way to Orenburgh that the Russians meant to detain him. 
This caused his speedy return home, but Nepluief^ the border Russian 
commander, having sent the interpreter Ura^in to him, he willingly took 
the oath of all^ajice to the Empress Elizabeth. It would seem that at 
this time a large number of the Kazaks of the Middle Horde obeyed 
Borrak, the son of Tursun Khan, and he was even styled Khan. He 
took the oath of allegiance at the same time as Abul Makhmet A letter 
and a golden sabre were presented to him in 1743, but he was indignant 
that these presents were sent him by only aaimple messenger and not an 
envoy, and he returned them with a rude answer. In 174a Ablai Sidtan 
was released by the Sungars, at the instance of the Russian officer 

In 1744 the Sungars made a demonstratkm towards the Rnssian 
frontiers in Siberia. Abul Makhmet and bis people retired towards 
Turkestan, and sought a closer alliance with CakUn Chereng, who still 
kept his son as a hostage, and torn whom he hoped to get a grant of the 
town of Turkestan itsdf, which was then in his handa.| Boncak Sultan 
had also sunendered his son at a hostage to the Soagar% and Intr^ued 
busily to win over the grandees of the Middle Horde to his side. But the 
oid hatred of the Kahnuks and the Kazaks was so great that there can 
be small doubt that if war had brdcen out between the former and the 
RttssianSi the Kazaks would have been found on the side of the latto* ; 
but this war did not take place;, the Sungars in fret returned honewardc. 
Vie then find the Middle Horde, after an estnmi^ment of two years, 
once more drawing near the Russian frontier, and both Abd Makhmet 
and Borrak renewing their oath of al^G^ance.1 In 1746 the Sugars 
made a raid on the Kazaks, and carried off many horses. The same year 
their chief Galdan Chereng died. 

In 1748 Abulkhair of the Uttle Horde was defeated by Bomk, as I 
shall describe later on. He afterwards pillaged the Karakalpaks^ who 

S4$ HI8TWY or THB 1I01I00L& 


weie s«tj«ctt of Rossla, and fearing tbe latter's vtngeanoe, witlidrew 
easlwaidi and oocnpied the towns of Ikan, Otrar, and Sighnak, where he 
pitched his camp, but the following year he and his two sons were 
poisoned while living with a khoja. This was iq>psrently by eider of the 
Sttngars, to whom Nnraliy the son of Abnlkhair, had complained of his 
father's murder.* At this time the greater part of the sohans and chiefs 
of the Middle Horde had given host^EOS to the Stmgars, who bcfgan to 
5^iafiyi tliit branch of the Kazaks as thdr siifajectSyt and we find its Khan 
Abal Makhmet retiring to Turkestani where he lived until his death.t 
His authority in^ the larger part of the horde, however, seems to have 
been lost, and AUai succeeded as iu difaOo ruler. 


On the withdrawal of Abul Makhmet, Sultan Kuchuk, brother of 
Bonakf was non^nated as their chief by some dans of the Middle Horde, 
but his appointment was not confirmed by the Russians, and he leaned for 
support on the Sungars. Ablai, whose genealogy has not been preserved 
in full, but who was probably descended from Shigai Khan, followed a 
different policy. As most of lus people lived close to the frontier of the 
the Russians, he naturally drew nearer to them. This was hastened by 
a defeat sustained by the Middle Horde at the Ulugh Tagh mount^uns 
lni7SionthepartoftheSungars.| In 1754 they were again so pressed 
by thq latter people that many of them asked permission firom the 
Russians to allow their wives and children to take shelter widiin their 
lines and to give them lands on the firontier, which they promised 
to till and to bdld villages there.| A number of them were allowed to 
Kttle near the lines of Uisk, whQe permission was given others to retne 
in case of necessity behind the lines on giving suitable hostages; but 
aixmt Uiis ttme^ as I showed in the former volume, the Sungar empire 
was entirdy destroyed.^^ 

Ablai took a prominent part in the revolutions which broi^t about 
this end. The downfeU of the enqpire, as I have shown, was diiefly 
fy^ fffii \pf the quarrel between Amursana and Tawatsi.^ The former 
having been put on the throne by the Chinese, afterwards rebdled, and a 
huge Ounese army was sent against He thereupon took refuge 
wi& the KasakSy whose Khan Ablai fomished him with horMs and 
an escort, hoodwinked die Chinese generals as to his whereabouts ;tt 
and having promised to arrest him, excused lumself on the groundihat 
he had slipped through his hands and found refi:^ among the 

^ UL^tiu tiii.,iu. I/W^«22S. SU^9ai. \Ji^txj. t^«l«,L €51.694* 
••^ii</,i.65X,«5a. tt it»<», L «5S. 11 Memototi wr U CWao, 3JI, S5«. N#t«. 

^H^nVH^ Note 


The Chinese general Taltanga ptuBued him Into the Kasak conntryi 
idiere he allowed himself to be beguiled by the promiaet of the Kasaks, 
and halted a while. This conduct disgusted the Mongol and Mandm 
soldiery who were with himy and many of them abandoned hiniy and ha 
was consequently constrained to retire. Hold« one of his bfwrest 
generals, wais killed, and the same &te seems to have overtaken Nima, 
Payar, Sila, MangaHk, and odier Kalmnk diiefii who had taken part 
against Amutsana.* Fresh annies were thsrenpon prepared by the 
Oif>ffff ^ snct denatched under the genenls Fnte a nd Chao hoeL The 
former was sent iato the coimtry of the Kasaki. He ponished severdy 
those tribes who dared to resist^ subdued the rest, and captured many 
prisoners, the chief of whom were sent to Pdui^ and there ea ecut e d for 
having been false to their allegianoe.t 

According to Levchme^ when the Chinese aims began to be succeasftil 
Ablai fidcd with them and helped them to subdue the 8ungars,and 
afterwards acknowledged himself a vassal of the Qifaiese Emperor Kien 
lung, who sent him a patent as prince and a calendar reciting the 
conditions on wliich he was accepted as a subjecti It was in 1756 that 
he first recmed ov ertures horn the Chinese, and die following year ha 
was approached by an envoy who wished his horde to declare itsdf 
subject to China; but to tins he demurred, his relations with Rusda 
making it dangerous for him to openly change his aOegianoe in tins 
&shton, and his crafty policy mging him to play off one of his powerful 
neq;iibours against the odier. 

In 1758 a part of the Middle Horde made a rakl on the Russian 
firontiers, and carried off two hundsed and twenty Tartars from the 
district of Kttsnetz, who were known as Dvoedantzy (/./., those who paid a 
6oMt tributeXiHuch name is explained by the hd that, being borderers 
both of the Sungars and Rnssiatts, they had to pay tribute to both. The 
other portion (^ te Blkldle Horde migrated eastwards, and occopieda 
part of the country formerly hdd by the Sungars.! 

Whik we find the Chinese In^ecial authorities inso^Mng Ablai in the 
fist of thek tributary princes, we read how the latter wrote to the Rttssmns 
to inform them that his submissioa to the Chinese was invohmtary, 
and that he was ready to fight agmnst them when thought necessary. 
He was rewarded accordini^y with iSbft Empress's praises and the gift of 
a predotts sahre.i Hillierto it wmdd seem Uiat Ablai continued to be 
Styled Sidlan, but a hofe part of the MiddDe Horde now began to 
give him the tide of Khan, and he began to adopt the style himaelf 
without the authoiisatkm of the Rnsshms. The latter were not p le ased 
at this, as they looked upon the Middk Horde as their sobjeeta. 
They approached him cKplomartcally to induce him to appfy for At 

OTfbtaCldat,ftc^i.SSaH99S. fAUSfi' Hm»i9, 1 Op. cUm SUb ^fa. 

%hL,m^ |/<«^4S- 


dignity, and to sare&dftr oi$ son at a hostai^e, as Niirali of the Little 
Horde had done, and he was granted a doaceor in the duq>e d a» 
annual pension. These adtances were coldly received hy Ablal Thfr 
Russians at the same time learnt that Abul Makhmet was stiU liring.* 
In 1760 the Kaxaks of the Middle Horde attacked the Burata or Wikl 
Kifghise% and severdy punished them* They also committed somft 
ravages in Suagaria. The Chinese complained to AUai of tUs, 
and sent an army to compel restitution. This frightened die Kasak% 
who not only behaved suhmissivdy to the Chinesci but also letunied to 
the Russians a number of Bashkirs and Barabinski Tartars whom they 
had carried off as prisQiiers.t 

The policy of A» Russians was to detach Ablai ftom his dependeace 
on China, and in 1762 orders were issued to distribute presents among' 
hia grandees, to build stables and cart-sheds near the frontier, while 
a small palace with diops roond it and endosed by a rampart was 
ordered to be built for the Khan himsdf. This was apparently erected 
opposite tbt fort of Petropattlofiik.t On the accession of the Emptest 
Catherine II., Ablai, and Aichuvak with NuraHof the Little Horde, took 
the oath of aUegiaacek He still remained dependent on the Chinese, 
however, so thai he leaned on both empirts. 

Meanwhye the CUnese con tin ued their victorious course, and now 
assaikd the districts of IQiokaad and Tas h kend, whose rulers appealed 
10 Ahmed, the ruler (^ the A^i^ums, as a good Mussulman, to go to 
the assistance of his co-religionists. He was also appealed to by 
the people of Kashgar, Yarkand, te., and be accordingly sent a con- 
siderable army, whidi entered into a parley with the Chinese between 
Tashkend and Khokand. Meanwhile a sort of jehad or holy war was 
preached, and the neighbouiing Mns sul m a n powers received invitations 
to go and help them. Abul Makhmet, as l^itimate sovereign of the 
Middle Horde^ recdved such an invitation, but as he no longer had any 
authority among the Kasdcs, In sent on the invitation to Ablai. Mean 
while the Chinese had sent the latter a diploma and given him 
permission to settle on the river Ili, promising him thdr protection, while 
they took his foher-in-law Sultan Ahmed and some grandees and thdr 
children as hostages.1 This^ it would seem, prevented him joining the 
Muhammedan league. The Russians now ordered a small town to be 
built on the river KoldiaUi, to be a kind of rendesvous to the Kasaks, 
and in 1764 the fort of Scmipalatinsk was constituted an entrepot of 
trade for them. Thb was at the instanoe of AbuUds (son of the Khan 
Abul Makhmet, and brother of PuUd Khan of Turkestan), who was the 
diief of the Nafanans, the most powerfol tribe of die Middle Horde. He 
Uved in Sungaria, and was more or less dependent on the Chinese. His 
request tiiat the people might be aBowed to trade at Scmipalatinsk was 


immediatdy granted.* Al^ at the same time asked the Rustiant to 
send him ten cultivators to teach his people agriculture. This also was 
granted on his giving hostages for their safety. 

We now (>>., 1770) reach the period of the famous flight of the Toiiguts, 
which occupied us in our former volume. The passage of the KaUnuks 
across the lands of their ancient enemies the Kazaks was an opportunity 
the latter were not likely to neglect, and as they were duly warned and 
incited by the Russians, their policy was safe as well as profitable. Ablai 
and his people inflicted severe losses on them, as did Sultan AbulfeiSf 
and their united forces captured a large number of prisoners from them-t 

In 1775 some chiefs of the Middle Horde, including Abulfeix, together 
with the son and nephew of Ablai, went to the Russian autiuNities on the 
Siberian frontier and asked to be admitted as Russian subjects. This was 
apparently a move to secure annual pensions and gifts, and was not 
reciprocated by the Russian authorities, who relied that the Kasaka 
were already subjects of Russia.) 

Aldai, by his sagacity and experience, had become very poweiluL He 
played his cards wdl between Giina and Russia, with a leaning towards 
tbe former power, whose language he is said to have sp<dee&. After the 
year 1771 he openly adopted the style of Khan, aad we find SuUaa Dair, 
son of Borrak, protesting to the Orenburg^ atidiorkies against his doing 
so.i On bdng asked by the Russians how be had acquired the title of Khan 
he replied proudly, he had done so by his victories over the Tofguts, and 
after the death of Abul Makhmet by the suffrages <^ the Kazaks and of 
tbe people of Turkestan and Tashkend, and added that, like his prede- 
cessors, he wished to live at Turkestan, near the tomb of Khoja Akhmed, 
who was looked upon by the Kazaks as their gvei^est saint. The 
Russians pressed him to ask for the title, and he promised to do so^ and 
also to sand his son Tngum to the court with the request, and in 1777 
Togum went to St Petersburg with a letter asking for die dignity of 
Khan on bdialf of his ftrthen He was well received there, and on the 
aand of October, 1778, a diploma constituting him Khan was sent to 
Orenbuigh with a state-pdisse, a sabre, and cap. He was invited to 
go to TrcHtsk, or some post in Siberia to receive them. This he refused 
to do, and the oadi of allegiance was sworn at his camp in the 
presence of a Russian officer. As he did not wish to ofiend the Chinese, 
he would not accept the presents the Empress sent him, which were 
detained at the fort of Petropanlofsk, close to his usual residence, and as 
the Russisns refused to assist him against the Buruts, he in turn refused 
to restore the Russian prisoners in his hands, and the Turkomans who 
had been carried off by the Torguts and left behind in his country. The 
Russians, mnch irritated, withdrew the pension they paid him and incited 
sone sultans agadnst him. They also had a design to carry him off to 

•/il..94>- ^Id^m- t/d*,iS$. «/4.,a«o. 


Russia, but this he frustrated, and we find him carrying on a successful 
campaign against the Buruts and then retiring to Turkestan. He also 
built a house surrounded with a rampart for his son Hadil on the river 
Talas, and at the instance of the Kazaks of the Great Horde, who were 
subject to him, he founded a small town dose by, which he peopled with 
Karakalpaks, who were practised in agriculture. The Buruts whom he 
captured he transported to the north of the country of the Middle Horde, 
where Levchine says they continued to live in his day, and were known 
as Jany or Yany Kirghiz (<>., the New Kirghiz). In 1781 he returned 
towards the Russian frontier, but died on the way at the age of seventy. 
He was buried at Turkestan. When the news reached Peking the 
Chinese sent an officer, who assembled his ^unily and performed a 
stately funeral service in itB presence.* 


According to tradition, after the death of Ablai the southern portioa 
of the Middle Horde suffered a terrible revene at the hands of the Great 
Horde, which carried off a great quantity of cattle, a disaster which was 
revenged by subsequent reprisals. The northern part of the horde chose 
Vali, the son of Ablai, as Khan, who asked for a confirmation of his 
dignity from the Russians. This was granted, and in 1783 he was 
proclaimed Khan of the Middle Horde by the lieotenant-general Jacobs 
at Petropaulofsk with the usual ceremonies. 

Meanwhile the Naimans elected another chief, and he was confirmed 
by the Chinese authorities. Abulfeiz, the son of Abul Makhmet, died in 
17S3, leaving a son named Bnpu and a son-in-law, namely the Khaa 
Khoja, son of Borrak. These two princes eadi daimed the succession, 
and thus divided the allegiance of the Naimans. The majority sided 
with Khoja, and to him the Chinese Emperor sent a diploma. 

With the exception of Vali, none of the other relatives of Ablai had 
intercourse with Russia, but leaned rather upon China. One of his 
brothers named Jingis levied an army in the steppes in 1784, and with it 
quelled a revolt in Tashkend. Another named Sultan Tiz is famous from 
his animosity to the Buruts, against whom the various Kazaks who lived 
on the Chinese frontier, and who inherited the feud from Ablai, carried 
on a fierce war. The Buruts are a warlike race. They defeated the 
Chinese more than once. Sultan Tiz was also beaten and captured 
by them, and had to surrender some id his slaves. The Elder Berdi 
Khojai who governed part of the Middle Horde <m the Chinese 
firontier, fought frequently against the Buruts and defeated them. In 
17$$ he won a signal victory over them, but this was his last This was 

*/ifn statics. 


on the banks of the Aiagut, and when acting av an auxiliary to the 
Chinese. Enconniged by his success, he advanced with a small body of 
men and halted for reinfi>rcements on the Yidisse. The Bnruts surprised 
him there during the night and captured him. Knowing his captors 
wellf and feeling how little he had to expect from them, he killed one of 
the fiuruts who was escorting him. The rest of the party set upon him, 
decapitated him, cut ofT his feet and hands, slit open his stomach, and 
placed these grim trophies inside his body. Ak kiak, the brother of 
Berdi Kho|a, and his sons Lepes and Chdka had a successful fight 
subsequently with the BurutSt <^ captured their duefs son. They took 
him home with them to their aul, where he was set upon by the wives of 
IBerdi Khoja, and he died under their blows.* 

In 1786 the Russian authorities determined to reinstate the dignity of 
Khan in the Little Horde(where it had been in abeyance for some time), 
in £svour of Nurali, the son of Abulkhair, and we are told he was 
largely supported by the most powerful chie£i of the Middle Horde, 
among whom the Sultan Khudai Mendi held a prominent place for 
power and resouroes.t He was also supported by Vali Khan.^ In 1786 
Khudai Mendi asked for a grant of land on the frontier. This was 
conceded, and he was also given a present of some money.) 

Meanwhile peace and tranquillity reigned in the northern portion of the 
Middle Horde. Having as its neighbours the closely allied tribes of the 
(keat and Little Hord^ the Russians, and the inhabitants <^ the Khanates 
ei Tashkend and Twkestan, who were not very warlike, these Kaiaks 
had no predatory neighbours except the Bashldrs, who bordered upon 
them near Troitsk, and the Buruts at the other extremity of their country. 
Their position was therefore much more favourable than those of the 
Great and Little Hordes. This led to the people being more settledf 
more dvilised, and more amenable to their princes than in the Great and 
Little Hordes, a position strengthened by the long reign of AblaL Vali| 
his son, retained a laige measure <^ his father's authority, although he 
was not so conciliatory to the Russions as they wished. He refused to 
surrender the Turkomans already mentioned, who had been carried off 
from Astrtkhea by the Kalmuks, and he persecuted the elders who sided 
with the Russons, and in 1789 a large number of his subjecu passed 
into Russia withTugum, asultan of the Great Horde, and received a grant 
oflandsnearthefortofUstKamenogorsk.1 In 1793 the Turkomans who 
had been detained^ were released by a Russian detachment sent by 
General Strandmant the commander of the Siberian line. Vali com- 
plained of this to the Empress, and was told to go to St Petersburg with 
his grievances; but this he deemed imprudent, and on the death of his 
brother Jingis, which followed shortly afler, he laid on him the blame of 

1 J4» tS4» iM. f ^<^ «iff.«49- 


hit tortooas conduct,* but he contiaued to have intercourse with the 
Qiinese Emperor, to whom he, in. the winter of 1794-5, sent his son to 
offer him his submission. He also oppressed his own people, and in 
coniequehce in 1795 two sultans, nineteen elders, and 43,360 of his 
followers, with 79,000 other Kazaks, sent to ask the Empress to deliver 
them from the power of Vali, and to accept them as Russian subjects* 
The opportune repentan e of the Khan induced the authorities to lock 
coldly on this proposal Meanwhile the section of the Middle Horde 
bordering on the Bashkirs made, in 1795, a raid on the districts,of Chelia- 
binsk and Verkhni Uralsk, and conmiitted depredations in revenge for 
the previous attacks by the Bashkirs. 

In 1798 a tribunal for the settlement of Kazak disputes, composed 
of Russians and Kazaks, was founded at Petropaulofsk, but it did not 
begin its real labours till 1806. Vali continued to reign for some years 
longer, and died in 18 18. In his later years his authority was disputed 
by several other chiefs, and at the request of the Kazaks themselves, the 
Emperor Alexander in 18 16 nominated Bukei, the son of Borrak, as a 
second Khan of the horde. He also died in 18 18. With him ended the 
dignity of Khan in the Middle Horde,t which now became entirely 
subject to Russia and controlled by a special administration. 

Thf Little Horde. 


We have seen how on the death of Tiavka Khan the power of the 
Kazaks became much disintegrated. It was then apparently that the 
three divisions of the race became separated from one another, and each 
began to have a substantive history of its own. We will now turn to 
that of the so-called Little Horde. 

The princes of the Little Horde were descended from Uziak Sultan, 
the brother of Yadik Khan, both of whom were sons, as I have shown, of 
Janibq^ Khan. Uziak's son, according to the information furnished to 
Levchine by Tevkelef, was Buliakai Kuyan, whose son was Aichuvak, 
whose son was Irish, whose son was Adia. Adia and Tiavka Khan were 
descended by equal steps from their common ancestor Janibeg Khan, 
and I believe he was the same person who, according to Levchine^ was 
nominated as the administrator of the Little Horde by Tiavka, and was 
by him called Aitiak.t The son of Adia was Abulkhair, who is men- 
tioned for the first time in 1717, when with Tiavka and Kaip he sent to 
Russia to ask assistance agamst the Kalmuks.§ On the death of Tiavka 
he had a struggle for supremacy with Kaip. Kiap was the son of SulUn 

*/<^..a9S« XldnHVr- J Op. eit., !«. (M*. iS«* 


Kosre^ the •on of Suluo Syrdak, the ton of another SuUan Syrdak, the 
son of Ithlm Khan^ and as refMresenting the Cunily of Yadik^ doubdess 
resented the inferior pretensions of Abulkhairi who was descended from 
the tatter's brodier Uziak. Abulkhair in 1717 came into conflict with 
the RassianSy and made an incursion into the jnovince of Kaian as for 
as NoTOsheshminsk, which he destroyed^ and where he captured many 
prisoners.* The continual attacks of his Kazaks at length aroused their 
neighbours, and we are told the Kalmuks drove them out of Turkestan^ 
Tashkend, and Sairam in 1723. According to Neplouief and Rytschkof, 
Abulkhair lived at Turkestan until I733,t and it would appear that he 
was in fact the most powerful of the Kazak rulers at this time. Fading 
that they were being exterminated by their nratual strife^ the various 
Kazak chieft had a general meetmg^ where they agreed to acknowledge 
Abulkhair as their head, and sacrificed a white horse as a gauge of 

future peace4 

They now turned again upon the Kalmuks, and won several victories 
over them, but Tse wang Arabtan was too powerful for them to hope to 
make much impression on him, and the three great sections <^ the race 
separated, as I have mentioned.1 The Little Horde migrated westwards. 
It crossed the Yemba, which was formerly the western limit of the 
Kazaks, drove the Torguts before it, and took possession of the 
country as Cur as the Jaik.| This naturally aroused die Torguts against 
them, and they were also speedily at issue with the Cossacks of the UraL 
In 1716 we find that a Kazak envoy named Kaibakar was deputed 
by the elders Sungur, Yedikbey, Khajibey, Tiak-Kulibey, kc^ to ask the 
protection of Russia. They were not very important chie£i apparently, 
and we certainly miss the name of Abulkhair Khan. This n^Qtiation 
came to nothing.^ At length Abulkhair was satisfied that the best 
policy was to submit to Russia himself, and although the greater part of 
his people disapproved of it, he in 1730 sent certain envoys escorted by 
die Badikir chief Aldara to Buturb'n, the voivode of Ufa, with a letter 
tendering his obedience. They arrived at Ufii in July, 1730, and 
were sent on to St Petersburg. In his letter he gave his reasons for 
die step he had taken. He set out the difficultiM he had with his 
ne^bours, the Kahnuks, the Bashkirs, and the Cossacks of the Ural, 
and promised to help Russia against its enemies. He asked for troops 
to help him to subdue the Khivans, Karakalpaks, and Aralians, and 
finally acknowledged himself and his people as subjects of Russia. 
Abulkhair's envoys were well received, and their arrival caused con- 
siderable rejoicings at St. Petersburg, since Russia had acquired a 
number of new subjects without striking a blow, while there was a 
promise that the unruly Bashkirs would now have a thorn in their side, 

* UnUsa. isi* Ud,,i5i, Note,i. t ^d,, tsi, 15%. iAnU,64$ ' 


and the raler of Khivay who had to lately killed Prince Bekovitch 
Gierfcasld and his companions^ would be duly punished. They returned 
to their master with a letter from the Empress Anne accepting his 
fubmisfioni and promiaing him the aid and protection which he asked. 
With them went the murza Tevkele^ interpreter in the C6Qegd of Foreq;n 
Affiursy some notables from U£l^ Bashkirs, and Russian Cossado. They 
were also accompanied by two engineer officers charged with making a 
map of the Kaiak country.* Meanwhile the news <^then^otiation was by 
no means welcome at the horde^ and the Russian officers on arriving there 
were treated with some contumely. Tevkelef would probably have been 
killed but for his doquence and the fact that he was a Mussuhnan, and also 
for the intervention of the Khan, who was himself assailed, and asked by 
what right he had entered into communication with foreign powers and 
pledged the obedience of the hoAle without its consent. The eloquence 
of Tevkelef and the counsels of the renowned Bashkir elder Batir Taima 
were apparently urged in vain, and it was decided to sunmion a general 
meeting of the horde to discuss the question of submission. To this 
Tevicelef was invited. Having bought over some <^ the chiefs, he fiiced 
the dangerous meeting, which was presided over by Abulkhair. His 
language was more than usually persuasive, and he was supported by 
Bukenbey, who was much respected both in the Little and Middle 
Horde. The result was that both Abulkhahr and also Shemiaka Khan of 
the Middle Horde took the oath of allegiance to Russia. This took place 
in 1732, and soon after Tevkelef sent off his suite to rqKNt the result of 
his mission, while he himself stayed with Abulkhair. This result was not 
so prominng as it seemed. He had secured the chieft, but the sturdier 
spirits among the commonalty, whose heritage of freedom was of very 
old date, chafed at what they deemed a modified servitude, and the 
hands of Shemiaka Khan of the Middle Horde^ who was more inde* 
pendent, were strengthened. Abulkhair at length left his more turbulent 
subjects in the desert, and with the remainder fixed his camp at the 
mouth of the Sir or Jazartes, where he subdued the Karakalpaks and 
brought them also under the protection of Rusua. 

After this Abulkhair returned once more towards Russia. When 
he reached the frontier he despatched his son Erali Sultan, his step- 
brother Niyas Sultan, some Kasak elders, and Aralbcy and Arasgheldi 
Batir, two elders of the Great Horde, on a mission to the Empress. 
They were accompanied by Tevkde^ and arrived at Ufa in January, 
1733. The Kasak envoys did not reach St Petersburg till the January 
following. They were presented a month later, and Erali on behalf of 
his froher and his people offered submission to Russia. The Empress 
listened graciously, and ordered presents to be distributed amoqg the 
members of the missJon, and they were largely feted during their stay in 


the capitaL Two Kaiaks were sent beck to thank Abnlkhair Ibc die 
pains he had taken to secore the sabmiision of the Middle and the Great 
Horde^ to tdl hhn how well his son had been received, and to bid him 
treat his neighbours and the Karakafpaks wdL Meanwhile negotiations 
continned between Erali and the Russian authorities. The lomer asked 
that the dignity of Khan might be settled upon Abulkhair's fiunily, and 
that the Russians wouM build a fortress at the confluence of the Ori and 
the UraL The latter that Abulkhair would guard the Russian frontiers 
near his own» would convoy and protect the caravans of merchants 
which crossed his country, and would supply, like the Kalmuks and 
Bashkirs, contingents of troops when needed, and pay a tribute or yassak 
of sldns.* These omditions could be more easily promised than carried 
out, for the oonstittttion of the Kasaks was an exceedini^y democratic 
ooe^ and the chic£i had always a very weak hold on their subjects. At 
length the embassy returned, and the famous geographer Kirilof was 
intmsted with the dnty of carrying out the views of the Russian Govern- 
ment He was accompanied by some engineers to build forts, by some 
surveyors to draw mapa^ and by three officers and some artificers and 
sailors to build boats on the rivers ; a mining engineer, some artilleiy 
officers, an historiographer, a botanist, an apothecary, a painter, a doctor, 
some young students to study the language^ Ac. At Kaxan he was 
joined by a r^;iment and some artillery, and at Ufa by a battalion <^ 
in£uitry, Cossacks, &c. Tevkelef was a|^>ointed interpreter, with the 
rank of colonel, and the revenues of Ufa were assigned for the expenses 
of his expedition.t He was ordered to build a town at the mouth 
of the Ori, and to attract inhabitants to it, to deliver letters patent for 
Abulkhair, Shemiaka, the chiefs of the Great Horde and the Kara- 
ka^aks ; to invite these chiefs to meet him, and to persuade those of 
the Middle and Great Horde to swear alliance, to send back Erali well 
escorted to his father, to keep the Kazaks quiet by bribes, and either use 
tenderness or a strong hand, as policy required ; to allow the chiefs to 
build houses and mosques at the new town, and to pasture their cattle 
near it; to assign the river Ural as the frontier, and to forbid the 
Kazaks passing it ; and to appoint a mixed court of Russians and Kazak 
grandees to try disputes, which were to be settled according to the 
custom of the country. After matters had been arranged with the 
Kazaks to despatch a caravan to Bukhara or further, so as to attract 
commerce to Russia, and to send surveyors with the first caravan to draw 
maps ; to make a search for mines, and especially for gold ; to try and 
establish a port on the Sea of Aral, and for this purpose to build some 
boats on the Ural, and to transport them across the steppe in the winter 
with the consent of the Kazaks and the Karakalpaks ; to buy some 
Kazak horses for the cavalry, and to work the mines, if found, except 
' ' ' ■ ■ " ■■ ■ ■ ■ 

* LtTdUiit, 175, 174. 1 1d,, i;6. 


those of gold and sihrtr* KkiloC wts also the beaier of tetters for the 
Khans. He set out from St Pttefsburg with the envoys on the 15th of 

July, 1734. 
In 1734 Abulkhair sent another important embassy to Moscow, at the 

head of which was his son EralL This embassy was sumptuously treated. 
It agreed on the part of the KasiOcs to respect the Russian frontiers, to 
defend the caravans crossing the steppes, to furnish contingents of troops 
when necessary, like the Bashkirs and the Kahnuks, and to pay a yassak 
or tribute of hides. In return the Russians promised to confirm the 
Khanate in the family of Abulkhair^ and to build a fort at the confluence 
of the Ori and the Ural, where the Kasak Khan might take refuge when 
hard pressed. By the advice of Kirilof a body of artisans was sent to 
complete this last work. He was diosen to superintend it, and took with 
him a considerabte body of sokliers, and in 1735 the foundations of the 
city of Orenburg were laid. This colony and the increasing interference of 
the Russians were naturally very jealously regarded by the surrounding 
tribes. When KirQof arrived on the frontier he found the Bashkirs 
in full revolt They had become frightened at the gradual advance 
of Russian settlements, and they determined to oppose his {nroject. 
He, however, reached the moudi of the Ori in safety, and on 
the 15th of August, 1735, ^^^ ^^ foundation of the femous town of 
Orenburg. As soon as the walls arose somewhat, a message was sent to 
Abulkhair to announce to him that one part of his request was fulfilled, 
and asking him with the other chiefs of the horde to go there in the 
spring of 1736, while some Tashkend merchants who had been in Russia 
were sent home with presents and invited to return and traffic at Oren- 
burg. Meanwhite the disturbances continued among the Bashkirs, and 
a number of fresh forts were founded to restrain them, namely, those of 
Guberiinsk and Ozemaia on the Ural, which still remain, and three 
others of less importance on the same river, namely, those of Sredny^ 
Berdskoi, and Krilof. Others were also built on the Samara and in the 
interior of the country of the Bashkirs, afterwards known as the 
Orenburg line, which for a long time marked the Russian frontier. We 
now find the Kasaks under Russian countenance attacking the Kalmuks 
of the Volga. This licence was more easily given than withdrawn, and, 
not satisfied with carrying off a laTge number of prisoners in 1736, they 
made another raid in I737» » which they captured much booty. Kirilof 
was ordered to tell Abulkhair to refrain in fiiture from these attacks, but 
unfortunately he died in April, 1737. At this time a caravan of Russian 
merchants, accompanied by Captain Elton, who afterwards entered the 
service of Nadir Shah of Persia, was about to set out for Tashkend. 
Eltpn was commissioned to report on the navigation of the Sea of Aral, 
and it was also proposed to build a town at the mouth of the Sir or 
Jaxartes, and to people it with criminals. 


Tatischeff the famous Russian historian, was appointed in the place of 
Xirilof. He cdtamenoed his administfation by giving Abulkhair permis- 
sion to waste the lands of the rebdlious Bashkirs, with orders to spare 
those who were peaceable. Abnlkhair*s people did not discriminate, and 
he even v e ntor ed to form the project of putting his son at the head of 
the Bashkirs. He was now ordered to withdraw. Meanwhile his son 
Erali was retained as a hostage at Orenbnrgfa. While Abulkhair was 
plundering the Bashkirs another sectkm of his people molested the 
Kalmuks and carried off some Rnssians as prisoners. Fearing punish- 
ment for -this, Abulkhair ddayed repairing to Orenb ni gh, and did not go 
until he had sent on his fidthfiil friend Bukenbey to reconnoitre the 
state of affairs. Ht at length determined to go, and the interview 
was fixed for August, 1738. A company of dragoons, two sections of 
grenadiers, a military band, and some led horses were sent -out to escort 
him to the town. The road along which he passed was lined with 
troops, while a salvo of nine guns greeted him when he arrived. In the 
tent of audience was placed a portrait of the Empress. He then 
addressed Tatischef: ^Her Majesty the Empress,* he says, ''excels 
other sovereigns as the light of the sun does that of the stars. Although 
she is too distant for me to see her, I feel her beneficent influence in my 
heart, while I deem yon as illumined by her reflected light. I declare 
my submission to her and my obedience as a faithful subject I con* 
gratulate you on your victories over your enemies, and hope you may 
win others in the future. I put myself, my family, and horde under her 
Majesty's protection as under the wing of a powerful eagle, and 
promise an eternal submission, while I extend the hand of friendship 
to yourself great general." After this Tatischef addressed to him a few 
cordial words, and then the oldest of the Muhammedan clergy entered 
the tent with a koran and a piece of gold tissue. On the latter the Khan 
knelt do¥m, and having heard the oath of allegiance read, he kissed the 
book. He was then dedced with a rich sabre with a goklen haft Mean- 
while the dders and commonalty swore similar allegiance to Tevkdef in 
other tents. The ceremony ended with a feast, where the health of the 
Emperor and Empress was drunk amidst salvoes of artillery. The 
following day AbuDchair's wn NuraU arrived, and also took the oath, 
and was presented with a silver-handled sabre. Several mutual visits 
now took place between Abulkhair and Tatischef, and it was agreed that 
Erali Sultan should return to his father, and be replaced as a hostage at 
Orenburgh by his brother Khoja Ahmed. Abulkhair undertook to 
restore all the Russian prisoners at the horde or in its neighbouriiood« 
He also asked that his wife Papai might visit the Imperial court. This 
was partly due to curiosity and partly to tiie hope of getting some rich 
presents. Ho also undertook to protect the Russian caravans, and 
accordingly Ae first one oa iMOid set out under Lieutenant Miiller for 


Tashkend. It traven«l iKe Little and Middle Hordes in safety, but was 
plandered by the Great Horde at two days' journey from Tashkend.* 
Before Abulkhair's departure rich presents were given him and his 

In the spring of 1739 Tatischef returned to St Petersburg, and was 
replaced by Prince Urossofi and the first news he heard on reaching 
Orenbutgh was that two Russian caravans had been pillaged by the 
people of the Little Horde. 

The following year the rebel Bashkir, Karasakal fled beyond the river 
Jaik with his accomplices, and the Khan and sultans refused to surrender 
him. For these reasons, and in order not to meet Abnl Makhmet 
of the Middle Horde, over whom he claimed some suzerainty, Abulkhair 
would not go to meet Prince Urussof, but sent his sons Nurali and 
Erali. They were well received. Seventy-five tiders dined at the prince's 
table, and food and drink were distributed in the open air to the ordinary 
Kazaks. Nurali was accompanied by his governor or atabeg Baatur 
Janibeg, who was also wdl received. They promised to restore the 
merchandise recently c^tured from the caravans and to send back the 
Russian prisoners at the horde. They asked for some cannon to be used 
in a campaign against iChiva^ and that the Russians would build a town 
on the Sir or Jaxartes. In this year Abulkhair became for a short time 
Khan of Khiva, as I shall show in a future chapter. He was accom- 
panied by the surveyor Muravine and the engineer Nazimof, who made 
the first map of the Kazak steppes and the district of Khiva. The 
Russians positively refused, however, to supply Abulkhair with any 
artillery.t In 1740 Abulkhair sent about three thousand Kazaks to 
plunder the Volga Kalmnks. After they had been forced to retire from. 
Khiva by Nadir Sbah,t Abulkhair and Nurali returned once more to the 

We now find the chief of the Sungar Kalmuks, weary of their constant 
attacks, sending two armies, one against the Middle the other against the 
Little Horde. Abulkhair ^plied to Russia for hdp, and received 
permission in case of danger to shelter with his frunily at Orenbargh.| 
This was no great boon, since he lived generally near the mouth 
of the Sir, and in the midst of the Kirghiz steppe, and the Sungars, 
who overran the northern parts of these steppes, could cut him off 
from Orenburgh. We now find the crafty Kazak ruler sending sub- 
missive messages to Galdan Chereng of the Sungars, and offering to 
submit to him, but when the tatter's envoys went to receive hostages he 
moved with them towards Orenburgh, where he had been invited by the 
new governor Nepluief. The latter speedily told the envoys that 
Abulkhair was a subject of Russia, and could not treat with a foreign 
power nor give hostages. The Sungars raised objections to this, and 

•U, 197-199. 1 id,, i9U ir«#A0«,clMptorx. % Id., 19$, 


complained that they wexe constantly being molested by the Kazaks, and 
said they had 'come to treat with Abulkhair and not the Russians, and 
expected him to do what the chiefs of the Great Horde had done^ namely, 
give their master hostages. They had to leaver however, without any 
mcne satisfactory answer, and were accompanied by Miiller^ who had 
commanded the plundered caravan as a Russian envoy. 

In Angost, 1742, Abdkhairi £rali| Baatur Janib^, and other Kazak 
diieft renewed their oath of allegiance to Russia, and Abulkhah- 
promised to desist from molesting the Snngars. He also endeavoured to 
persuade Neploief to accept as a hostage, in lieu of his son Khoja 
Ahmed, another son by a concubine who was named Jingis, but this the 
Russians refusedi and he was so enraged that he began to instigate the 
Kazaks to attack the frontier towns of Russia, and we accordingly find 
that in 1743 bands of these phmdcrers» from one to two thousand strong, 
kB, on the newly-lbanded settlements, and carried their inhabitants 
beyond the Jaik. In one day eighty-two men were carried off from the 
small town of Iletzl^ &c. The leader of the marauders was Derbeshali 
Sultan, a relative of Abulkhair, and his chief aim was to capture the fort 
of Saraschinsk, where Khoja Ahmed was imprisoned, and to carry him 
o£ This was prevented by the Russian troops, who could not, how- 
ever, stop the maraudings and many of their horses were caqmired. 
Abulldiair professed to disavow these acts, and even asked the Russians 
to put die robbers to death.* As it was a difficult task for the 
border commandrr to suppress the outrages, and the risks of a 
can^^aign in the 8t^»pe were very considerable, it li^as determined to 
ann the Kalmnks against them, and to seise several hiqportant Kaxaks 
as hostages. This was momentarily effective, and a number of Rusdan 
prisoners were returned. During 1744 Abulkhair threw off the mask 
more completely. His people plundered a Russian caravan on Hs way to 
Khiva, while he arrested Lieutenant Gladyshef, a Russian envoy to the 
Karakalpaks. Gladyshef mentions in his journal having met an English 
merchant named Djake (Jadi) in the Little Horde, and that he bou^^t 
some things from Urn to diq[K>8e of to the Karakalpaks. The Russians 
at length issued a patent, dated the a4th of April, 1744, to Donduk 
TaislUyt the Kalmnk leader, in which he was ordered to collect his 
pec^de, was gifen powder and lead, and told to march against the 
Kazaks. Any booty he might o^iture was to be his own. This was sent 
to Nephiief, but was apparently never used, and it is supposed the 
Russians chai^;ed their minds in consequence of the impending attadc 
of the Sungarian Kahnuks on the Siberian district of Kolyvano- 
Voscressensk4 which made it necessary to gain the Kazaks over to repel 
them. The Sungar attack did not, however, come off, and we next read 
of the removal of Abulkhair's son to St Petersburg, of the renewed oath 

* fdn 901. t Vids mU$, vol. L ^7a, &c | Id., 403. 


which Abulkhair himself took in hk anl or camp to the Emperor 
Peter III., the successor of Elizabeth, when he retaraed thirty prisonersi 
Russians and Kalmuks, and of his complaints against Nei^aief^ whom he 
personally disliked because he would not allow him to replace his legiti 
mate son as hostage by a bastard.* In 1746 we find the Vdga Kalmuks 
attacking the Kazaks and carrying off a large number of horses. This 
raid was punished by the Rusnans, and it was strictly forbidden to the 
Kazaks and Kalmuks to cross die Jaikf aftd new forts were built 
on that river, but the ingenioas Kazaks were not to be thus foiled. 
In February, 1746, they crossed over the frozen Caspian, and at t a ck ed 
the unprepared Kalmuks at Krasnoyar so vigorously that they carried off 
nearly seven hundred prisoners of both sexes, killed about a hundred 
men, and secured much fender. They then made some small raids 
on the Russian borders. Abulkhair was at the bottom of these attacks, 
and we now find him detaining ibr a year an in t er pr e t e i ' sent to him by 
the Russians and subjecting him to torture, while he tried, but in vain, to 
persuade his people to migrate further away from Russia into the 
southern steppes, and revenged himsdf on sudi of his compatriots who 
opposed his plan. In January, 1747, the Kazaks once more traversed the 
northern part of the CasfMan on the ice, and attadeed the Kalmuks, hoc 
the latter had withdrawn to the western portion of their territory, where 
it was unsafe tor follow them^ and their assailants returned with empty 
hands. Meanwhile there came on a thaw, and they were obliged to retorn 
home by the country of the Cossacks of the Ural or Jaik, who attacked 
them mercilessly. They lost the greater part of their horses, and many 
of them were drowned, by the ice on the river giving way. Abulkhalr's 
rage was still further increased by this accident, and we now find him 
aUying himself with Persia To appease him Tevkdef, who was a 
Musstthnan and knew the Kazaks wdl, was oideted to go to him and to 
<^er to exchange his son Khoja Ahmed for another son of legitimate 
birth. Abulkhair seemed to rdent, and went in the summer of 1748 to 
Orsk or Old Orenbutgh to meet his <^d friend, and agreed to give his son 
Aichttvak in place of Khoja Ahmed, and also some of the chikhen of his 
Kazak subjecU; he also undertook to return the Russian prisoners in his 
hands, and that the Little Horde should not again attack the emphe. 
Meanwhile he secreUy bflfered his daughter in marriage to the Khung 
taidshi of the Sungars. 

But his adventurous career was nearing its dose. On his return home 
he coUected his people and marched against ^ Karakalpaks. The 
Karakalpaks were claimed as his subjects by Borrak, who was an old 
enemy and rival of Abulkhair's.t Rytschkof calls hnn one of the most 
powerful princes of the Naimans, and says he had at this time the 
chief authority in the Middle Horde.t Borrak in his contention with 

• /<., M5. t Uvchiat, sto. J Topog. of Oreoborrh. i. im- 


Abulkhair, as is shown by M. VeL Zwmoi, datrnftd to be descended from 
Shigai, or perl^ps rather from Yadik» whose family he declared to be a 
more worthy stock than that of hit nvaL* In Levchine's tdble he and his 
brother Kuchuk are made the sons of Tttrsun Khan, who we are told 
occupied Ikan and the neighboinrii^^ towns.t Ttersim Khan was the son 
ofKhodaiMendiyUie$onofKuchak|tliesonofBulcetKhan.t BukdKhan 
was probably, as M. VeL Zemol suggests, the Boksi Sohan, son of Yadik 
mentioned by the Turkish hi^grapher of Uras M^khmet, n^om ho 
quotes } 

Borrak was jeakms of the fftvom iHiidi AhnlUudr had received from 
the Russians, and annoyed tiial his rival had hiteroepced the presents 
sent to him by the Khan of Khiva. He had an eneounter with him, in 
whid^ his own people, whe were in a mi^ty, were saccesefol, and 
Abulkhair and his party took to flight Shigai, tiie son of Borrak, 
overtook Abulkhair and dismeunled hun with a laaee thivst, and Borrak, 
having himself shortly after oene np^ completed the work by putting his 
old enemy to death with his own haad% and then preeeeded to plunder 
the Karakalpaks.| Afraid of the vengeaaoe of the Russians, whose 
fraUgts the Karakalpaks were, ha dien retired towards Turicestan, and 
took possession of the towns of Ikan, Otrar» and Sighaak, but the year 
following he and his two sons, when en a visit to a Khoja, were poisoned. 
This was apparently ai the mstaace of the Khungtaidshi uf the Sungars, 
to whom Nurali, the son of Abnikhair, had conq^ained of his Ikdier's 

The tomb of Abulkhair is marked on the maps as sitii^ted near the 
river Kodir, one of the tribotaries of the Unda, about 50.30 N. latitude 
and 8a 10 £. longitude. 


On the death of Abulkhair, Nepluief, after a consultation with Tevkdef, 
sent an officer to the Little Horde to secure the throne for a son of the 
late Khan, and to induce him to send an embassy to St. Petersbuig to 
ask for the confirmation of the Empress.^ He was successful, and 
Nurali was duly elected Khan, and sent Janibeg and other Kazaks to 
inform the authorities at Orenbur^^* They pretended to have been 
deputed by both the Middle and the Little Horde, and asked that he 
might be declared Khan of both. The fttct was that Janibeg Baatur, 
who had long lived with Abulkhair, was the only grandee of the Middle 
Horde who had taken part in the election* The difficulty was got over 
by his being simply named '< Khan of the Khirghiz Kaxaks." The patent 
of office was sent to him on the 36th of February, 1749, ^<i ke was 

•Vel.Zen10f.ii.369. tALtSO. ILrFchine'tUble. 

Op.cit.,H.t74Mi'96B* I LcfcUat, 3X0, SIX. Y/A,aii,tt|4 


invited to go to Oienburgfai there to be duly installed. Nurali's mother 
Papaiy who had considerable influence in the horde and was a good 
friend to Russia^ was mainly instrumental in the election of Nurali, and 
she now received some presents from the Empress. In July, 1749, 
Nurali set out lor his installation^ which took place amidst music and the 
firing of cannon, in a special camp erected on the banks of the Jaik. The 
pageant commenced with the reading of the letters patent, after which the 
Khan was presented with a state robe, cap, and sword, and then took the 
oath of all^;iance on his knees. He asked for some Russian troops to 
help him against his neighbom^s, and lor the sorrender of fugitives. Both 
requests were declined. He then asked for one thousand men to build 
his £uher a suitable tomb. Negotiations about this ensued, and the 
plans were prepared, and are still preserved among the archives of Oien- 
burghi but the matter hnkt down as the Russians insisted he should be 
buried near their fipontiersy which was interpreted as an intention to 
annex the Kazak country. On his return to his horde Nurali met the 
envoys of the Khungtaidshi of the Sungara, who went to ask his sister in 
marriage for their soverdgni and offimiv to make over to him Turkestan, 
where the bones of his ancestors were buried, in lien of Kalym. This 
request was very embarrassing, for his sultans and principal people 
wished him to comply while he dared not offend the Russians. The 
latter were duly uiformed of what was going on, and were well aware of 
the dangerous power which the Sungarian chie( who aheady dominated 
over the Great and Middle Hordes, was acquiring in Central Asia, and 
they detennined to prevent the match. The opportune death of the 
young lady, which took place in 1750^ perhaps not altogether naturally, 
was a relief to both parties. In 1749 Nurali sent his brother Adil to 
rephice another brother (Aichuvak) as hostage at Russian head-quarters, 
and the following year he was changed for his son Piiall, who was only 
five years old. 

I have described the rivaky between Abulkhair and Kaip in the 
former^ early days. Kaip's son Batyr, who kept alive his father^s feud, 
was now proclaimed Khan by a section of the Littte Horde, and his son 
Kaip was elected as ruler of Khiva. Batyr now sent envoys to Oren- 
burgh, and asked that his people might be allowed to escort the Russian 
caravans to Khiva and Bukhara, aiequest which was supported by his 
son Kaip. This was refused on the ground that it would be a grievance 
to Nurali^ with whom he was ordered to live amicably. Nurali was as 
unable as any other rukr of the Kazaks to restrain his turbulent people^ 
and Levchme says that after nuich consideration, and on the advice of 
Tevkdef, it was determined to adopt towards them the practice foK 
lowed by the rulers of Bukhara, Khiva, &c, namely, to make reprisals, 
techmcally known as barantas.* In case of a fi^ntier robbery it was 


ordered that immediate reparation fthoold be ari^d from the Khan, and 
if satisfaction was not given, Uiat a rdative of the pitmderer or one of 
his tribe should be seised and detained imtil the objecu or person 
carried off were restored. It was also determined to make Narali some 
handsome presents when he restored the Russian and Ksfannk prisoners 
in his hands. 

In the spring of 1750 Aicfanval^ with a nunber of his friends and a 
body of Kazaksy made a raid upon an inoflfen si ve tribe called Aralians^ 
who were dependent on the Khan of Khiva, and carried off many 
prisoners, horses, and other objects. By way of reprisal Kaip seised a 
nnmber of Norali's sabjects who were at Khiva trading, and also his 
envoy, and in omsequence a part of the booty and the prisoners were 
returned to the Aralians. Aichuvak's brother Erali tried a timilai 
venture against the Karakalpaks, but his people were too weak, moitt of 
them were killed, and he himself was made prisoner and detained for 
some months.* 

In 1752 Nurali exchanged his ton Pirali for a younger <me only three 
years old. He still nmsed his hatred for Batyr^ and as ihe Khivan 
caravans were in the habit of traversing the latter's country and paying 
to him the usual does, he was much irritated. In 1753 he ordered a 
caravan which was travelling between Russia and Khiva to be plundered. 
The same year some Kazaks of the dan of Alimnl and tribe of Kara 
Kitin robbed at Sagfais some Khivan and Turkoman merchants iriio were 
being escorted by Kazaks of the tribe Chiklin. On the Russians sending 
to complain, Nurali took the blame to himself, and excused the act on the 
ground of the hostility df Batyr and his son Kaip towards him ; he also 
suggested that the latter meditated an attadc on Russia, and offered to 
subdue him in a few days if the Russians would supply him with ten 
thousand men and some artillery.t He at length consented to restore 
the plundered merchandise to the Khivans, but the latter behaved badly, 
and a feud arose between them and the Russians.^ Nurali and his 
brother Erali were therefore encouraged to make an attack on Khiva. 
They called an assembly df theu: people to sanction the campaign, which 
was, however, prohibited and prevented by the interdiction of a Khoja 
who had been asked to give it his blessing*! 

In 1755 the Bashldrs again broke out in rebellion and killed the 
Russians resident among them. This outbreak was excited by a certain 
moUah named Batyr Sha, who summoned the Kazan Tartars and Kazaks 
to aid their co-religionists. Some of the latter accordingly began to 
plunder the Russian settlements. Things were growing critical, for the 
line of Orenburgh was then very weak, and its detached foru iH fortified. 
Nepluief, the Russian commander, however, showed great vigour. He 
summoned the Cossacks of the Don, the Kalmuks, the Meshkeriaks, and 

* Id., ill. t Id.t 125. } Vidt itifra^ chapter x. ( A^ 237. 


the Tepdars to his AatiMancey idiite he distributed among the Kasaks a 
proclamation of tlie akhvn of O i ie nbu rgh, who was the bead of the 
Muhammedan detgy of the district, in which, while approving of the 
revolt of the Bashkin, he ended up bf svggesting that after defeating 
tiie Russians the Bashkirs should sul^jngale the Kszaks. To prevent an 
alliance between the two tribes, Nepluief, who knew the Kazaks well, with 
the cooseat of the laipcrial andiorities, sent word to the Khan and 
Sultans of the Kazaks that the Rassi«is made over to them all the 
Bashkir women and children who were then living among them, on 
condition ^lat thej drove oat Uie men from thehr frontiers. At this time 
a vast crowd of Bashkirs had 'fled across the Jaik. The voluptuous 
Kazaks greedily saoMoed all o^er consideratkms to seize upon these 
unfortunate Russiui subjects, Ibr such they werc^ although nMs. The 
BasUdr men were too weak to resist, some were kiUed, some restored to 
the Russians, and some returned home to prepare a revenge, and under 
the covert patronage of tfie Russian authorities, huge bands of Bashkirs 
crossed the Jaik and savagdy attacked their tormentors. Thus was sown 
between the two raets a strife which subsists to our own day. It was cer- 
tainly an extraordinary method of defending their frontiers thus to arouse 
a malignant conflict b etw e en the border tribes, and was only excused by 
the weakness of the Russians and their inuninent peril. Nurali com* 
plained of the Bashkir raids, but was told that it was a just punishment 
ibr having sheltered Bashkir deserters, and the two races mutually 
ravaged eadi other until NqMef thought they had been sufficiently 
punished. The Jaflc or Ural was dien fixed as the boundary between 
the tribes, and both sides were flirbidden to cross it.^ 

The bloodshed for a while ceased, but the feud lived on. The 
Kazak chiefe l e st ore d to the Russians the Bashkirs who had sought 
refuge among them, and were duly rewarded Mer alia by being 
allowed to send to tlae Russian court every two or three years some of 
their more distinguished relatives, who naturally did not return home 
with their hands empty. Meanwhile, notwithstanding the prohibition, 
Kazaks and Bashkirs continued to make mutual raids into each other's 
country, and when the dfiefe of the former interfered to prevent them, 
they were accused by die commonalty V)f being creatures of Russia, 
and of an intention to subject the tribes to that power. The Russian 
authorities therefore determined to make a vigorous display of their 
power, but their plans had to be postponed in consequence of the Seven 
Years' War with Prussia .t A curious instance of how events apparentiy 
remotdy connected affect each other. 

In 1757 Donduk Taishi, the Kalmuk ruler, tried to persuade Nurali to 
join with him and the Krim Khan in a campaign against Russia. This 
was probably a treacherous proposal, and he doubtless wished to embroil 

*M,f33. t/rf.. 135. 


iht Kazaks with the Russians. In 1758 the Chinese army which had 
destioyed the Sungarian empire threatened the Russian frontier, and 
Nnrali received orders to assist in repelling it* Although the 
Chinese retired, Nurali's loyalty on this occasion was rewarded by 
presents. In 1759 the new Russian governor, who replaced Nepluief 
having treated Ntirali with scant courtesy and the Kalmuks having 
pillaged his subjects, they made reprisals. These raids were renewed the 
following year, and were duly punished by the Russians.t The Sultans 
Aidmvak and Erali, irritated at the discourtesy of the Orenburgh 
authorities, began to pillage the Russian caravans, and the former also 
proposed to migrate with the tribe Semirodsk to Sungaria. They were 
pacified by the central authorities at St Petersbuig assigning them 
annnal stipends, and orders were issued to the people at Orenburgh 
to treat the Kazaks with every consideration! to distribute presents 
generously to them, and to build cattle sheds and stables where they 
m^t winter their cattle, the chief fear of the Russians being that the 
Kazaks might leave their pastures for the Chinese borders, and thus 
depopulate the important country through Yfbkh the trade routes to 
Central Asia inevitably passed. On the advent of Catherine II. to the 
throne Nurali, Aichuavak, and Ablai Khan of the Middle Horde all sent 
their hcmiage.} In 1762 Hurali sent an embassy to Pddng. It was 
wdl received, and he in consequence became so elated that he took 
no more notice of the complaints of Russia. His people again began to 
molest the Kahnuks, and made another attack on them over the frozen 
Caspian, while they pressed a demand for winter quartern west of the 
Jaik. This same year two hundred Turkoman lamilieSf who had long 
lived among the Kalmuks, took refuge with the Kazaks, who ^suo more" 
reduced them to slavery and partitioned them. 

At this time the various Mussulman states of Central Asia drew nearer 
together, in order to oppose a common front against the dreaded 
a{^>roach of the Chinese, and we find Nnrali Khan entering into 
negotiations with the A^hans. In 1764 he wrote to the Empress 
Catherine to acquaint her with the result of the mission to Peking, and 
that he had been invited by ail the Mussulmans of Asia to take part in a 
war against China. His people continued their raids upon the Kalmuks 
and the border Russian provinces, and were duly punished. Such 
attacks are mentioned in 1765, 1766, and 1767. In 1769 Nurali's son, 
who was a hostage at Orenbui]^ died, being the second who had ended his 
days there. He suspected that they had not been duly k>oked after, and 
lefosed to send another. He was also annoyed at the attentions shown 
by the Russian court to his brothers, whom he wished to displace from 
the succession in frivour of his own son IshiuL His irritation was met 

» /tf., iz%. ild^M*- 1 14., 144. 



by increased coolness on the part of the Russian authorities, and the 
presentation of fresh sabres to his brothers,* 

We now reach the period of the fiimous flight of the TorgutSf which 
I described in the first volume.t The Russian authorities had authorised 
Nurali to oppose them and drive them back. Such encouragement was 
unnecessary, as each Kazak deemed it a privilege to attack the Kalmuks, 
who occupied such a wide extent of the country iriiere their ancestors 
had lived. All were on the qui vive; Nurali, his brother Aichuval^ and 
Kaip, the late Khan <^ Khiva, who was now living with the Little Horde, 
&c., and they had to run the gauntlet of these waspish foes right up to 
the Chinese fhmtiefi and lost a great number of prisoners. Aichuvak 
defeated one section of them on the Saghiz, Nurali gained an advantage 
over them further east, and the Kazaks were successful in encounters 
near Mount Mugajar and on the Ishim. This famous flight took place 
in 1771. In 1773 and 1774 the country of the Jaik and the Vdga were 
agiuted by the revolt of the feonoas impostor Pugachef.t The tatter's 
supporters were the Cossacks of the Jaik and the Bashkirs, both enemies 
of the Kazaksi who did not accordingly Join him, but fished in the 
troubled waters and made raids on the Russian settlemehts. For this 
they were duly punished in I774» and had to surrender the prisoners and 
booty they had made. At this time some of the Tudeomans living between 
Khiva and Seraichuk elected Piralii a son of Nurali, as their chief, who 
levied dues on the caravans wluch traded with Khiva.| 

In 1776 we again find the Kazaks molesting the Russian outposts, and 

Nurali solicitiiig assistance to restram his own turbulent people,! a 

request which was repeated, and orders were issued in 1779 that the 

Russian guards should make reprisals, which weie frequent b the interval 

* between 1781 and 1791. In 1784 we are t(4d that a body of 3,462 

Russian soldiers havmg pursued some plunderers beyond the Jaik, and 

being unable to catch them seized forty-three Kazaks who had taken no 

part in the raid. Their refaitives made reprisals, and other bodies of 

Kazaks, whose leading spirit was a fiuaous freebooter named Sirim 

Batir harried the frontiers. In 1785 two divisions of troops were 

sent towards the Yemba. They carried off 330 women and chUdren, 

who were duly exchanged against a number of Russian prisoners. The 

same year there was founded at Orenbuigh a new tribunal,consisting of the 

c ommand a n t of Orenbuigh, two Government employ^ two merchants, 

two Russian peasantSy a sultan, six Kazak elders, and a deputy each 

from the Bashkirs and the Meshkeriaks. This tribunal was to try 

matters of dispute among the frontagers of the empire. In 1785 

mosques and schools for the young Kazaks were opened at Oienbuigh 

and TroiUk, and caravanseras were also ordered to be built These 

wdl-meant efforts Levchine attributes to the far-sighted policy of the 

•/<.,?5i. MiK#.i.575.ftc. I Ltrchlnt. V. \l^,v^% iId,,ttQ, 


£mprea8y wbo not only coald excuie Uie raids of a naturally nomade 
race, but who also knew well that many of their attacks were amply 
justified as reprisals for attacks made by the Russians and Bashkirs.* 

In 1784 Batir Sirim with his three thousand followers caused much 
trouble to the garrismu on the Orenburgh line, made a successful attack 
on the fort of Tanalitskoi, and tried to raise a rebellion a^^ainst the Khan 
Nurali, whose excuses for his own weakness and want erf authority were 
only accepted as so much chicanery by the Russians. 

At length in 1785 the new Russian governor, Baron Igelstrom, 
determined to introduce a new system altogether of dealing with these 
pestilent neighbours. He proposed to divide the Little Horde into three 
sectionsi according to its chief dans, Semirodski Baiulini and Alimul, 
to give each of them a Khan, to make these Khans in fact Russian 
adminlstratorS|t and to abdish altogether the office of'' Khan of the Little 
Horde.'' He issued an order, not to the Khan, but to the sultans an<k 
elders, to summon a general assembly of the horde, and bade them 
abandon their habits of pillage, and arrange a method of keeping 
order. This summons, we are told, destroyed the little remaining 
influence of the Khan« The assembly met ; not a ^gie sultan was 
present, and the robber leader Sirim Batir presided. Ambitious 
and crafty, he was a declared enemy of the Khan, whose herediury 
claims he envied. He urged that there was no need of a Khan, 
and that merit ought to weigh before birth. He persuaded his 
hearers that their best policy was to swear allegiance to Russia. From 
the Utttx he demanded that the family of Abulkhair should for ever be 
deprived of the right to the Khanship. The Russians partially consented. 
This was in 1786^ and the immediate result was satisfactory ; a greater 
quantity of cattle was brought for sale at the frontier fairs in 1786 and 
1787 than had hitherto been the case, and fewer Russian prisoners were 
made^ while a large number were released ; and during the winter of 
1786 forty-five thousand Kazak families passed the season west of the 
Jaik without committing any depredations therct Batir Sirim became 
a confidential correspondent of Baron Igelstrom, notwithstanding Nurali's 
warmng that he was treacherous and hated Russia in his heart. Nurali 
hhnself was very conciliatory, ofiered to give up his children as hostages, 
returned such prisoners as he had control over, and put himself at the 
disposition of Russia. He was sent to live at Ufa and Aichuvak at 

Erali, Narali's ekiest son, had been living on the Sir for some years, 
and as early as 1781 had ruled over the Karakalpaks there. He now 
marched against Batir Sirim with but a small force. At the same time 
some dans of the Little Horde which were not attached to the family of 
Ahulkhair not were firiends of Sirim raised Kaip, who had reigned at 
— — — ^i^— — — ^— ^— —— ^^^— II ■ ■ I ■ ■ . I . ■ 

•/A, asp. tW.,a7x. tld.»t74' 


Khiva, to the dignity of Khan. Another section of them petitioned for 
the restoration of Nurali or some one else in his place. Baron Igdstrom 
was inclined to £ftvoar the pretensions of Kaip» and to have him 
proclaimed Khan of the Little Horde, but the Empress would not 
consent, and wished to Insist on the dignity of Khan being abolished, as 
had been arranged. 

Meanwhile the claims of Nurali to reinstatement were pressed by the 
chiefo of the Middle Horde, and their view was endorsed in 1787 at a 
general assembly; but the Russians would not listen, and Batir Sirim, 
having regaiiied his libertyy seems to have seconded their efforts to 
Russianise the Kaxaks. Special tribunals, called raspravas, were con- 
stituted to control their aflfairs. Two of these were planted in each of 
the tribes Alimul and BaiuUn, and one in that of Semirodsk. These 
courts sat daily, and condsted of a president and two members, together 
with a moUah or secretary, who kept the records; from them there was an 
appeal to Orenbuiig^ An old chief and two subordinates were sdected 
to control each of the tribes, Batir Sirim being put over that of Bahilin. 
These officials were granted salaries, paid in com and money, and took 
die oath of alliance to the Empress. For a few months tranquillity 
prevailed, but it was short-lived, the reQ>ective partisans of NuraH, 
Kaip, and Batir Sirim intrigued against one another. Those of Sirim 
were the most powerful, and the Russian nominees were mere creatures 
in then: hands. 

At this time the Turks were at war with Russia. They sought an alty 
in tlie Khan of Bukhara, who in turn incited the Kaz^ to rebel, and 
ofiered to help Erali to release Nurali, and also intrigued with Sirim. 
He issued a proclamation addressed to the brave warriors, begs, and 
elders, Saritai bey, Sirim Batir, Shukuiali bey, Sadirii)ek, fiorrak Battr> 
Dsgdane Batir, &c., stating how he had heard from the sovereign of 
Turkey, the vicar of God, that the infidel Russians had allied themselves 
with seven Giristian states against the Turks, and bidding the Kazalcs 
join with the other true believers in punishing them. In view of their 
general ignorance of tlie faith and of letters, there not being a scholar 
among them, he, whose schools were frequented by the Uzbegs, Tajiks, 
Arabsi and Turkomans, invited them to send two or three representatives 
from each tribe for instruction. He promised to defray the expense of 
their education, and to send them home wdl versed in the law and able 
to conduct the services, and ended by threatening them with the pains 
of eternal fire if they n^ected the opportunity thus offered to thenL 
This letter was written in the year 1788, and was sealed with the tamgha 
of the atalik of the Bukharian ruler Shah Murad. Sirim wrote to say 
that he and his people were ready to obey the summons, and only 
awmted tihe tune when the Bukharian and other Asiatic peoples should 
invade Russia. This duplicity came to the ears of the Russian 


authoritiet. MeaniMe the Kazaks contintted their attacks. The elders 
who had been nominated by the Russians tost control over the people, 
and oidy went to Orenbnifh to recehre their salarieSi and a section of the 
Kaxaks with theor chief sultans demanded the re-appointment of a 
Khan. This was at length deemed advisable by the Rusnan authorities. 
Th^ decision on this pdnt was naturally gall and wormwood to Sirim, 
who declared himself an enemy of Russia, began to make raids across 
the Jaikf and to seek assistance at Bukhara, which was promised him in 
due time. This latter intrigue was disclosed by one of his envoys, who 
had been captured by the Cossacks of the Jaik. Nurali, it appears, 
died in the year 1790^ while still detained at Ufa, and enjoined his 
children on his death to remain faithful to Russia. 


In 1791 Sirim, in the hopes of persuading the whole of the Little 
Horde to attack Russia, called a general meeting at the mouth of the 
Yemba, but his purpose was frustrated by the descendants of Abulkhair, 
who warned the Empress, and it ended in a number of detached raids by 
his own people, which continued without inteimission for seven or eight 
years. Meanwhile, In the January of the same year, the Empress, having 
learnt the death ci Nurali, had nominated his brother Erali- as his 
successor, and sent him a patent of office as Khan of the Little Horde. 
In the autunm he approached the banks of the Jaik, and ^as solemnly 
proclaimed Khan on the 4th of September, at a place situated about 
fifteen versts from Orsk. The Imperial diploma proclaimed that he 
owed his position to his merits as well as to the fact of his being the 
senior member of Abnlkhair^sfiunily. At the assembly envoys arrived 
from Batir Sirim and Abulghazi, the son of Kaip, and several elders, 
declaring thdr non*concurrence in the election. They were told what 
was done was with the consent of the Empress, and when the election 
was complete six deputies were sent to St. Petersburg for Its con- 

On the 6th of September a letter arrived from Pirali, the son of Nurali, 
who was then Khan of Turkestan, asking to be allowed to acknowledge 
the sttxeramty df Russia. By an ukase dated the 31st of October of the 
same year this was diUy accepted. Kaip, the rival of the family of 
Abulkhair was now dead. He left three sons, Abulghazi, Burkan, and 
Shirgazy. The latter of these lived for a long tone at the court of 
Catherine, but eventually returned again to the horde. His two elder 
brothers allied themselves with Sirim, whose superior skill put them 
entlrdy at his command. He intrigued with all his might against 
the Russians, denounced the election of Erall as irregular, and quoted the 


Koran to show that it was illegal for Mussohnans to be sabject to 
Christians. He tried to persuade the Kazaks to retire from the Russian 
frontiers^ and boasted of his alliance with the Khan of Bukhara. He 
sent his son to Khiva in 1795, to try and secure an ally there, and wrote 
a letter to the governor of Ufa, couched in most insolent and m^^ ng 
language. This was followed by another series of raids upon IMki- 
gorodok, the Kalmuk fort, and some other points on the line of Iletzk.* 

The Khan Erali asked the Russians to send some troops to punish 
the marauders, but the request was refused. Erali died in June, 1794. 


On the death of Erali the Little Horde was divided in its allegiancei 
one section obeyed the Abulghazi above named and Sirim, and the other 
Ishim Sultan, the son of Nurali, whose hereditary position, friendship 
for Russia, and good character entitled him to the general succession ; 
but his people were not disposed to submit to Russian tutelage, and 
insisted if he were elected Khan that he should be one in reality, and 
urged him to retire towards the Sir Daria. . In informing the Orenburgh 
authorities of this, he also complained to them how the partisans of 
Sirim forbade him to punish marauders, and had even inflicted a fine 
or '^kun" of two thousand sheep on him for having surrendered two 
noted bandits to the Russians. Notwithstanding this his partisans met 
near Orenbuigh in September, 1795, and on the 17th of the same month 
he was duly elected, and his people swore to live peaceably together and 
not to molest Russia. He continued to be faithful to his patrons and to 
repress disorders in the horde. This created him many enemies, and 
especially aroused the hatred ^of Sirim, who attacked him suddenly near 
the fortified post of Krasnoiar in November, ^797, killed him, and 
pillaged his property.t Strim's people continued to harass the outposts, 
and in 1797 and 1798 the Cossacks of the Jaik made reprisals upon 
them, and carried off several thousand horses, an example shortly after 
followed by the Bashkirs, who harried their herds in a similar manner. 
These attacks were followed by counter attacks^ and so on.} 


Aner tlie death of IHum the government of the Little Horde was 
confided to a council, composed of two representatives from each of its 

tribes, and presided over by Aichuvak Sultan, a son «f Abulkhair. This 

- ' I — - 


couttcfl was sdected by Baron Igelstrom, who was again governor of 
Orenburg!!, and its seat of government was 6xed on the river Khobda, 
But the Kazaks giew weary of it and demanded a Khan. A meeting 
was called in 1797. TTie two candidates were the Aichuvak just named 
and Karatait the son of Nursli The Russians supported the former, 
who was aocordingly elected, and shcvdy after he was confirmed by the 
Emperor Paul. He was an old man/ however, and could not keep his 
people under control. The attacks of the Buruts and the raids made 
by the Kazaks on the Bashkirs and on die Russian caravans, which were 
duly punished by reprisals, reduced matters to great confusion ; anarchy 
increased daily, and the Khan had neither the power to pnnish the guilty 
nor to protect the innocent. The horde became partially disintegrated, 
some retked ta the Middle Horde, others to the Sir Daria, where, having 
subdued the Karakalpaks, they elected the sultan Abulghazi, son of 
Kaip, as their ruler. Another section attacked the Turkomans, and 
made them surrender the greater part of the Ust Urt to them, and 
Aichuvak with some sultans took refuge in Russia until the fermentation 
had ceased. 

Meanwhile Bukei, a son of Nurali, who had been the president of 
Aichuvak^ council, applied to General Knorriag, the governor-general of 
Geoigia and Astrakhan, to be allowed to settle with his people in the dis- 
trict called Rin Peski, between the Jaik and the Volga, which had recently 
been abandoned by the Kalmuks, and asked him to assign him a hundred 
Cossacks to enable him to keep order. Knorring having r^K»ted this to 
the central authorities, a ukaze permitting the settlement was issued on 
the xith of Maidi, 1801. Bukei*s followers betonged chiefly to the tribe 
BaiuHn, and altogether the emigrants numbered about ten ^ousand 
tents. This emigration had a wonderful effect The emignots became 
so prosperous that their flocks increased tenfold in seven or eight years, 
while their brethren beyond the Jaik, torn by dissensions, were fain to 
sdl their children to the Russians.* 

Aidiovak continued to rule the Little Horde till the year iBoj, when 
he abdicated on account of old age and infirmity. 


Aichuvak was succeeded by his son Jantiura, who was assassinated in 
1S09 by his cousins, the sons of Nurali, after which the Little Horde 
was two years without a Khan.t It was at this time, and in the year 
1810^ that alaige area known as the Iletsk district, and containing rich 
salt mines, was enclosed within the Orenbugh line and peopled with 

* //. t92. 193. t Id^ t97. 



In 1712 Shiigaxy, the bn^ther of Jantiiira« was raised to the dignity, 
while at the same time Bukd was given the title of Khan over those 
Kazaks who had migrated to the neighbourhood of Astrakhan, and were 
known as the Horde dfBukeL The latter died in 1815, leaving several 
sonSy of whom the eldest, called Yehanghir, was nommated Khan m 
1824, and continued to rule this section of the Kasaks when Levchine 
wrote. Of Shiigazy he says, '* He still lives, but no longer governs the 
Little Hordes which is divided into three districts, whose chiefs are 
indq>endent of the Khan.'' Of these three divisions Schuyler says they 
were controlled by three Sultans Rq^t, but the divisions weie carelessly 
made, tribal distinctions and rights to land not having been recognised, 
and the difficulties of the situation were not removed. 

''The Kiighis had great respect for their aristocracy, and the common 
people (black bone) were led by the white bone* or the descndants of 
the old Khans and ruling families. These men stood up for their tribes 
and families, in defence of the honour and safety of their meoibcfi. 
Recognising at the same time bravery, dash, and boldness, and loving 
their freedom, they were alwajrs ready to follow the standard of any batir 
or hero^ such as Sirim, Arunhari, or Kenisar, who might appear in the 

steppe. The Sultans-Regent were either mere Russisn creatuies entirtly 
destitute of influence^ or they were themselves inclined to revolt at times, 
and neither they nor the annual military expeditions from Orenbuigh 
sould maintain order in the stq^.^t 

In 1833 Novo Alexandroftki, afterwards called the fort of Mangushlak, 
was erected on the Eastern Caspian« to protect the Yemba fishermen 
from marauders.| In 183$ a new military line was established between 
the Ural and the Ui, and the territory encloied within it was added to 
that of the Orenburgh Cossacks. A few years later a femous chieftain 
named Kenisar Kasimof, who i^armtly bdonged to the Middle Horde, 
aroused a wide insurrection among the Siberian Kasaks, who were joined 
by a section of the Little Horde. For six years he kept the Russian 
authorities in continual alarm, until in 1844, being pursued by the 
Russian forces, he was compelled to take refuge among the Buruts or 
Kara Kirghiz, and was killed in a fight with them.| In consequence of 
this insurrection the Orenbuigh fort on the river Tuigai, and the 
Ural fort on the Irgiz were built in 1847, ^d in 1848 the Karabulat fort 
on the Karabut. 

In 1847 the fort of Raimsk, afterwards called Arakk, was built on the 
Lower Sir, as an outpost and menace to the Khokandians and Khivans,| 
who bad begun to molest the Kazaks within the Russian borders. This 

* TlM Kuak tenn for blM Mood. } Scbojler'fi TarhMtM, L 51, 

: Michell't Atia, jao. 4 Orifori«r« tee Sdwyltr, il. 411. 1 Uichell. op. dt, sio-jsa. 


gradual eacroachment of the Russians at last brought order and 
submiaskm to the turbulent Kazaks, ^ but it was not,* says Schuyleri 
^till the final overthrow of the bandit Iset Kutebarof and the death of 
the celebrated batir Jan Khoja that the steppe became quiet and safe^ 
and the Russians really gained the position tAproUcton of the Kasaks.^ 
Even then all danger was cot removed. Some years ago an attempt 
was made to abolish as far as possible the tribal distinctions of the 
Kasak aristocracyi and the so-called reform was introduced into the 
Oienburgh steppe in 1869. By this all the Little Horde was divided into 
two large districts, that of Uralsk and that of Tuigaii each under a 
Russian military oommanderi district prefects, and volosi or aul^ders, 
the hut only being elected by the Kasaks. This caused much dissatis- 
fiiction ; it was interpreted as the surrender of the Kasak government 
to the Russian CossackSi whom were cordially hated* Disturbances 
accordingly arose^ which were fomented by the Khan of Khiva, and 
during 1869 ^^^ i^^ ^^ steppe was in great commotion. The postal 
route was blockaded, stations destroyedi and travellers captured, some 
being killed and others sold into slavery. Peace was at length restored, 
and, according to Schuyler, the Kazaks are getting reconciled to the new 
state of things, and their old clannish feeling for members of the same 
tribe vid Cunily is being transferred to the members of the same volost 
and district* 

When Schuyler went to Turicestan in 1S73 he travdkd part of the way 
with a Kazak prince named Chingis, the son of the last Khan of the 
Bukeief horde, who on the death of his father was given the Russian 
title of Prince. He was a good Mussulman, and had just leturned from 
a pilgrimage to Mecca, and was going to spend the summer on his 
estates in the government of Samara* He says he seemed a cultivated 
gentleman, and was most of his time deep in a French novel 

Tax Great Horde. 

The Middle and the Little Hordes lived hi close neighbourhood and 
also had regular intercourse with Russia. We consequently know their 
history in some detail. The Great Horde, on the contrary, lived in a 
remote and largely inaccessible district, and had few communications with 
Russia, so that its history is only known to us in a fragmentary form. 
This is -perhaps not much to be deplored, for it is perfectly clear that it 
had not a continuous and homogeneous status like the other two hordes, 
but was broken into a number of sectionii, governed by princes of the 
Middle or Little Hordes, or by begs and sultans, and was for the most 
part subject to the Sungars and the Chinese. Its name of ^ Great Horde" 



is lomewliat misleading. Ndther in numbers nor power could it compart 
with the other two hordes, and its name seems to me to have arisen 
chiefly from the fact that it continued to live in the old country of tht 
Kazaksy and was thus Ae real heir of die original undivided Kasak horde, 
to which the name of Great probably bdonged, and by whidi it was 
distinguidied from the many predatory bands of other origin, all of 
whom as vagabonds and plunderers could daim the name of Kasdc I 
will now collect the few scattered facts I have been able to meet with 
relating to the history of the Great Horde. When Tiavka Khan, as I 
have mentioned, nominated three administrators to manage the three 
hordes, we are told he appmnted Tlul to control the Great Horde.* He 
does not occur in any of the genealogical tables, and I do not know his 

In 1723, when the Sungars took Tuikestan and overran the Kazak 
country, they completely subdued some branches of the Great and 
Middle Hordes. The rest of the Great Horde and a small section 
of the Middle one retired towards Khojendt Eventually, as I have 
shown, the Kazaks returned northwards, and the Middle and Little 
Hordes found their way to their more recent quarterss The Great Horde 
meanwhile remained, in its old country, and was there subjected by the 
Sungar84 In 1734 Aralbey and Arasgheldy Batir, who belonged to the 
Great Horde, but who were apparently subject to Abulkhair Khan, 
accompanied the hitter's son Erali on his mission to Russia, and offered 
their submission to the Empress Anne.| In 1738 we meet for the first 
time in the Russian annals with a notice of a Khan of the Great Horde. 
We are told that having heard of the foundation of a town on the river 
Ori, and of the opening of traffic between the Russians and the Middle 
and Little Hordes, Yolbars Khan, of the Great Horde, wrote to offer to 
make his people and his neighbours subjects of Russia if they were allowed 
to trade with Orenburgh. It would seem that trade and not submission 
was what he really meant, and the patent of investiture which the Russian 
officials prepared for him was never delivered, and still remains in the 
archives at Orenbttrgh.1 At this time the Sungar chief Galdan drew a (az 
of a skin ci a korsak (?) per head from the Kazaks of the Great Horde.1[ 
In 1739 Tatischef, the governor of Orenburgh, sent a caravan to Tash- 
kend, which was commanded by Lieutenant MuUer, who was accom* 
panied by the engineer officer Kushelef. M. Khanikof has abstracted a 
portion of their journal, in which we have some notices of Yolbars Khan. 
The caravan was plundered by the Kazaks of the Great Horde before it 
reached its destination. MuUer tells us he arrived at Tashkend on 
the 9th of November, 1739^ presented his credentials to Yolbars, and 
asked for the return of the stolen articles. The Khan told him he had 

* Letcfaittt. 140. Ud^jst. lid. |/4.,i55. |/4nis6.iSr- 


already keard of bla misfortnney and he bade him thank God that 
he had arrived alhre. He told him he had tent to demand the 
restoration of the property from Kogilde, who commanded the predatory 
band, and had threatened unless he con^^hed not to surrender his 
(Kogtlde's) son to the Smigar chief Galdan Chereng ; but Yolbars seems 
to have held out small hopes of reparation. While at Tashkend Miiller 
stayed in the house of a Tashkend merchant named Mamaia Usupof. 
He had trav^ed with him from Orenbnrgh^ had several interviews with 
the Khan, wlu> secured the release of the prisoners taken with the 
caravan. At this time Turkestan was governed by Seyid Sultan, whose 
relations with Yolbars are not cleai^ he did not, at all events, use the 
title of Khan, and it is not improbable he was the rq;nresentative of the 
Khan of the Middle Horde, who shortly after is found ruling at 
Turkestan. It #ould seem from the notes of Chulpanof that the Kazaks 
and their Khan Yolbars were really only permanently encamped in the 
district of Tashkend, and that they plundered the Tashkendians at their 
will We accordingly find that four days after Miiller 1^ the Sarts or 
citizens broke out in revolt and killed Yolbars Khan. This was in April 
174a The Kazaks revenged themselves by again sacking the town and 
also the caravan.* 

Levchine reports that in 1742 Shubai, Arslanof, and Mansur, three 
natives of Viatka, returned from Tashkend to Orenburg^ Their account 
confirms that of Miiller. They add that during the reign of Yolbars 
Khan a powerful elder named Tiul bi divided the authority with him, 
and levied black-mail from the town. On the death of Yolbars he 
became the sole ruler of the horde. It is very probable that he was the 
same person as the Tiul who was appointed administrator of the Great 
Horde by Tiavka Khan. His authority was very short lived, and he was 
driven away by Kusiak bi, who was apparently a vicegerent of Galdan 
Chereng. Some years after, namely, in 1749, Tiul bi, who had become 
very weak, sent to offer to become a subject of the Russians, but the 
proposal came to nothing.t 

Kusiak bi was the ruler of Tashkend in 1742, when Shubai and 
Mansur left there, but the tribute was then paid to the Sungarians. They 
report that the Kazaks no longer dominated in the town, but that they 
encamped all around it, kept up a state of virtually permanent siege, 
and were ready to fall upon it on any convenient opportunity. Turkestan 
was for some time in a similar position, although they allowed the 
Sungars to trade there. The small villages between these two important 
towns were more or less in the permanent occupation of the Kazaks. 
The latter seem in fact to have been at this time a nomadtc army settled 
in Feighana, and domineering over the old inhabitants without being the 
undisputed rulers of the country, and they were in permanent dread of 

* YMtnUt, Imp. Q90g. 80c of St. Pettrtburg^ ii^t. t UrchiiM, 15S, 199. 


the Snngarsy who in efibct were their suzerains. When, as I described 
in the fomer Tolume, the Sungar power began to foil to i^ecesi the 
Kasaks eagerly took part in the intrigues. They took the part of one 
chief against another, and sided with Amursana, the last of the Snngaxian 
TulerSy against the Chinese. In 1756 the Songars were finally crashed 
and dispersed, and a laige portion of their country was laid waste. As 
Levdiine says, this was a boon to the Kasaks in two ways, it destroy ed 
thehr most potent enemy and enabled them to get new pastures for their 
cattle. The Chinese seem to have encouraged their migration. The 
Chinese occupied Tashkend in 175S. 

The Great Horde seems now to have broken up into fifagments. One 
sectimi migrated to Sungaria, where it had several conflicts with the 
Chinese authorities. One pcntion of this division became subject to the 
empire while another retained its independence These two sections 
had continual and fierce fights with their neighbours the Buruts, and 
severdy punished the Torguts in their fomous flight in 1771. The most 
distinguished leader in these attacks was Erali Sultan, who was probably 
EraU Sultan, the son of Abulkhair Khan of the Little Horde. M. 
Levdiine says that for his valour he recdved from the Chinese Emperor 
the title of knight or paladin of the court. He had proposed a plan for 
overwhehning the Torguts, but the leaders of the Middle Horde did not 
fulfil thdr part ^lEie neverthdess so alarmed Ubasha, the Torgur chief, 
that instead of overwhelming him with bis superior numbers, the latter 
halted for dghteen days. Meanwhile Erali collected a great number of 
allies, whose cupidity he exdted by pointing out to them the wealth of 
the retreating Kalmuks, and also the booty of fair women that might be 
made. Ubasha grew so timid that he even asked permission firom Erali 
to be allowed to pass fredy into die valley of the IlL Erali pretended to 
consent, but with a treacherous motive, and as soon as the Torguts had 
passed on, and were unsuspectingly encamped, he attacked them, com- 
mitting great slaughter and captured an immense booty in prisoners 
and treasure. 

Another section of the Kasaks of the Great Horde remdned in the 
district of Tashkend, where they adopted a more settled life, but preyed 
fredy on the towns there, especially Tashkend itsdf, and also Idd waste 
the surrounding country. Although not subject to the Kasaks, the 
miserable inhabitants had to pay them black*mdl for every privilege. 
In 1760 this section of the Great Horde was joined by a large body of 
Karakdpaks, who had been driven away fi?om the mouths of the Sir 
Dana by the Little Horde. After suffering great tyraimy for many years 
the people of Tashkend, under their ruler Yunus Khoja, at length 
atudced the Great Horde in 1798. They defeated them severely more 
than once, and proceeded in turn to cruelly revenge themsdves upon 
them. We are tdd they cut off the heads of their prisoners, and made 


pyramids of them» in the well-known Central Asiatic fttthion, in view of 
the Kasaks, The latter were frightened at the spectacle. Robbers and 
maraudersi they lacked both the discipline and courage of trained 
soldiersy and were now embarrassed between their fear of punishment 
and their dread of betng subjugated and reduced to slavery by Yunus 
Khan.* The latter deprived them of the- various towns where they 
had so long dominated, and exacted from them not only absolute 
submissioDi but also made them make restitution for the many wrongs 
they had inflicted on Tashkend, &c.; he made laws, and levied 
a tax of a sheep on every hundred of them ; he In fact subjugated 
and compelled them to enter his armies. These Kasaks passed in 1814 
with Tashkend under the authority of the Khan of Khohand, but a 
number of them who had been living near Chimkent left thefr gardens 
and fields there and withdrew towards the Qiinese frontier; another 
section had befoce diis Ibnnd the restraints of a settled life too much for 
them, and retired to the banks of the Irtish to the Middle Horde; odiers 
withdrew to the Aktagh mountains, &c. 

A section consisting of several thousand terns still vemafned inde- 
pendent, and encamped on the Semrek, the Kuk su, and the Kara tal. 
They acknowledged their dependence on Russia in 1819. At this time 
they were governed by Siuk* son of Ablai Khan, of the Middle Horde. 
Veniukofi^ whose account of Sungaria was translated by Messrs. John 
and Robert Michell, visited and described Vemoe, now the metropolis of 
the Great Horde. He says Sultan Ali was then at the head of the 
laifest division of the horde (1./^ of those known as the Dnkts or 

Doghlats). ''This old man,*^ he says, ''has seen a great deal of adventure 
in his day, and having at various times been subject to three Stales, he 
has learnt to adapt himadf to the customs of different countries.* This 
dnef was descended, he says, fixnn Ablai Khan, and was psobably the 
son of the Sink just named. He received an allowance of three bundled 
and fifty silver roubles (jLe.^ £$2. 10s.) from the Russian Government. 
In his youth, we are tM, he went to Peking to be presented to the 
Chinese Emperor. For a long time after the whole of his tiibe acknow- 
ledged the power of Khokand, although deputies frrom die hoide had 
previously sworn allegiance to Russia. As the Khokandians were 
determined to abolish even the nominal dependence of the Gmat Horde 
on Russia, the latter determined to attack Kopal, which was then subject 
to Khokandi and Sultan Ali was chosen to lead them. He and his 
people then nomadised on the river Kuk su. The artful politician, 
after calculating the probabilities of success, held aloof. Enraged 
at this, the sultans and bis reproached him with cowardice. " Most 
worthy sultans and bis,'' Ali wrote, "the serpent when on ito wi^ 
to its nest winds and trails along slowly; it is only at the entrance that 

* LerdilM, 16$, 


it exerts itielf and quickly glides in." This answer disarmed their wrath 
and delayed the enterprise, which was ultimately abandoned.* 

Veniukof paid the old chief a vilit '' I do not doubt,"* said the 
diplomatic traveller, ''that your people are happy in having you for a 
ruler. Your £une had reached me even at St Petersbuzgi and now I see 
that it represented only half your merits.'' 

''Do not say so," answered the old man. ''I govern my people 
according to the decrees of the Padishah. May Heaven protect him and 
his dignity the Pristaf. As you must know, a piece of timber is a rude 
block at first, but becomes seemly and serviceable as this arm-chair 
under the skilfiil hands of the joiner. Were it not for him and the 
Padishah, we should always remain blocks.'^ 

^You are too modest, Sultan. Can he thus speak ndiose wit is as 
sharp as the wdl stropped razor, and whose will inclined to good is as 
hard as sted ? All of us certainly fulfil the wishes of the Emperor, and 
everyone in Vemoe should obey the Pristaf; but you, Sultan, are of high 
degree in the horde. The allegiance of your people to the Padishah 
depends on you.'' 

'' My people cannot but be faithful to the Padishah and obedient to 
those he sets over us We live together here as two hands. You 
Russians are the right hand, we the left, and the Pristaf is the head." 
(He here joined hands, making the fingers of one fit between those of the 
other.) ^' It wereindeed bad if the left hand disobeyed the rights and 
if both did not fulfil the orders of the head^f 

I may add that a certain number of the Kazaks of the Great Horde 
settled in Russia, many years ago. Thus in 1789 the Empress 
Catherine issued an ukase authorising the Sultan Churighei with four 
thousand fomilies, partly of the Middle and partly of the Great Horde, 
to settle near the fort of Ust Kamenogorsk. In 1793 Tugum, a sultan of 
the Gieat Horde, with his people was allowed to settle in a similar 
manner within the frontiers of Siberia.} 

The Chinese, it seems, received a nominal tribute from the Kazaks of 
die Great Horde within their borders, consisting of a head of cattle for 
every hundred and a sheep for every thousand ; but this cost much more 
in presents than its value, and the various journeys made by the Kazaks 
to Pelmg^under pretence of doing homage, were really to receive gifts, 
and direct^ they had left the borders of the empire they destroyed the 
Imperii! diplomas and other marks of distinction they had received. 
They treated the Russian gifts in the same way, except the money and 
robes, which had an intrinsic value. The Kazaks told a Chinese official, 
who asked for tribute for the first time, that grass and water were the 
products of heaven and cattle its gift, and that they pastured th^n 
themselves ; why then should they pay tribute to anyone ?| 

* MicktlTi RutUos in Central Aik, 245« 24^ t M, a43-24S. I Ltrchiat, 1S4, 1^. 

NOTES. 679 

The subjugation of the Kaxaks by the strong arm of Russia can only 
be looked upon as a great gain for civilisation. However we may write 
idylls about the virtues of freedom and of nntutored man; however we 
may indulge in pleasant romances, about independence, it is inevitable 
that a nation of robbers by profession, who occupy the border lands of a 
great empire, who prevent its trade and its culture from having their 
natural outlets, who make perpetual raids into its borders, and who hold 
no treaty and no promise sacred, should be crushed and subdued. As 
was said of such tribes long ago, ^Swearing allegiance is regarded by 
nomades as a bargain which binds to nothing, but in which they expect 
to gain four to one, and for a mistake in their calculations they 
revenge themselves by pillage and incursions." No one not blinded by 
perversity would deny that the present condition of the steppes is very 
&r in advance of what it was in the last century, or in any century since 
the Mongols were really a strong power and insisted upon robbers being 
repressed ; and the result has followed from the wise policy adopti'd by 
Russia of late years, under such distinguished guidance as that of my 
friend M. Grigorief and others* 

NoU I.— In the notes to Chapter IV. I have coUecled a number of facts 
about the topography of the country occupied by the White Horde. I will 
now supplement them by some other information which I then overlooked. 
This is contained in a famous document written, according to Karamsio, 
during the leign of Feodor Ivanovitch (ii., at the end of the sixteenth century), 
and copied out in the military bureau in 1627.* It is known as the Bolshomu, 
Cberteyu or Grand Survey, and gives a very curious and detailed account of 
Russia and its borders. In this we read, ** 300 tersts from the Blue Sea is the 
mountain Uruk. The Uruk mountain is 90 versts long. From it flow three 
rivers; the river Vor, whicb flows into the Jaik on the right side (f>., the 
north), the Irghix, which flows into lake Akbaahly on the east, and the river 
Ghem, which flows southwards towards the Sea of Khualimsk, and falls into a 
lake before reaching that sea, and from Irghis to the Blue Sea are the sands 
of Barsuk Kum, stretching over 25 versti, and those of Karakum aoo versts 
from the sea. The Karakum sands are 250 versts long and 150 versts wide. 
Into the Blue Sea on the east frlls the Sir, and into the Sir falls the Kenderlik, 
and the river Kenderlik flows from the Ulugh Tagh mountains in two 
channels, and runs for a distance of 330 versts, and another river Kenderlik 
springs from the same mountain and falls into the Sarisu." 

<* The Sarisu ends in a lake before reaching the Sir» at 150 versts from the 
outfall of the Kenderlik and 70 vents from the mountain Karachat ({>., 
Karatan), and this mountain is 250 versts long, and is distant 80 versts from 
the Sir. 

* Kifiwrin, X. 34g. Helflba4X* 


*' At 150 vertU from the outfall of the Kenderlik, on the left bank of the Sir, 
is the town of Sunak. O|>potitethe mountain Karachat and between the lake 
Akbaihly and the river Sauk and the lake Ankul, and on the two banks of the 
Zelenchik, and of the rivera Kenderlik and Sariiu, and on the laads of 
Karakum and their enyironi, over a space of 600 versts are the pasturages of 
the Kazaks."* 

Again, in another place, in speaking of the Sir we read, ** On this eame 
river Sir, at go versts from the town of Sunak, is the town of Yasirvan, and 
100 versts from Yasirvan is the town of Turkestan, situated 20 versts from the 
river Sir, and 140 versts from Turkestan. On the Sir, is the town of Arkan, and 
60 versts from Arkan, on the south bank, is the town of Yangurgan, so versts 
from the Sir.*'t He also mentions the towns of Akkurgan, Sairim, and 
Tashkur (1^., Tashkend), near the Sir.) 

This acooont it singularly interesting and accurate, and we must devote a 
short space to its examination. 

The Blue Sea is the well-known name by which the Aral was known 
formeily to the Russians. The mountains Umk are clearly, ai Levchine has 
sbown^ the branch of the well-known If ugcjar range which are still called 
Airuk or Airuruk. Hence, as the survey says, spring the Vor (now called 
the Or or On), the Irghix, and the Ghem or Yemba. The lake Ak- 
bashly, mto which the Irghis is said to Bow, is now called Aksakal Barbi. 
When Rytschjcof wrote his account of Orenburgh, in the latter half of the last 
century, this was still one sheet of water about 200 versts in circumference, 
and was the receptacle of the many streams called Turgai, Ulkiaki, and 
Irghii. He adds that the lake then formed the division between the camping 
ground of the Middle and Little Hordes.} It now seems to have shrunk con* 
tiderably, and like the other lakes in the steppe, is broken into several pieces 
and much choked with reeds. | It is curious to read that the Yemba did not 
reach the Caspian when the Grand Survey was made, as it does now, and as 
it did when Rytschkof wrote. He says the Little Horde then often had its 
winter quarters on its The sands of Barsuk and Karakum are too 
well known to detain us, and we will pass on to the Sir or Jaxartes. First of 
its tributary the Kenderlik, described so pointedly in the Grand Survey. No 
such river exists now, nor does the Sir receive any tributary in its lower course, 
and it is quite clear that we have here another case of the gradual drying 
up of a river in that rapidly desiccating area the steppe of the Kasaks. 

The Grand Survey speaks of two rivers Kenderlik, one of them flowing into 
the Sarisu and the other into the Sir. Of the former there can be small doubt, 
as Makshieff argued,^ that we have the head stream still remainhig in the 
rivulet Kara Kungur, which Ukes its rise in the Ulugh Tagh mountains and fiUIs 
Into the Sarisu on its right bank. The other Kenderlik, which rose by two 
stitams from the Ulugh Tagh, I can hardly doubt is still represented by the 
Jizli Kungur and the Jilanli Kungur, which spring in the same mountains, 
and once apparently joined the The Kenderlik and the Tin 
Kenderlik are mentioned in the Abdulla Nameh, in the account of Abdulla*s 

* Ltvdiat, I4S» X44< 1 f*'t 4/^ 1 1^* f RyttclikoC Ortnborgh Topog.« 1. 17s. 
I Lcvdklas, sa. Y Op. cit.» tSo. ** Vol. 2«ra., iL 306. tt Sea Levthiao*S nap. 

Noixs. 68i 

campalgQ to the Ulogh Tagb,* ao that the Orand Sonrey is confirmed by a 
contemporafydodmeBt. WhentheKenderUkwatatiibataiyoftheSiramiich 
krger qaantilj of water araet have fiiUea into the Sea of Aral, and it waa pei>- 
hapt the drying op of this great feeder which canaed the ihrinkage of that eea, 
which, accordmg to the statement of the Kasaks, extended forty years before 
If eyendorf wrote as te as the sand hiUs of Sari bnlak and Kuk Tomalc, while 
they were then 60 versU distant from it^t The Sarisu, when the Orand Sonrey 
was made, did not reach the Sir, bnt fell into a lake before reaching it, namelyt 
the Telekol. The Sarisn was formerly the bonndaiy between the Snngarian 
Kalmaks and the Kasaks.} 

The Sank of the Grand Sonrey is clearly the river Sank mentioned in the 
accoont of AbdoUa's campaign, and whose site If akshief says it is veiy hard to 
fix.$ It aeems from the accoont in the Abdnlla Nameh to have been several 
days* joomey to the west of the Ulugh Tagh, and it may not improbably be 
identified with the Soonk so, one of the upper streams of the Hek, a tribntef7 
of the Jaik mentioned by Levchine.1 

The Ak gnl or ^iHiite lake of the account we are illustrating was not 
improbably the Ak tesh gnl or white stone lake marked on the map to the 
east of the Mugojar mountains, and not far west of the burial-place of 
Abolkhair Khan. The Zelenchik of the Orand Survey is no doubt the 
Jdanchik of the Abdulla Nameh. It is a well-known river issuing from the 
Uhigh Tagh and flUling into the lake Yakan Ak, situated 100 versts south-east 
of lake Aksakal Barbi.T 

On turning to the Sir we find the Orand Survey mentioning several 
ilrteresting towns. In regard to Sighnak, the first capital of the White Horde,** 
it seems very probable that it is the Sunak of the Orand Survey, which it places 
on the Sir, but, as Levchtne has argued with some reason, on the wiong 
bank of the Ninety versts from Sunak on the river, it names Yasirvan, 
identified by Levchine with great probability with Sabran, One hundred 
versts ftirther was the town of Turkestan, .This u the later capitsl of the 
Kazaks mast delay us a short time. 

It has been reeently visited and described by my friend Mr. Schuyler, who 
te&s us ** its only important building is the fkmons mosque built over the tomb 
of Hasret Kbojs Ahmed Yasavi, whose construction was begun by Timor 
in Z397, when he went on a pilgrimage to Turkestan, or Yassy, as it was then 
eaUed, while waiting for his new bride, Tukel-Khanim. Sheikh Ahmed 
Yaeavi| who wee the founder of the sect Jahria, and died about iiao. Is one 
of the most celebrated sainU of Central Asia, and is the especial patron of 
flie Kasakit The mausoleum is an immense building, crowned by a huge 
domc^ and havtef MAexed to the rear another small mosque^ with a melon- 
shaped dome* The ^nt consists of an immense arched portal, at least a 
hundred feet biih» ionked by two round vdndoiyless towers with crenelated 
tops^ which reminded me in some indefinite way of the front of Peterborough 
eathedraL In the irchway there is a large double door of finely carved wood, 
and over Ibis a small oriel window, dating from the last reconstruction by 

* Vcl. Zwrnof, op« cit, 305. t Levchine, 45. 2 Rjrttehkof, i. xSa. 

f Vel. Zera^ U. 5x0. | Levchine, 64. SI4.,67, **Ant4,99Q* tt Op. cit., 461, 461. 



Abdnlla Kbiia. The walls are of large square-iiretsed bricks, wtH burnt, and 
taiefolly put together. Only the rear and side still bear the mosaic lactiigi of 
enamelled tfles, though in a veiy injured conditioD. The blue tiles which 
covered the dome have nearly all iaUea cS, and of the inscriptions in large 
Cuilc letters which surround it only the end can now be deciphered. It reads 
thus: * The work of IQioja Hussein, a native of the city Shiras.* Similar 
inacriplions— gigantic ornamental texts from the Koran, in blue on a white 
ground — run round the frieie, and the bnildinf , which is still grand in its 
decay, was evidently once wondrously beaatifhL Earthquakes and despoilers 
ha:ve ruined it, leaving large cracks, now filled up in many places with coarse 
plaster. The front was apparently never completed, for the old beams which 
once served as scaffolding, remain standing in the walls, occupied now by 
immense storks' nests. These birds, which seem to be regarded with 
revetence^ are frecjuently seen perched on one leg upon the top of MussnliBan 
mosques. In the middle of the mosque is an enormous haU, under the lofty 
dome which rises to a height of over a hundred feet, and is ridily ornamented 
within with alabaster work in the style common in Moorish buildings, and 
especially seen in the Alhambnu On the right and left are rooms filled with 
tombs of various Kaxak sultans of the Middle and Lesser Hordes, among 
them the celebrated Ablai Khan. One room answers for a mosque, where the 
Friday prayers alone are said, while under the small dome at the back of the 
building are the tombs of Ahmed Yasavi and his family; and opening out of 
a long corridor full of tombs is a large room with a sacred well Next to the 
tomb of the saint the most interesting monuments are those erected to a great- 
granddaughter of Timur, Rabiga-Sultan-Begim, daughter of the famous Ulugh. 
Bek. She was married to Abulkhair-Khan, and died in Z4S5. One of her 
sons lies next to her. 

** The walls of the first room are covered with numbers of inscriptions, chiefly 
short prayers or verses from the Koran, one of which is said to have been 
written by Muhammed All Khan of Khokand, who was killed by the Amir of 
Bukhara in 1S42 ; and in the middle, standing on a pedestal, there is a large 
brass vessel like a kettle^ which would oontain at least fifty gallons of water, 
fortheuseof the persons who live in the mosque and the pilgrims and students 
who come there. It is said to have been cast at Chumak, now in rums, about 
fifty mfles from Turkestan. Around this v e s se l there are several lines of 
Arabic inscrlptioo, in different characters ; the first and longest reads : * The 
highest and Almighty God said, ** Do ye place those bearing water to pilgrims 
and visiting the sacred temple.** '* He (»>., the Prophet) said, ' May peace be on 
him I Whoso sets a vessel of water for the sake of God, the Highest, him 
trill God the Highest reward doubly in Paradise* By coaimand of the great 
Amir, the ruler of nations chosen by the care of the most merciful Qod, the 
Amir Timur Quigan. May God prolong his reign I ' This water-vessel was 
made for the tomb of the Sheikh-ul-Islam, chief of all Sheikhs In tiM world, 
the Sheikh Ahmed of Yassy. * May God give repose to his worthy soul ! The 
twelfth of Shawal, in the year 801 (IS99V The other inscription is : * The 

* TUi it tht bcfiooii^ off th« i9(h ▼•»§ of tbt gth Saia of tko Korsa, and ought to pcoosodi, 
onthtsaaslevtlwiUiUfliwboboIiortihlaOodf'Ac (Scbpjltr op.eit,i.7x. Nolo.) 

NOTES. 683 

work of the Mfvaiit, striving Qodwtrd, the Abnl-Axu» ton of the master Sberef- 
tiddlfi» netife of Tabriz.' 

" There ere besides la the mosque four Urge ceadlestioks, hot the inscriptions 
are so defitced that one can only read the name of Timur, and that of the 
maker, a Persian from Ispahan, with the date 799 (1397)* The Sbeikh-ul- 
Islam has several documents from Tarioos folers of Central Asia in whose 
possession Tnrkestan has been, coii£srring privileges on the shfine, one off 
them of the year 1591, signed by Abdolla Khan. 

''This mosque is considered the holiest in all Central Asia, and had very 
great retigions importance, as previous to the capture of the dty by .the 
Rnsdans, pilgrims of all ranks, even khans and amirs, assembled there from all 


*• The mosque is entirely supported by property which hae been given toU 
by various worshippers, induding the revenues fitMn several earavwielrais and 
shops in the city, and very large amounts from land. Belbre the capture of 
the city the Khan of Khokand used to send five hundred tillas a year, and 
even now pUgrimt am in the habit off offering sheep every Friday, the meat off 
which is distributed to the poor off the city. 

" In the little enclosure in front of the portal are numerous tombs bearing 
inscriptions, and in a comer of the large court-yard is a small and very 
elegant mosque, with a lemon-shaped cupola, covered with blue tiles. The 
local legend runs that this was the temporary resting-place of the body off 
Rabiga-Beglm, whose early death caused Timur such grief that he built the 
great moeque. Unfortunately history siiows that she died some eighty years 
after him, and it is very doubtfhl if he ever saw her. 

''The termination of the great moeque called Hasret was aknost contem* 
poraneotts with Timor's death. The word HoMni^ an Arabic word, meaning 
Hterally'preeence^^ is used in the sense of 'majesty' for rulers, and with the 
meaning ' nnctity' is frequently applied to samts, especially to thow meet 
reverenced, and in this case the celebrity off the saint has given a name to the 
town, which is often called • Haweti-Turicestan,' or even simply • Hairet.' 

" Besides the mosque there is little in Turkestan to interest one. The city 
has much frOien off, and barely numbers six thousand souls. Everything looks 
dPapidated and desolate, though I found the straggUng basaar very curioM, 
as It wi^ the first really genuine Oriental basaar which I had seen, that at 
Perovsky being halff-Russian. 

" I wandered for a long time, in spite of the heat, past the little rows of simps, 
k>oking at the silversmiths plying their trades, and seeing the general Idleness 
and listlessness off the shopkeepers, for there eeemed almost no business going 
on. The central point off Interest was a raised platform, whore stood a man 
with a little mountain off snow, which he was dealing out to the little boys in 
smaU porUonsy with a laoce of sugary syrup. The eyes of the boys were big 
and greedy, yet their timidity or their hatred of a Kafir was such that I had 
some dUficulty in inducing them to allow me to treat them."* 

One hundred and forty versts firom Turkestan, on the Sir, the Grand Survey 
mentloni tho town of Arkan. which is probably the Ikan mentioned in the 

♦ Schiqrler, I. r^-n* 


AbdnUa Ntmeb, and which ttill remalnt as a tmall village not ht fi«m 
Turkestan,* Sixty vents from Arkan, on the opposite side of the river, he 
mentions Yankorgan, a well known town which ttill sorvivet. It also 
mentions, as situated, on the Sir, Akknrgan, Sairam, and Tashkend, which 
are also well known. 

In the Kazak steppe there are'namerons mint of towns, whose descriptions 
I will remit to the notes of a later chapter. 

^2)4^ a.— I have overlooked in the text' any reference to the early European 
travellers who mention the Kayaks. The first to do so was Anthony Jenkinson, 
who went to Bukhara in 1558, and whose scccount was published by Hackhiyt. 
He merely says that when he was at Bukhara the caravans from Cathay had 
ceased to go there, tn/fr alia because of the attacks of a certain people called 
** Cassaks of the law of Mahomet» who warred against Tashkend.'*t Herberstein, 
Miechof, and Guagnini merely mention the Kazaks as forming one of the 
hordes beyond the Volga. The English merchants Hogg and Thompson, who 
went to Bukhara in 1746, crossed the Kazak steppes. They call the Kasaks 
Kirgeese Tartars. Setting xfat from the Jaik on the a6th of June, they reached 
the camp of their friend Jean beek Batir («>«, Janibeg Batir), who sent his son 
to meet them on the i6th of the next month. This camp was 800 versts from 
the Jaik. The chief sat in his tent on a cafpet, and taking a bowl of kumia 
he drank and offered them some. They gave him some presents, and informed 
hkn they wished to open a trade with Khiva which would be very profitable to 
him. He promised to assist them in every way, and insisted on their staying 
with him during the extreme heat to refresh their cattle. Our travellers 
describe the Kazak country as bounded on the north by the Bashkirs, on the 
east by the Black Kalmuks and Tashkend, on the south by the Karakalpaks 
and the Sea of Aral, and on the west by the Jaik. They say they were divided 
into three hordes, of which the one nearest to Russia was governed by Jean 
beek, always styled Batir. They add that what little religion there was among 
them was Muhammedanism, and they describe some of their manners and 
customs. /i»^ aHa we are told they were very civil to strangers while 
they continued under their protection, for they esteemed it the greatest 
dishonour to affront a guest, but no sooner was he departed than his professed 
friend and protector would sometimes be the first person to rob him» and he 
would be fortunate if he escaped without being made a slave. They had no 
money, and their wealth consisted in cattle and frirs. 

Having travelled in Jean beek's company for some days, they went on 
towards Urgenj under the guidance of one of hit brothers. On the return 
Journey Mr. Hogg was set upon by a party of seventeen Kazaks and plundered. 
Having found hit way back to hit friend Jean beek, who had gone on an 
expedition againtt the Black Kalmuks, he had some part of the plundered 
property restored to him4 The Jean beelc Batir of this account was no doubt the 
Janibeg Baatur, a chief of the Middle Horde, who long lived with Abulkhair.§ 
Hogg it clearly mistaken in maldpg him the chief of the Little Horde. 

VeL Zwnof. U. 30a. t HackJuyt, London, 1809, i. 37a. 

I Hanway't Traveli, i. a^B-iiZ, i Vid$ tmtt, 661. 


NcU 3.— la the foUowing ftaOAlogical tabic I have mari^ed two. conjectural 
linln by dots. 


Of th« Wbilo Hord«. 

Gini klHB. Jaoibef Khan. 


Innclu Mahimid KMim luk. JaaUh. Kanlwr. Taoish. vJik. UsLk 
Khaa. Kban. Khao. 1 Khan. 

J I. « 

I I BoUakai 

Ak Nasar Khan. 1 1 1 1 Kusraa. 

Minutth Khan. TagirKhan. BakdSaltaa. SUcdKbaa. | 
I I Aichurak. 

I IthimKhaB. | 

KocLak. I I 

I I i ! Irith. 

KhodaiMendi. Yebanghir Kbaa. Saltan Sirdak. Vak 1 

I t I J Adiaor 

Torean Khan. Tiavka Khan. Sultan Sirdak. Ahlai. Aitiak. 

I j BaUtKhan Saltan K«el. VaU. Abnlkhair 

Knchak. Bomk KhAn. ^ Shemiaka. | I Khan. 

ftocABic Borraic unan. Kalp Khan. Ahlal Khan. 

I Lr AbolMaUunet | | 

Shicai. Khanliabal. *"»,"• Snltan Batir. VaU Khmn. 

Bolat Saltan. Abalfeia Khan. KaitiKhaii. KhodaiMenA 



lahimKhan. PiraU 

N vali Khan. Braft khan. Aichavak 

J Khan. 

khaa. BnkalKhan. 

i JanthmKhaa. Chirghaci Khia. 
Yahanghir Khan. 






TKfi UttMfl be^ur a vety bmilUr vaam to the student of the 
hi«(ory of Centml Asia. From tUt bepnoing of the sixteenth 
Q^Uny they have j^actically dominate over a huge part of the 
countriQ% ^tK of the Caspian, Thoy formed the ulus or special 
hqfi|a|[^ ef Sbeiban^ the son of Juchi Khan, and were the llounders of 
Hbftt import^t States, the one we are about ta describe, a second one at 
Ktyiiare9ft ok i%tva, wy^ wiU ooQupy us in the next chi4>ter, and a 
third ^e in Siberia, to which we ihatt dfvot* chapter xL To the latter 
chapter we shall remit the crooked questions surrounding the history of 
gJbi^jiJl^^ 1^ his immediate successors, and shall here merely give a list 
of then;!.. $h^t!iaup^ the son of Juchi, had a son named Behador Khan, 
whose son was Mangu Timui: Khan. Manga Timur Khan had several 
sons, one of whom, Pulad Khan, reigneii |6r a short time over the 
northern part of the Golden Horde, as I have described,* and was put to 
death by 4k^ Khan. Pulad was the father of Ibrahim Oghlan, who was 
the fa^ of Devlet Shei^i O^Ian, whp was the father of AbuUchair. 

Abjofthair was tib^ real founder of ^ j^wer of the Uzb^s. On 
the qoUaipse of the Ciolden Horde, after it had been crushed by 
T^uf j^ ijfgy Y^egan to assume an important rSU, and on the death of 
Borrak Khaa, Abulkair became the real master of the steppe of 
Turan. From him were descended the rulers of Mavera un Ndii> 
whose history will occupy us '91 this chapter. It is true his grandson 
Sheibani ?ras the conqueror of tha|(4Js^ct whence the dynasty has been 
styled, that of the Sheibanidiii but;, none of Sheibani^s own descendants 
ever ruled tjKnre, and the dynji^ty^ as M. Grigorief ^s already argued, 
should \^ styled that of the Abulkhairids. 

Abollfhais was bom j^ the year 816 (i4i3).t Kfunshi tells us that 
before he was twenty he conquered Khuarezm from Murza Shah Rukh, 
the son of Timur, and immediately after mounted the throne of the 
Uzbegs* He says he hjid a partioilar affection for Mevlana Hussein of 

* ^ft^, dMptor IV. t AbuifbAii, 191, NoU, x. 


Kfrnareznii a dMoendant of lb* celebrated Nejmeddiii Kuberai^ executed 
by the Mongols at Urgenj, a pious and wise persoBi from whom he leamt 
the lessons in religion and politics for which he was famous.* In his 
eaxiy days he was doubtless subordinate and subject to Borrak Khan of 
the White Horde, who was killed in 831 (i>., i427-8}.t The Tarikhi- 
Abulkhair, for an abstract of which I am greatly indebted to my friend 
Dr. Rie% begins its account of his life abruptly with the notice of his 
return friom an expedition against Musl^ha Khan* by whom, I have 
little doubt, the same person is meant who acted a prominent part in the 
history of the Golden Horde, and who was killed in an invasion of 
Russia in 144:54 Abulkhair defeated this chief with the loss of four 
thousand five hundred men, and returning home victorious divided the 
booty among his amirs. After this, and when the sun was in the con« 
stellation Libra, he prepared to attack Sighnak, and sent several of 
his principal amirs in advance. T}ie governor of the fortre^, which 
then doubtless formed a part of the dominions of Shah Rukh, seeing 
the strength of the invaders surrendered it, and th^ lJzbtg9 took 
possession of it with Kard (?), Ak kurgan, Aruk, Suzak^ and Uzkend.} 
Abulkhair bestowed the fort of Suzak upon Bakhtiar Sultan, Sighnak 
upon Manahdan Oghlan, and Uzkend upon Vakhas hi Mangut He 
spent the winter there. On the return of spring he was pr^ftariog to 
rMum to his summer quarters at Ilak, when news arrived of the death 
of Shah Rukh and the march Of his son Ulugh Beg to Khorassan. This 
was therefore in 1448. Uhigh Beg had been the governor of Mavera un 
Nehr and Turkestan, and when he thus withdrew south of the Oiais to 
secure the important province of Khorassan, Abulkhair sununoned his 
captains and pointed out to them that Samarkand was left defe nce l ess . 
He accordingly mardied his troops thither, and the inhabitants on the 
way submitted. The governor of the city, the amir Jelal ud din Bayazid, 
sent some notables with presents to sue for peace, and to say that Uluj^ 
Beg was well disposed towards the Khan, and that the latter would do 
best to retire homewards, which he accordingly did. I 

This is probably the event referred to by Abdurrezak, who tells us 
that while Ulugh Beg was absent in Western Khorassan pursuing his 
rival Ala ud Daulat, the son of Baisongkhor Murza, the Uzb^ 
advanced to the suburbs of Samarkand; which they plundered. That 
author tells us ''the beautiful mosaic pictures, brought eipressly from 
Giioa, were shattered on the w^Uls of the picture gallery (Chinikhaneh) by 
the clubs of the Uzb^s> the rich gilding was scraped off, and the works of 
art, which had cost many years of labour to make, were utteriy destn^ed 
in a few honrs.*^ Ulugh B^ was murdered by his son Abdul Latif in 

*SenkoMd,i8. Vtmbcry, Bokhara, S38. \ AttU,274' I Goldeo Hord«, jQt. dmi^^a^ 
i Thu enomertsioii b another proof that the Uaktnd of tha White Hordo wai, aa I have 
argued {mU$, notea to diapter iv.), a dsfferant place to the eaatara Uakend. 
I Yw. Abnl* $ta-SS4* f Vaaihafr,cv.eltn«ia. 


1449. The latter taoceeded to the throne^ and then inarched against 
Abusaidy a great-grandson of Miram&ah, who had seized upon aithority 
in Samarkand Abosaid was beaten and taken prisoner, btst etcaped to 
Bukhara.* There he was arrested. AbdulLatif was himself assassinated 
in 854 (O,, HSo), whereiq>on Abusaid was released. Not content with 
the authority he had at Bukhara, he marched against Samarkand, where 
Abdul Latif 's successor Abdulla Murza, a grandson of Shah Rukb, 
reigned Bdng beaten in this attempt, he fled to Toikestan and seised 
the fortreu of Yassy (Le., the modem towi^ q( rurkestan).t Thence he 
repaired to the camp of Abulkhair, by whom he was recetted with the 
greatest honour, and he un4ertook to restore Samarkand to him. The 
Uzbegs thereupon marched, the van of the army being led by Bakhtiar 
Sukan, and the main body by a number of an^ra, whose names are 
enumerated in the Tarikhi Abulkhair. It is curious to read that as it 
was the hot season, the Yedehchia or rain bringers were ordered to 
perform their incantations, when there came abundant rain, and the 
army easily traversed the desert of Jmk» Abdulla, who was master of 
Turkestan, Mavera un Nehr, Kabul, and B%is^hshan, collected Us 
troops, add the two armies met at Shiraz in the i^atj^ of Kanvan, on the 
banks of the Bulalghur. The Uzbegs won a bloody victory, and Abdotta 
himsdf was pursued and dian. This was in the latter part of 855 (^., 
1453). Abulkhair released the prisoners he had taken, ordered his men 
to refrain from pillage, and held a grand dnrbar. We are told he alighted 
in the Bagfa i Maidan and the amirs on the lawn of Kangul| Abusaid 
was reinstated at Samarkand, and the Sheikh ul Islam, then Khoja 
Fazlulla, had an interview with Abulkhahr, and engaged in pious con- 
versation with him. Abusaid sent daily presents to the Khan. He also 
sent him Ulugh Beg*s daughter Rabiga Sultan B^m, to whom he was 
immediately married. After firmly establishing Abusaid and pacifying 
the district he returned to Desht Kipchak.| We nei^ read in the 
Tarikhi Abulkhair that Uz Timur Taishi, the ruler of tiie Kafanuks, who 
was jealous of Abulkhair, having summoned his amirs, announced to 
them that ihat Khan, after securing great wealth and possessions, was 
now taking his ease in his summer quarters (Ilak) .He easily persuaded 
them to march against hiuL Abulkhair, on his side^ also advanced The 
probability is the latter was in fact the assailant On readiing Chubui (<>., 
the well-known river Chu), hb men left their baggage behind and went 
on in light order. Bakhtiar Sultan and Ahmed Sultan went on with the 
vanguard, and the main body followed under a number of the chief 
amirs. The two armies met at Kuk Kashanah (?) in the Chir of Kili 
Kiyat (?) in the Nur tukai (?). The Kalmuk chie( m spite of the 
number of his men, sent to offer peace, ''but Bakhtiar Sultan, Ahmed, and 
their companions, forgetting the iq^horism that peace is best, insisted on 

*/tf. t Tar. AM, 3«S* Sik I/i.,siS-S34. fM,SSS. 


^bting.** The two sultans were killed. The main body of the Vzhtg$ 
then fought against the Kalmuks, but was also defeated, whereupon 
Abulkhair retired to Sighnak. The Kalmuks went on and ravaged 
Turkestan, Shahrukhia, and the tract of Tashkend. Uz Timur again 
offered peace, which was now accepted, and he then returned by Sairam 
to the river Chu, where he had left his baggage, and thence home again.* 

This campaign of Abulkhair against the Kalmuks is very interesting. 
Uz Hmur Khan was, as I believe, the Timur, Chingsang or vic^;erent 
of the S^on Gar or right wing of the Uirads, mentioned by Ssanang 
Setzen,f and who seems to have succeeded Essen Khan. Abulkhair's 
name occurs in the traditions of the Kalmuks as Bolghari Khan, and it 
would seem that it was in this very campaign that the Khoshotes first 
acquired their name. Pallas, in reporting the traditions of this tribe, sayi 
one of their chiefs named Aksugaldai had two sons, Arrak Timur and 
Oerrok Timur,} who jointly ruled the tribe, and allied themselves with 
Toghon Taishi,} in whose army they fought very bravely against a famous 
Bolghari Khan, and thence derived the name of Khoshotes. | After his 
fight with the Kalmuks, Abulkhair devoted himself to the affiiirs of 
Desht Kipchak, which greatly prospered in his hands. 

We next read that about the year 1455 Abusaid, being engaged in a 
campaign in Khorassan and Mazanderan, Muhammed Chuki Murza, the 
son of Abdul Latif Khan, whom he had defeated, fled to Abulkhair, by 
whom he was well received, as well as by his father's sister Rabiga 
Sultan Begim. He asked Abulkhair for assistance with which to recover 
his ancestral dominions. Abulkhair assented, and despatched an army 
under Bereke Sultan, Bishikda Oghlan, and other amirs, which marched 
towards Samarkand. They were joined by some Jagatai amirS| who 
were discontented with Abusaid Khan, and by the partisans of Ulugh 
Beg. They speedily captured Tashkend and Shahrukhia, and then 
crossed the Sihun. The governor of Samarkand, the amir Masid 
Arghun, marched out to Sittan to meet them, but he was defeated after 
a terrible struggle, and withdrew to Samarkand, whence he dispatched 
messengers to Abusaid for assistance. The Uzbegs overran the open 
country of Mavera un Nehr, and encamped at Kufin (?) and Kermineh. 
On hearing of the approach of Abusaid, Bereke Sultan and the other 
Kipchak officers were for defending the passage of the Amu or Oxus, 
the Jagatai officers for withdrawing behind the Sihun or upon Shah 
rukhia. Chuki having supported the latter course, a large number of 
his men deserted to Abusaid, while the Uzbegs began to plunder. His 
people were disorganised, and he was speedily beleagured at Shah 
rukhia, where he was compelled by famine to surrender. The Tarikhi 

• Id,, 357-339* t Opu dt, iSj. 

] Prokabljr to b« identifitd with the AUk Cbioctanc tnd Timur ChingMnc of SMntng 
Silstt. ud OM of them with the above-oamed Vm THnnr. 

iProbab|r«flBittaktCorhitNBSiteaKhaa. | PaIIm, SamL Hitt Nach , 15- 



Abulkhair says he was treated kindly by Abusaid, who took him with 
him to Herat and confined him in the fort of Ikhtiyaruddin, where he 

We are told the Desht Kipchak greatly flourished under the beneficent 
rule of Abulkhair. He died at the age of fifty-seven, in the year of the 
rat A.H. 874 (t./.y A.D. 1439). According to Abulghazi there were none 
of his relations who had not felt the weight of his hand, and whom he 
had not forced to submit to him. In consequence of this th^y rebelled 
against him^ and killed him with several of his sons, while his people 
were scattered.! According to the Abdulla Nameh of Hafiztanish, 
Abulkhair had eleven sons. By Aghanak, of the tribe Burgut, he had 
Shah Budagh Sultan and Khoja Muhammed Sultan ; by a second wife 
of the Mangut tribe^ Muhammed Sultan and Makhmet Sultan ; by a 
third of the Kungrad tribe, Sheikh Haidar Khan, Sanjar Sultan, and 
Ibrahim Sultan ; by Rkbiga Sultan Begim, the daughter of Ulugh Beg 
Gurkhan, Kuchkunji Khan and Suiunich Khan; and by a concubine 
Ak Buyuk and Seyid Baba.^ In the Tarikhi Abulkhair Muhammed 
Sultan, the brother of Makhmet Sultan, is not mentioned, and instead we 
have the name of Abul Mansur, who is iq;>parently made the whole 
brother of Kuchkunji. It also calls Ak Buruk, Ak Burun.| 

The strife that arose on the death of Abulkhair was chiefly between 
his descendants and those of Yadigar, the head of a collateral branch of 
his family which founded the Khanate of Khuarezm, and which wiH 
occupy us in the next chapter. The story is a complicated one. On 
turning to the Tarikhi Rashidi we find its author stating that ou the 
death of Abulkhair Khan his people acknowledged his eldest son Baruj 
Oghlan, who, to avoid Girai and Janibeg Khan of the Kazaks, who were 
becoming very powerful, lived in the territory of Tivkestan. It seems 
that Yunus Khan of Mongolistan had marched to the assistance of his 
protig^t the Kazaks, and was attacked in Kara tuga by Baruj, who came 
upon him by surprise with twenty thousand men. The Khan had sbcty 
thousand families with him. The fighting men had crossed the Sihun to 
hunt, aiHi Baruj found the camp defenceless, and his people immediately 
b^gan to plunder. The Khan having learnt what had happened, did 
not wait to collect his men, but instantly returned. He crossed 
the river on the ice with only six companions, one of whom carried the 
Shesh tugha or Grand Standard. He also had the great trumpet with 
him, which none could blow like himself. When he came near the camp 
be gave a k>ud blast, and the standard coming in sight, a general panic 
aciied the Uzbegs. Baruj Oghlan tried to mount his horse, but hd was 
seized, and the Khan ordered him to be beheaded and his head to be put 
on a spear, ifdiile few of his followers escaped.| It was long ago noticed 

* Op. €H.| M9-949* ^ ^ ^^' >^' ^' 1 ^^* Ztra., Coiitt of BuUwrt, 359. 

f Op. dt., 390. I Twikhl lUtbidi 


by Hafiztanishy who refers to this passage, that no such name as Baruj 
occurs among the lists of Abulkhair's sons/ but as he is so distinctly 
called the eldest son ai Abulkhair, and was apparently succeeded by 
Sheibanif I am disposed to think he wat the same person as Shah 
Budagh Sultan, the father of Sheibani. Abulkhaii^s second son was 
named Khoja Muhammed, who was own brother to Shah Budagh. As he 
was only half-witted, the Usbegs named him Khoju 'am Tintek (i>., the 
idiot). **He was such a fool,'' says Abulghasi, ''that he used to prophecy 
to the women of the aul by the sputterings of fat in the fire whether they 
would have boys or girls, j^et he could not tell whether the boy his wife 
presented him witJi was his own or another's.'^ It seems he had married 
Malai Khanzadeh, the widow of Bereke Sultan, the leader of the rival 
house of Uzbegs. She was already enainte when he married her, and 
seven months Ester gave ^irth to a son, who was called Janibeg, and who 
filled an important role in Uzbeg history.t 


When Shah Budagh died he left an infant son named Muhammed, who 
was called Sheibani, after the original founder of the Khanate, Sheibah, 
the son of Juchi. He was given the title of Shahbakht (1./., the fortimate 
prince) by his grandfather, which was corrupted by some Persian writers 
into Shaibek. While we find the additional name Abulfath on 
his coins (Frsehn Res., 437 ; VeL Zern., Coins of Bukh, &c, 333). He 
was bom In 1451 of the hejira, and his mother's name was Ak 
kuzi Begim.} On his father's death his grandfather Abulkhair 
ordered Uighur Sheikh, who had been Shah Budagh's atabeg, to look 
after him, and on Abulkhair's death, Karachtn beg, one of the most 
powerful amirs among the Uzbegs, undertook to take charge of him and 
of his brother Mahmud Sultan. At this time, we are told in the Sheibani 
Nameh, there came forward many enemies of the house of Abulkhair^ 
such as Seidiak and Ibak, the sons of Haji Muhammed Khan oC the 
horde of Sheiban ; the descendants of Arab Bereke Sultan (probably 
Arabshah the Sheibanid is meant); Janibeg and Girai, the sons of 
Borrak of the White Korde; and the Manguts or Nogais, Abbas, Musa 
and Yamgurchi«i The heritage qf Abulkhair was now in the feeble 
hands of his son Sheikh Haidar, who was presently defeated by the Ibak 
just named. Karachin repaired with his two charges to Kasim, the Khan 
of Astrakhan, who appointed his own amir el umera Timurbeg (who 
was a Nogai) to look after thenu When Kasim was 4)eleagured in 
Astrakhan by Ibak and Ahmed Khan of the Golden Horde, the two 
young princes and Karachin fought their way through the enemy after a 
desperate struggle.1 Sheibani now seems to have repaired to his old 

• V«i. Itnief, iL, Khaai of KmIimC 14S' t Abolfhasi, toS. 

t8tBk«ftU,J0. Vtl.ZtrBoC,U.S34* I Vtl. 2«nioi; op. cit.« if. 135. i/A Antt,iy>. 


country about the Lower Sir, where he gathered some people about hiin> 
but having been defeated near Sabran by Iranchi, the scm of Janlbeg 
Khan of the KasakSy he went to Bukhara, where he was well recdved 
and entertained by the amir Abdul Ali Terkhan, who goremed that town 
for Ahmed Murza. The latter sent for him to Samarkandi where he 
treated him hospitably, and he afterwards returned again to Bukhara.* 
After spending two years with Abdul Ali he returned homewards. When 
he approached the fort of Artak the Khoja Begchik and the ddest of the 
amirs with the chief people went out to meet him with the keys of the 
place. Thence he went on to Sighnak. There envoyai. met him from 
Mttsa, the chief of the Manguts or Nogais, inviting him to go to the 
Desht Kipchak, and promising to make him Khan there if he went He 
accepted the invitation and had an interview with Musa, who treated 
him welL Berendnk Khan of the Kazaks, whose authority was being 
tiius questioned^ marched against him, but was defeated and fled. 
Sheibani having asked Musa to fulfil his promise, the latter evaded the 
proposal, on the ground that the Manguts were un£ftvourable*t Sheibani 
now withdrew from the Desht Kipchak, and fought several times with 
the Kazak ddef Mahmud Sultan, the son of Janibeg, who was the ruler 
of Susak. Bdng at length defeated by him, he went to Mangushlak on 
the Caspian, and thence to Khuarezm, where the amir Nasir ud din Abd 
ul Kalik Firos Shah, who ruled in the name of Sultan Hussein Murza of 
Khorassan, presented him with lordly gifts. Thence he went to Karakul 
and Bukhara to his old patron Ali Terkhan, who again accompanied him 
to Saroarkandt At this time the ruler of Mavera un Nehr, Sultan 
Ahmed Murza, was in conflict with the Khan of Mongolistan, Sultan 
Mahmud Khan, who ruled also at Tashkend and Shahrukhia. He led 
an army against Tashkend, which was joined by Sheibani This was in 
the year S93 (t>., 1488).! The two armies opposed one another on the 
river Chirr, a tributary of the Sir Daria. Sheibani treacherously made 
secret overtures to the enemy, and ofiered to throw his allies into 
confusion and to fly at a critical moment The following day the army 
of Mongolistan crossed the Chirr, the foot soldiers leading and the 
cavalry following, when Sheibani carried out his purpose. Sultan Ahmed 
Murza was defeated, and many of his men were drowned. | Sheibani 
now seems to have transferred his services to Mahmud Khan, who 
having shortly after captured the town of Turkestan, which was at thb 
time subject to Sultan Ahmed Murza, made it over to Sheibani as a 
reward for his services at the battle of the Chirr. 

This greatly exasperated Janibeg and Girai, the chiefs of the White 
Horde, to whose ancient heritage Turkestan apparently belonged, and 
who thereupon quarrelled with Mahmud Khan, as I have mentioned.^ 

* VaL ZmrntL IL*^ t Khoaadtmirt qootoi by VaL Xwnot, iL 140, «4S. t tiL, 145, 146. 
»Vil.l«nMCii. NoC».S3. I Ttrikhi RathldL f^«r#,«i8. Tir.lUiUdL 


Mahmud Khan asdtted Um with troopi^ and there also joineo hfan m 
lazge number oi his grandfather^ retainers. Now happened the 
romantic incident described by Abolghazi, in which Berdce Sultan met 
his end, and to whidi I shall itto more at length in the next chapter. 

Sheibani also had several encoonters with the Kasdtt ; thvs we reed thatf 

hafing secured aH the snrrotmdii^ fbftresseSy he moved i^on Si^^makf 

where he struggled with Berendnl Khan of the Kaxaks.* fle then 

marched into Khuarenn) seising the opportunity when its governor 

Ftroc Shah was in Khorasan with his master Sultan Hussein Mursa.^ 

After several days' attadc on the capitalf Finn Shah having marched to 

tibe ittco^ he raised the siege and went to the ibitiess of Buldnm» 

whose rmnsstill remain about 88 versts north-east of Khiva. Therehe 

was wefl reoeivedy and passed on to the town 4^* Vedr, where he was 

defeated by the troops of Khomsant and passed on irst to Alak and then 

to Asterabad^phindering several places in the nejgjibourhood.t AftertUst 

by the invitation of Mahmud Khan, he went to Ottai^ vdiere they formed 

a league, and where the Khan gave up Otrar to him. At this time the 

people of Sabran expelled their dan^t^ or governor Kul Muhammed 

Teikhan, and gave up the keys to Mahmud SuHan, the brother of 

Shcibani, and we are told the peof^ of all Turkestan acknowledged the 

autfiority of the two brothers. The Kaaks having marched agatnsi 

Sabran, the dtisens treadierously seised Mahmud and surrendered 

him to Kasim, the Kasak chie^ whose mother, according to die 

Sheibani Nameh, was sister to Mahmud's mother. He kept him for 

some timoi and then sent him under escort to Suxak. On the way 

i^imwui escaped He sent to inform his 1»olher| and they had an 

interview on the mountain Ugusman, whence they both returned to 

Otrar. Soon after Berendnk Khan of the Kaiaks attacked him at 

Otrar, but after some days agreed to a peace. Sheibani then went to 

Yassi {l£.t the town of Turkestan), iHiich was governed by Muhammed 

Mesid Terkhan, who was c a ptu r ed and sent prisoner to Otnur. There* 

upon Mahsmd Khan of MongoHstan mardied to his assistance, rdeased 

hhn, and sent hfan to Samarlcand. That diief now began to see what a 

dangerous person he had been patronising and allied himedf witb die 

Kaiaks against him. They feared to attadc Sheibani at (Yassi, but 

bdeagured his son MuhanmiedTimur Sultan at Otrar. Theattadcwas 

unsttccessfo], and not long after we find Berenduk Khan giving his sisters 

in marriage to Sheibanf s son Muhammed Timur uid his brother 

Mahmud. Sheibani was a very unscrupulous person. As Erskine si^fi 

he habitually aimed at extending his territory, and never scrupled as 

to means. He was totally without feith^ and bound by no promise or 

engagement, end frequent misunderstandings occurred between him 

and Mahmud Khan. Notwithstanding, the latter continued to countenance 

* VaI. Zmq., iLMT' t fd., t4i* S49- 


him and to employ him in his designs upon Samarkand and Bokhanu 
This poUcy was naturaUy grateful to the wUy Sheibani, whose power 
increased daily. 

It would seem that in 2497 he had been called to his assistance 
by Baisongkhor Mursa, the ruler of Samarkand, when attacked by 
Baber, bat finding the latter^s army weU prepared/ he drew off again.* 
This was doubtless the inrasion mentioned in the Sheibani Nameh, 
where we are toM that Sheibani's brother. Sultan Mahmnd penetrated as 
far as Jizak and was there repulsed, and that Sheibani, to revenge him, 
crossed the Sihon with an auxiliary force of one thousand Jetes, by 
whom he was betrayed, whereupon he retired.! He now i»epared a 
more elaborate plan. 

Vambery relates how his future strategy was guided by an af^iorism 
of his spiritual adviser Sheikh Mansur, idio^ having asked him to a least, 
said to himi when the viands were taken away, ^Dost thou see that this 
tableck>th is removed, not by snatching it in the centre but by folding up 
each comer, and so the country must be taken, not by seizing the capital 
but by secttring the frontiers.*! 

More of the old supporters of his house hastened to him. '^ He led 
them,'' says Erskine, "into the rich fieUsofTransoadana, which he and 
Ins followers had had uaplt opportunities of surreying as fugitives and 
eadlcs.** These provinces they now found m prey to £u:tion and torn with 
civil war. Their forces, which at first consisted only of Uzbegs, had 
been recruited by adventurers from all parts of the Desht Kipchak* 
IfUsr alia we are told Sheibani went to Khiva« ifHieie he borrowed some 
Mangut auxiliaries. He was also joined by several Uzb^ chiefs who 
had hitherto stood aloof finmn him, such as his two uncles, Kucfakunjt 
Sultan and Suiunich Sultan, and his relatives Hamsa Sultan and Mdidi 

At this time the various princes of the house of Timur were eng^^ 
in civil strife, and there was great confusion in Mavera un Ndir. The 
famous Baber was among the chief offenders. Having captured Samar- 
kand firom Baisongkhor in 1497, he had afterwards been constrained to 
withdraw, and the nominal ruler of Mavera un Nehr at this tinus was 
Sultan Ali Murza, the son of Sultan Mahmud Murza, by Zuieh Beghi 
Aga, who Baber says was an Uzbeg and a concubine. I Although Sultan 
Ali was the nominal ruler of Samarkand, it would seem that the real 
authority was in the hands of Khoja Yahia, whose ancestors had held the 
post of Sheikh ul Islam there for four hundred years.1[ Sheibani having 
appeared before the town, belcagured it for ten days, and repulsed a 
sortie from the gate Sheikhzade ; he then entered it by the gate Tshihar 
rah, and penetrated unresisted to the summer palace of Baghi No. We 
are told '*he had to fight the garrison inside the town itself. The 

* Mtmoin or Baber, 47. 48. t Vambery, History of Bukhara, 230, ^51. 

1 14, NoU. 351. I Vambery, op. cit., 351* I Op. dt, 39. ^ Vambery, 35. 


Struggle began at noon and lasted till midnight, Shdbani displaying 
leddess courage during its progress. The next day news arrived that 
Bald Teikhan, a son of the Ab^ AU Teridianf under whom Shdbani 
had comrnmcfid his career, was coming from Bukhara to the help of 
Samarkand, and was already besiq;inf the Ibrt of Dabusi.''* The 
U^Mgs theseupon desisted from their attad^ and turned upon and 
defeated Bald Teikhan, and leavii^ a force to bdeaguer Samarkand, 
Usdf went on towards Bukhara. This was qieedQy captured. Sheibani 
having put his harem there, attadced Karakul The inhabitants of that 
place rose against the garrison and murdered them. The Uzbegs 
speedOy recaptured it, and exacted vengeance. They then returned to 
continue theUr attack on Samarkand.! Baber tells us that All Murza's 
mother, who, as we have seen, was an Uzbeg, '^was led by her stupidity 
and folly to send a messenger privatdy to Sheibaid Khan, proposing 
tibat if he would marry her, her son should surrender Samarkand into 
his hands on condition that, when he recovered his own paternal 
dominions he should restore that town to Sultan AH '^ We are further 
told that Aba Yosuf Arghun was the originator of this plan. When 
Sheibani readied Bagh e Mddan (f>., the Garden of the Plain), Sultan 
Ali Murza, without acquainting anyone^ left the town by the Char 
raheh gate^ accompanied by only a few insignificant individuals of his 
personal attendants, and went to meet him. Shdbani did not give him 
a very flattering reception, and as soon as the ceremonies of meeting 
weie over made him sit down lower than himselt Khoja Yahia, finding 
die murza had left die town, was alarmed and left it in turn* He also 
waited on Shdbaid, who did not rise to greet him, but said some severe 
things to him. The Khqja*s example was followed by Jan Ali, the son, 
of Kbqja Ali bi, who was at Rabat Khoja, ''so that,* 8a)-8 Baber, *the 
wretdied and weak woman, to get hersdf a husband, gave the fimuly 
and honour of her son to the winds, nor was she well treated, for 
Sheibani did not value her as much as his own wives and concubines.") 

Another account attributes the fidl of the place to the quarrds 
between Sultan Ali and Ids patron the Khoja, and tdb us how Shdbani, 
who knew of diem, ^ wrote to the princely puppet asking him whether 
he was not tired of the guardianship of the Khoja, and bade him do 
homage to the star of Abolkhair, now in the ascendant, and also 
proposed to his mother ; and accordbgly one Priday Sultan Ali left the 
dty fnrtivdy on one side, idiile the Khoja, ignorant of what was going 
on, was at prayer in a mosque on the other side."! 

Thb capture of Samarkand took place in 906 (i>., 1500), and it is £rom 
this date that the Tarikhi Tfanuri and the Tarikhi Abulkhair Khani 
date Sheibani'i acoesskm to the throne.f After his surrender Sultan AH 

IVtmbnjftSS* f AMfhasi, 903. Nota,s. m6,<oo. Note, i. 


MozialuidqaarteriasfigiiedlobimiiearTimvrSalUii. SomeofhisfrieadA 
wkhed him to escape^ but be xcfosed. Accocdin^ to Baber he was p«t 
to death threo or four days altar in the meadow of Kalbdu* The anther 
of the Shcibaiii Namdif who was apancfyiistof the Usbeg% says he was 
aoddeataUy drowned whiie riding ahmg the hanks of the Koheks or 
Zarefthan.t The Tarikhi Timuri says he died at Kan i Gul, on the 
banks of the same river4 The Khoja Yahia was soon after kiHed with 
his two sonsi whUe on their way to Khorasan. He was probably 
pilvy to the murder, although he denied it and laid the blame on 
Kamber hi and Kepek bL| Sheibani was now master of .Samarkand. 
His ioQowers were no friends of dty life^ and after occupying the dty for 
some timoi he encamped with seven or eight thousand troops near 
Khcja Didar, two thousand others were posted near Samarkand, under 
Hamsa Sultan and Mehdi Sultan, while the city was only garrisoned 
by from five to six hundred men. It was under these circumstances 
that Baber ventured on the dashing exploit of surprising it with a 
force of only two hundred and forty men. He naturally boasts of the 
skill and daring of this foat, which was perfonned when he was only 
nineteen, while Sheibani was very skilful and experienced.1 

He has himself described the capture. He had previously tried to 
surprise the town, but found the garrison on the alert He was now 
accompanied by the Khoja Abdal Makaram. They reached the bridge 
of the Moghak (U., the hdkm) at the Khiavan or public pleasure 
groondsi whence he detached seventy or eighty men, with orders to scalo 
the wall oppdsite the Lover^ Cave, to pass round and surprise the 
troops stationed at the^Firoseh Gate, which they were to seise, and then 
to apprise him of the resttk. They were successfol, killed Fazil Terkhan, 
who commanded the guard at the gate^ and iriiile some of his men 
broke its lock with axes, and threw it open, Baber came up at the very 
time and immediately entered. ** The citisens were fast asleep," he 
says, ^but the shopkeepers, peeping out of their shops and discovering 
wk/Jt, had happened, offtnd up pcayers of thanksgiving. The rest of the 
dtiaens were soon on the alert, and having sided with his people, 
pomied the Uxbegs in every street and comer with sticks and ftones, 
bunting them down and killing them like mad dogs,'' They slaughtered 
about fonr or five hundred in this w^y, the pmamot of the city Jan Vafti« 
iMnrever, escaped and joined Sheibanif 6aber proceeded to the college 
of Ulu^ Beg and Kanekah, and on reaching the latter sat down under 
the Grand Tak or arched hall, iriiere he received the congratulatimis of 
the dtisens. Ih the morning he heard that the Usbegs still held the 
Icon gat% he immediatdy mounted his horse aiul galloped to the 
place^ accompanied by only fifteen or twenty men, but the rabble of the 

•Of.cU^l4. t VMibtrj, S53. M«t«,i. 2 AbnlfhMl, aoj Net«,a. 


town iHio wa« pMwling aboQl ill «verx lane aad conwr'h^ 
dke U^iegi away. Sheibani Khan, ^'the fordgn xobbari*' as Baber caUt 
him, on hearing what had happirned, went honie^y to the Iron gate 
with a hundred or a hondred and Mty horte^ but teeing he could effea 
nothing, hastily xetiied. The captore of Samaikaad was followed by 
the ili|^ of the Usb^gs from many of the smrocmding districts. Sogd 
and Miankal snbmitted to Baber, the districts of Khosar and Karshi to 
Bald Teikhan, the late governor of Bukhara, while Karakul was seized 
by a force from Menr. BaUuura alone and its surroonding district 
remained in the poisession of the Uri)egs. Baber was too weak, howofer, 
and the sorroonding princes too unwilling to assist him to enable him 
to retam his conquest long* 

The following spring the Usbegs again aqptnred Karakul and took the 
fort of Dabusi by storm, slan^iteringtlw garrison. At length in Aprtt or 
May, i5oi,Baber marched out to Join battle with Sheibani, and encamped 
near Sir e pul (ia^ Bridge end). He fortified his camp with a palimde 
and ditch* Sheibani went to meet him and encamped about four mUes 
away. Skirmishes took piece during four or five days, and in one Sheibani 
and his people advanced to the very edge of the ditch and discharged a 
voUey of arrows, but finding the place too well protected withdrew* The 
struggle was precipitated by the impatience of Baber who ascribes it to 
fbttowing an astrological conduslon* The stars Sahdulduz (/^., the 
ei^ atars), he says, were esactly between the two armies, while for 
thirteen or fourteen days afterwards they would have been fiivourable to 
the enemy Without waiting, therefore, for tiie reinforccmenu which 
were at hand, he moved out in battle array, his horses being defended 
by doth of mail Sheibani was not lodi to meet him. His right wing 
was commanded by Mahmnd Saltan, Janfbeg Sultafi, and Muhammed 
Thnnr Sultan, and his left by Hamxa Sultan, Bfehdi Sultan, &c. The 
Uit>e|^ says Baber, in fi|^iting j^ed great reliance on the Tolghmeh 
(iA, turning the enemy's flank), and never engaged without practising this 
manoeuvre; another of their practices was to advance and charge in firont 
and rear, discharging theb arrows at full gallop pell mell, chiefs and 
cemmon soldiers, and if r^ulsed in like manner retiring at full 
gaDop. As they greatly outnumbered Saber's people, the Uzb^ had 
no difficuky in outflanking them on the left, and his forcfes being 
pressed in firont and rear, and being at the same time deserted by 
the contingent firom Moiigolistan, which b^^ marauding, were com- 
pletely routed, only ten or fifteen people remained with their chief, with 
whom he plunged into the river Kohik dose by. When halfway over 
the fold their horses sank beyond their depth, and they were forced to 
swim them for upwards of a bow-shot, both horses and men being 
encumbered with umoor, but they plunged through and readied 
Samarkand before nightfall.* In regard to his impetuosity, which htd 



broi^lfat 00 this ditastroui battle, Baber wrote a couplet wluch Is good 
philosophy even now-* 

R« who impatlMit bMte Isjrt hit buii m bto twottf 

Wm •it«w»rdi gnaw that hud with Ui Itilk liOD ffcgrtt 

Baber was now deserted by his relatives and £urweather friends, who 
were scattered in varions directions. He was not daunted^ however, bat 
smnmoned a cponcil of such Begs and officers as stood by him, and it 
ihtf determined to put the place In a state of defence, and to resist to 
the death. He had a public tent (chader sefid) pitched for hknself m the 
arched portal of Ulugh B^s Cdlege, m the midst of the dty, and 
aitigned his various officers their posts at the gates. In two or three 
days Sheibani arrived and posted himself some distance from the city. 
Thereupon, says Baber, the idle and worthless rabUe assembling from 
every district and street of Samaiicand came in large bodies to the gate 
of the College, shouting aloud, *' Glory to the Prophet !* and clamorously 
Tf>ffr/>h#wi out for battle, in spite of the old and^experienced veterans, who 
were only, abused ior counsdling prudence. On one occasion when they 
had thus gone out in their bravado diey were assailed by a body of 
Uibqifs* Baber had sent some of hie troops to cover the retteat When 
the mob was bn^sen and scattered the brunt of the fight (fell on these 
soldiers. The Uzbegs seem to have pursued theu: advantage dosdy, and 
Baber describes how he and his companions eventually Stopped them by 
discharging their crossbows from the top of the gateway.* On another 
occasion the Uzbegs made a false attack, whkh divided die attention of the 
garrison, while they made a real assault between the Washing-green 
Gate and the Needkmakers' Gate. They planted twenty-five or twenty- 
six scaling ladders, on which two or three men could mount abreast, 
and were already clambering on the ramparts when the vigour of a few 
of the garrison threw them over, and repelled the attadc The Prince- 
historian also describes as an incident of the siege a sortie in which 
some of his men succeeded in dismounting some of the enemy, and m 
bringing back s€V4ral hiods. The distress in Samarkand became very 
great. The harvest was ripe and had not been gathered, and the poor 
were driven to eat the flesh of dogs and asses, a great degradation for 
Muhammedans. Horses had to be fed on the leaves of trees, and it 
was ascertained from experience, says the historian naively, that the 
leaves of the mulberry and black wood (Kara igfaaj) answered best* 

Sheibani meanwhile blockaded the town from a distance, and sent at 
nights a force, with drums beating, to alarm the garrison. Baber com- 
plains that he was not assisted by his relatives, especially by Sultan 
Hussein Muna of Khorassan, and dtes an aphorism to diow the hope* 
lessness of resistance, to the efiect that to maintain a fbrtressi a head 
(f .^., a good captain), two hands (f^., two rdieving armies), and two feet 



lU,f wftter and stoves) are needed.* His soldiers and even his im- 
mediate attendants began to desert him, while the provisions were 
eihansted. Sheibani tbereapon proposed terms, a capitulation was 
agreed npcm, and he left the town at midnight with his mother and some 
other ladies. His elder sister, Khaniadeh Begim, was, however, captured 
by the Usbegs. Baber hastened away, and at length reached Jisak, 
where he says he foond nice ht flesh, bread of fine floor wdl baked, 
sweet melons^ and excellent grapes in great abundancey thns passii^ 
from the extreme of famine to plenty, and from danger to peace and 
ease.t It would seem from the Tarikhl Rashidi that Baber^s sister, in 
fact, married Sheibani, and that this was a condition of the treaty. By 
her he had a son, Khnnam, to whom he gave Balkh, bat he died yovng. 
He alterwaids divorced her, being jeaions of her partiality for the 
interests of Baber, whose favourite sister she was.t The second capture 
of Samarkand by the Uxb^gs toc^ place about September, 1501. 

Sheibanif who was now master of die beautiful country of Sogd, seems 
to have quarrdled with his old patron Mahmud, the Khan of Tashkend 
and Shahmkhia, and we read that in the winter he crossed the river of 
Khcjend on the ice and ravaged the district of Shahrukhia and Tash- 
kent Baber, who was a( Dehkat, one of the hill districts of Uratipp% 
marchfd against him. He describes how the violent icy wind Hader- 
wish iras then blowing, and how in consequence some of his people 
perished from cM. When he arrived at Beshkent he found that 
Sheibani had rethed.1 In the spring of 1503 Sheibani made a raid 
upon Uratippa.1 At this time Sultan Ahmed Tambol having become 
r^ieUious, or in the words of Haidar, having begun to shoot the 
arrows of discord at the target of sovei%ignty, broke out into revolt 
against Mahmud Khan. The latter and his brother Ahmed, wiio 
was joint-Khan of Mongolistan, inarched against him. The Khans^ 
army numbered about lo^ooo ment and they ordered Baber to make a 
diversion by way of AkhsL The details of the strategy on either side 
are described in some detail by Baber, but do not concern us at present 
The result was that Tambol was very hard p r e sse d, and sent to Sheibani 
for help against his snaerainsi ofTering to hold Ferghana as an appanege 
under hiin.Y 

Sheibani was not loth to accept the invitation. The two Khans had not 
time to assemble their various contingentSi and had only ispoo men with 
them, with whom they rapidly retired. They were also accompanied by 
dieir n^hew Baber. They had recrossed the river of Khojend, and were 
loitering near Akhsi, when Sheibani came up, having evaded two covering 
armies which the Khans had planted, one at Tashkend, and the otfMr 
at Uratippa. He had marched by way of the latter places which 

*/4.»97. t//^9>* tSnUot'tlaOiczs^ Htl*. |/(i«iM» 

I Id., lot. % B»bw*i If MMin. si4» 


he made a show of attacking^ but at nightfall he raised his- camp and 
went on. The expresses who were sent with the news reached the Khans 
c<mcurrently with Sheibani. The latter had 50^000 men with hhn, toge- 
ther with his relatives Kuchkuhji Sultan, Suiunich Sultan, Janibeg Sultan, 
&c. The enemy had barely time to draw up in confusion. They ofidned 
but slight opposition, and were completely routed. Both iChana, thdr 
horses being wearied out, were captured, while Baber escaped to the 
hills south of Ferghana. On the news reaching Tashkend, its garrison 
under Muhammed Sultan, the ion of Mahmud Khan, made all haste to 
withdraw to Mongolistan, while Muhammed Hussein, the £tther ci 
Haidar, retired with the forces of Uratippa towards Karatigin.* Sheibani 
behaved with considerable generosity to his ilhistrious prisoners, but he 
seems to have insisted on three intermarriages ^th his own family as 
the price of their release. For his son Muhammed Timur Sultan he 
claimed the hand of Doghlat Sultan Khanimi, the sister of the two Khans; 
for himself the hand of Anba Sultan Khanum ; and for Janibeg Sultan 
Kuruz Khanum. He also incorporated 30,000 of the Khans' followers 
in his owA army.t Sheibani also insisted on the surrender of Tash- 
kend and of Shahrukhia, in which latter town the mother of the two 
Khans was commanding.t The famous transkctions which I have just 
described took place apparently* in June, 1503.I Haidar tells us that 
the younger Khan on reaching his house in Mongolistan was taken ill 
and died. Haidar himself was told by the Khoja Taj ud din Muhammed, 
whose £unily held the post of hereditary Sheikh ul Islam there, that 
when the Khan was very ill with dysentery, the Khc^a having told him 
that it was reported that Sheibani had mixed noxious herbs with his 
food, and that if so he would procure the precious teriak or antidote 
against poison from Khita or China, he leplied, ''Sheibani has indeed 
poisoned me. He has raised himself from the lowest state of abasement 
to such a height that he has taken us two brothers prisoners and then 
set us at liberty. This disgrace is the cause of the disease in my frame. 
If you have any antidote for this it may be useful"! Sheibani seems to 
have treated one of his prisoners with harshness, this was Baber's fnend 
the Khoja Abul Mokaram. Having been thrown into prison at 
Tashkend he made his escape^ and as a disguise consented to have his 
beard cut ofi; a great' disgrace in Mussulman eyes. He was discovered 
dining in a cottage and taken before Sheibani. The latter on seeing hhn 
faiquired ''Where is your beard," to which the Khoja answered in two 
Persian verses, ''He who puiCi at the lamp which God has lighted singes 
his beard.*' The graceful aUosion availed hhn nothing and he was put 
to death.^ Having placed Uzbeg garrisons in the chief towns of 

•Tar.RMb. t T*r. RmIu BnWne, op. cH^ I. i«5, 186. 

|M. Vtmbtf]r,t5». |BrtHBe.iS4. Nttt. ! Tar. Rath. EnUoe,x9o. 

n Bnldae, 185, m. 


Fei||;hana Shdbaai, returned. When he had prostimted hie rivals in the 
north) the Uzbeg chief turned hii anns to the south of Mavera un Ndir, 
where Khosni Sliah, a Turlc of Kipchak, had in these times of con- 
Ittsion seized upon Hissar, Khatlan, Kunduz, and Badakshan.* Sfaeibani 
during the winter of 909, probably in October or November, 1503, made 
a raid into his dominions and then turned upon Balkh, which was 
governed hy Badieszeman, the son (^ Murza Hussein, of Herat Having 
besieged Balkh during the winter he returned ohcemore to Samaifcand, 
and then proceeded to attack Andijan where his fonner /r^^/i^ Tambol, 
who had probably aroused his jealousy, still ruledt When SheibanI 
reached Marghinan Tambol concentrated himsdf at Andijan. He had 
3j000 men with him. 

The si^e had lasted forty days, when one day he perceived in 
Sheibani's trenches Muhammed Hussein Doghlaty of Uratippa, the father 
of Hiudar» who had been his foster-brother, and who had recently been 
driven away from Hissar by Khosru. He thus addressed him from the 
wall :— * My Murza, do not foiget me, and think of the times iriien we 
sucked inilk from the same breast Tdi me what I should do, and I will 
doit" The Murza sorrowfully counselled him to surrender. He accord- 
ingly came out accompanied by his brothers. They were all put to death 
by the UsbegSy while it was forbidden to plunder .Andijan.^ Sheibani 
now settled at Samarkand, gave Tashkend, with the provinces ruled 
over by the dder Khan, to his paternal uncles, Kuchkui^i Sultan and 
Smunich Sultan. He appointed his cousin Janibeg Sultan governor of 
Andijan, his brother Mahmud Sultan governor of Bukhara^ while the 
office of dan^faa of Shahrukhia he gave to the amir Yakub, one of his 
chief nobles.| 

Shetbuii himsdf^ who was getting very inflated vrith his success, and 
in the rhetorical phrases of Haidar, "had put the foot of ambition in 
the srirrup of daring," returned to Samaricand, where he prepared to 
attack Hiisar. ** He would have little trouble with Khosru, the ruler of 
that land," he said '' he would drive him away like a fly from a dish, 
with a wave of his hand." He marched, and Khosru, according to Baber,i 
without battle^ or effort, abandoned his territories and fled. Hissar, 
the capital of the country, hdd out bravely under one of his officers 
named Shirim Chihrih, but it was surrendered after a while on honourable 
terms. Sheibani, meanwhile, despatched his brother Mahmud against 
Kmidnz, the prindiml fortress of the country, where Khosni had laid up 
stores and prorisions to serve for a twenty years* siege. As I have Msddf 
he did not wait to test the fortress, but fled precipitately, and it was 
surretukred to the Uzb^gs. Sheibani gave the command of Hissar to 

• Vantarr, sst and «s(* t EibUm's India, iSS-iSS. 

ITar.RMk. Brridat't Hlit ol lodto. 1. 189. 

iB«ber'tM<flioirt,it5. Hiti.ofUidte,i. 189. I Mtmoirii ill. 


Hamta Sukan, and of Cheghanian, to Mehdi Sttkan, and retired leisurely 
home.* ''.After we reached Buyeh,* says the princely narrator, Haidar^ 
''I was sitting one day about noon in the audience pavilion. Only a few 

were present, when a man arrived in great haste, with a fece of terror and 
dismay, and laid a letter at the foot of the throne. After reading it, a 
great change came over Sheibani; he retired to pray, and then mounted. 
It became known that Mahmud Sultan (Sheibanf s brother) had died at 
Kunduz, and that they were bringing his body. After advancing some 
distance, we saw a great crowd as of mourners covered with blade, 
drowned in grief and lamentation, who had laid down the bier, and 
were standing behind it in rows. Both sides raised cries of mourning. 
On a sign from him, the sultans dismounted, and on another the people 
with him formed themsdves into a line and stood still, while he rode 
alone till his horse's head was over the bier ; on another sign all ceased 
weq;ring, tearing their clothes and beards, and having asked some 
questions from one of Mahmud's Amirs, he remained silent for an hour, 
showing no alteration in his visage, and uttering no groan or sigh. He 
then said, 'Twas well that Mahmud should die ; men said the power 
of Sheibani was supported by Mahmud* Now let it be known 
that Sheibani depends on no man. Carry him away and bny hinu' 
All were filled with astonishment at his sternness and compoeure.*^ 
Sheibani returned to Samarkand and commenced at once to prepare lor 
the invasion of Khuarezm, which was subject to Khorassan. He had 
now about y>fioo so-called Mongols in his sendee ; they were the subjects 
of the elder Khan Mahmud, and were undoubtedly Turks by blood. 
They were turbulent and dangerous subjects, and Sheibani detennined 
to disintegrate them by destroying their chiefs. He seems to have ghren 
timely warning to two of them, namely, to Haidar^ father Muhammod 
Hussein and to Sultan Seyid, the third son of the younger Khan. '' The 
rest of the Mongol chiefs," says Haidar, *' he sent to their eternal home, 
or to hopeless imprisonment.'* Such was the strong hand and iron grip 
of the Uzbeg chief. Having incorporated the Mongols with his army, 
he now laid siege to Urgenj or Khiva, the capital of Khuarexm, which 
was defended with great bravery for ten or eleven months by its governor, 
Chin Sufif who governed it for Sultan Hossehi Mursa, of Herat or 
Khorassan. As no succour canie, the inhabitants apparently grew 
wearied of the siege, and treacherously surrendered the walls. Chin 
Sufi was killed by an arrow, which put an end to the struggle, and the 
place was taken. Baber calls him Hussein Sufi.t It would seem diat 
Chin Safi*8 chief hope of succour had been from the fugitive Khosm Shah 
who was about this time, however, made prisoner and put to death, with 
700 of his followers. Mirkhond says he fdl alive into Sheibani's hands, 

«^Tw.lUA. BnUAt'tHittofIodi«,i.909.s«4. t /i;ta4*toS; 

XTar.IUib. BnUnHf op. cit, tS7# sjt. Bab«r,z7St 


and having been dragged at a donke/s taU tbxoogli the stnets of 
Kiindii% was then executed. He describes him as sevtie and just as a 
rnter^pioasasaMuhammedanybatcnielandttngratelblasanMn.* When 
he had put Khuarezm under the contr^ of Knchnk bi, Sheibani retumod 
to Samarkand. This campaign took place in the year 1505. Having 
wpeat the winter at Samarkand, and being how master of al) the country 
bci^ween the Oxus and the Jazartesy as well as of Ferghana, Khoareini, and 
Hissari Ac., he now determined to conquer Kh<»assan, ruled by the 
fiunous Httssein-Muna, who was then a very old man. He first made 
an attack on Baikb, which he captured, and then withdrew again to 
Samarkand. Hussein thereupon summoned the neighbouring princes 
to his assistance, but he almost immediately afterwards died. 

Thb news did not stop preparations. Baber continued his march 
from Kabul to assist his relatives, and after a progress of 800 miles 
joined the sons of Sultan Hussein Murza at thefa: camp on the river 
Ifurghab. Two of these sons had been jointly raised to the throne, 
a subject of cynical comment, by Baber, who quotes the passage 
from the Gulistan, that ^ although ten dervishes can sleep on one rug, a 
whole division of the world is too small for two kings.'' He was not long 
in quitting the murzas, who were given up to luxury and dissipation, and 
returned ^o his own dominions. Meanwhile (i>., in the spring of 1507) 
Sheibani once more crossed the Oxus. Baber tdls us that Shah Mansur 
Bakhshi, who governed Andikhud, was treacherous, and sent to tell 
Sheibani to hasten his approach, and when the latter came near that place 
''he dressed himself very fine, put a plume on his head, and taking akmg 
with him a peshkent and a present of his choicest curiosities, issued 
forth. The Uzbegs, who had no officer of rank with them, flocked 
round him and quickly plundered him and his people of all their finery.*^ 
Having captured Andikhud, Sheibani advanced to Baba Khaki, where 
the army of Khorassan lay under the joint rulers of that province, Badiaez 
leman Murza and MozafTer Murza, but indecision, uncertainty, discord 
and intrigoe reigned in the camp. In June> 1507, Sheibani crossed the 
Mmghab, and advanced against Baba Khaki, where the army of Kho- 
rassan lay. Having crossed the river and marched to Siraks he attacked 
the camp of Murzas. No preparations were made. When Sheibani 
anived a stampede ensued. One old chief, named Zulnun Arghun, who, 
infiktuated by the statements of certain astrologers, firmly believed he 
was to win the title of Huzeberulla, or Lion of God, and to defeat the 
Uzbegs, kept his ground at Kara Rebat against 50^000 Uzbegs, with lop 
or 150 men.** He was captured and beheaded.^ The Muizas fled to 
Herat, where they rested only a few hours and then fled again, leaving their 
modiers, sisters, and families to find shelter as they could in the adjoining 
fort of Ekhtiar ud din. Sheibani pursued and at once took possession of 

* Yantery. <59- Note. t Bmbor'i Mtmoiit^ a«x« aaa. I Bahn, aa«. 


the city (Haidar says it is not known how it fell). Two or three weeks 
after die fori also sttneoderedi and with it the harems, treasurest Sk^ 
of the muTzas. ^More generons tiian the former conqaeronofthedty,*' 
says Vambery, ^ Sheibani contented himself with levying a contribotien 
of loo^ooo tengasi and spared this celebrated seat of science and art the 
faifliction of a visit fiom his plundering Uzbegs. He took np his abode 
outside ^ city ; the members of his fugitive adversary's £unily were 
presented to him, and although himself at that time fifty-eight years old, 
he foil so violently in love at first sight with the bride of Musaffiur 
Hussein Mmza, that in spite of all representations and the assurance 
that she was already the legal wife of the above-named Timurid, he 
determined to marry her. The treasures of the fomily, including an 
enonnotts quantity ci gold and silver plate and vahia]^ rubies, onyxes, 
pearls, and diamonds, were brought out to the camp. The family of 
Bediaezzeman was treated with every mark of respect and consideratiofi, 
and all the people who from fear of the Uzbegs had hidden among the 
rocky defiles of the Badgiz hiDs gradually returned and resumed their 
ordinary occupations.* 

After the ciqpture of Herat; each of the Timurid princes retired to his 
own government. Sheibani sent detachments of his army against them. 
The contest was not prdonged, though several battles were foughi in 
different provinces. The victorious Uzbegs mardied in every dh'ec- 
tion over Khorassan which was soon prostrate before them. All 
the murzas fell in action, or were put to death when prisoners in 
the course of the next year or two, except Badia-ez-zeman Murza, 
the eldest, who fled to Shah Ismael, of Persia, and after various 
adventures died at Constantinople about ten years later.t Baber 
thus describes Sheibani's doings when at Herat : *^ In spite of his 
supreme ignorance he had the vanity to deliver lectures in explanation 
of the Koran to Kazi Ekhtiar and Muhammed Mir Yusu^ who were 
among the most celebrated MoUas in Khorassan and Herat He also 
took a pen and corrected the writing and drawings of MoUah Sultan AUf 
and Behzad, the painter. When at any time he happened to have com- 
posed any of his doll couplets he read it from the pulpit, hung it up in 
the charsu (or public market), and levied a benevolence from the people 
on the joyful occasion. He did know something of the reading the 
Koran, but he was guilty of a number of stupid absurd presumptions, 
infidd words and deeds, such as I have mentioned.*^ This is the 
testimony of an enemy. Vambery, judging from such of his compo- 
dtions as are stil extant, says, that both for ideas and language 
they are among the best productions of eastern Turkish literature, and 
show a thorough knowledge of Turkish, Persian, and Arabic Sheibani 
was now master of the whole country, from the deserts of Jitteh to the 

* Vtaibwy, oy. dt^ j&i. 1 BnUiM*t Hift. of ladU, i. aSo. J Iftmoir^ SS4. 


Hindu Knsh and Pta«mis«a mountains, and the farthest limits of 
Khorasan. He now torntd his attention to Kaadahar idiidi had only 
recently been conqtmred by Baber. At this time Mahammed Hussein, 
the &ther of Haldar, who had escaped from Uratippa, as I have men- 
tioned, had afterwards stirred up a rebeliion against Baber at 
Kabul, was pardoned^by the latter, and allowed to return to Khorasan. 
Before he reached FmnA he met crowds of fufitives, who reported how 
Sheibaai had scattered the mursas. Having halted theie three months, 
Sheibuu sent for him, and treated him with great distinction, and he 
afterwards acceflApani»d hhn to Samarkand.* 

Meanwhile Sb^baai marched rapidly upon Kandahar, which at once 
surrendered, its garrison retiring under Baber's brother Nasir Mursa^ into 
the citadel. Hem Hhey were hard pressed by the Usbegs, who ran mines in 
▼arioos directions^ and Nasir Muna was wounded hi the neck with an 
arrow ; but when the fort was on the point of surrendering Sheibani hastily 
retired, the cause being that his haremf which he had sent to the strong 
fiart of Nirehtu, east of Herat, had been surprised by some hill tribes 
and capturedt He now employed himself in hunting down the remain- 
ing members of the ftonily ef Sultan Hussein AC ursa. Spreading his forces 
over Khomsan, he fought actions during the summer of 1507, at Meshed 
Nishapur, Asterabad and Turshts, in which the armies of the Timurid 
princes were uniformly beaten and completely sp^tered. He then 
returned to Mavera un Nehr to repel an invasion of the Ka2aks4 

During the summer of 1508 we find him putting an end to Mahmud 
Khan, of Tashkend. After his brother's death, Mahmud surrendered aH 
the country, from Kashgar to the borders of China, over which he had a 
joint audiority to the hitter's children and himself, nomadized in the deserts 
of Mongolistan. After spending five years in this way he was persuaded 
(findii^ himself hard pressed) to trust himself in Ferghana, where Shei- 
bani then was. The latter ordered him to be seized at Khojend, where 
he was put to death, with five of his sons. He was buried in the 
mausoUum of Sheikh Masilek uddin. Khojendi.f According to the 
Tarikhi Seyid Rakein, Mahmud Khan had nuuie an invasion of Sheibani's 
dominions, with the intention of capturing Andijan and even Samarkand, 
when he fell with his fiye sons in a fierce tMittk on the banks of the 
Khoiend. This was in 914 he). (/.#., 1 508). I| 

About the same time another unruly person, namely, Haidar's father, 
Muhammed Hussein Miurza, was sirmmoned to Sheibani's presence, and 
his escort it seems received orders to put htm to death. He was buried in 
the mausoleum of Amii Seyid Husseini. Sheibani also ordered Haidar to 
be drowned, but he escaped IF Vambcry says the province of Jorjan lei) 
into %eibani*s power this same year. The year following we find him 

* EnkiM, op. dt, 357. t 6aber'« Memoin, 233. I Tar lUak. BrtUiie, J95, §96. 
f BnUa*, 191, tofl I Vtinktxr, op. dt, 163. Nou,t ^Tsr.RMh. 


7o6 msTOEY or trs momqols. 

crossiiif swords mih a more potent enemy, namdjt the Kasaks of 
Berendnk Khan, who weie so dosdjr rdated m blood to his own Uifoegs. 

At this time^ as I have shown, Kassim was the dt faOo ruler of the 
Kaxaks, and his army numbered 200,000 warriors. Haidar tells us that 
on the approach of winter each took up his quarters where there was 
food for his cattle. Sheibani planted himself at Kuruk, whence he sent 
people to ejqi^lore. One day they learned that Kastm Khan was dose at 
hand. The rumour was a folse one^ and had been spread by Pulun 
Sirkhas, one of the Kasak amirs* The Usbeg detachment did not wait, 
but abandoning the booty it had captured, hurried back to inform 
Shdbani, who thereupon beat the drum for retreat ** Nothing was 
attended to," says Haidar. ^ He that sUyed stayed, and he that went 
went,'' and the Uibegs reached Samarkand in disorder in the end of 
winter. Sheibani went on to Khorasan, where he waited till the spring. 
These events happened in the winter of I509>ia* This was the first 
serious break in the hitherto triumphant career of Sheibani, and was the 
harbinger oif much more serious disaster at hand. In the beginning of the 
summer of 1510^ he marched against the Hazarahs, robber tribes,^Rdio were 
descendants of the Mongols ci Khulagu Khan, and who lived in North- 
western Afghanistan. They were not to be found, having withdrawn into 
the recesses of the mountains. He, therefore, withdrew. His rarest lay 
through the predpitous defiles throi^ which the river Hdmund flows. 
There his people su£(ered terribly and lost many cattle. It was difficult 
to descend to the stream at all, and even where a descent was practicable 
the paths were so narrow that it was impossible to bring water up by 
them to supply such an army, and it accordingly returned in a shattered 
state to Khorasan. As winter was approaching and his two divisions 
had suflered severely,he gave a general leave of absence to his men from 
diefixmtier of Irak to those of Turkestan to return to thdr homes.t 

Shah Ismael, according to his flatterers, was a descendant of the seventh 
Imaum, but, according to Vambery, he was of Turkish descent. He 
had created by his prowess a considerable power in Persia proper, Ker- 
man and Iral^ and had inherited the blood as well as the position of the 
Great Turkoman, diief Uzan Hassan. His mother was that chieftain's 
daughter* When Shdbani ravaged Khorasan, he was imprudent enough 
in hU wantonness to pillage Shah Ismael's borders, and especially the 
province of Kerman. His arrogance was sharpened by religious zeal, 
for Shah Ismad was a Shia, and had given that sort a great ascendancy 
hi Persia, while Shdbani was a Sunni. The Shah remonstrated with 
Sheibani for this attack upon what he called his hereditary dominions. 
To this he recdved the jeering answer, that suverdgnty descended 
through the father and not the mother, through males and not fomales. 
That the unequal match between his family and the females of Uzan 

*Ttr.Ktih. Bnkia9,«p.citii.sotf. t Tar« RMh^ ao8. EfiUBt»op.dt.,S97' 


Hassan could confer no right He reminded him of the saying, the son 
should follow his fiither's trader the daughter her mother's, and insulting 
sent him as a present a b^fgar^s staff and keshkul {ia,^ a dish made of 
half a coooanut in idiich the dervishes collected alms), adding, ** If thou 
hast forgotten thy Ctther^s trade this may serve to recall it to thy 
memory, bat if thou wonld'st (Aace thy foot on the steps of the throne 

Bt tkai wo«kl daap to hk breMt rogrally M hit brii* 
MMt noo btr ia tht btttl« firagr athwan ibarp adaittft.** 

In conclusion, he remarked that he intended shortly to make a pilgrimage 
to Mekka and would visit him on the way. Shah Ismad sent a dignified 
answer which concluded with some spirit 

BoMi not tlqFttli; O v»ia yovUw of tfaur fitbar wIm to daad, 
Prida aot tlqraatf oa boaaa aa if thou wart adog. 

He said he too meditated a pilgrimage to Meshed, and would there wait 
on the Khao. In return for his present he sent him a spindle and 
distaff, andy alluding to the quotation about the wooing of royalty, he 
said, ** I have tightened my girdle for a deadly contest, and placed the foot 
of determination in the stirrup of victory. If thou wilt meet me face to 
face in fight like a man our quarrel will at once be decided^ But ^ thon 
would*8t rather shirk into a comer then thou mayest fiad what I have 
sent of some use.*. 

Wa havaapanad iMf aaoofh laC vaaaw axchiafa hard blowi io tha Said, 
Ha who Irfto bofsa dowa ia tha oaMbat lot him fUl.* 

This answer was qidddyfoUowed by the march of the Shah. Thescattered 
Uib^ detachments letiied and concentrated at Herat Sheibani did 
not leel strong enoai^ to oppose him having so recently disbanded his 
army. He therefore retired to Merv, in Northern JQiorasan, leaving a 
garrison In Hent which was soon obliged to follow hint Shah Ismael 
first vi^ed Meshed and the tomb of the Imaum Risa, and then pursued 
the Usb^^s. Near Tokerabad a wdl-contested battle was fought in 
which they were defeated and driven under die walls of Merv. Shah 
Ismael intched his camp close to the city. Meanwhile Sheibani sent 
messen^^ers to summon forces from Mavera un Nehr and Turkestan* 
Fearfiil of having to keep up a long blockade in a desert country, fearful 
also that effective aid might come to his enemy, Shah Ismael wrote a 
scornful letter to the latter saying he had been more punctual in his visit 
to Meshed, than the latter to Irak ; but that Sheibani had shut the door 
in the face of his guest, that he was now returning home but should still 
be glad to meet him when he went to Mekka* He then drew off his forces 
wluch were 40^000 strong. Shdhani, stung with these scornful words, 
followed him with 20,000 horsemen and a number of the chiefo and 
grmdeesi who had johied himi nor would he take the advice of those who 
wished him to await the arrival of the conUngents on their way firom 

*XfaUaa*aIadia,i.90Q. Vanbefyf op. dt, sM.i6S. 


beyond the Oxiis. He wcmldnat,hesakJI»lefct]ieaslM«emtheeveiiuis's 
pliiiider»to<losowoaldbealo8sboth]icieaadhexeafier. Shah IsmaeFs 

retreat was apparently only a ruse ; for be e^t his fisrces in battle array 
at Mahmudabad of Merv. The Uzbegs were attKkcd both in rear and 
front They fought with great bravery, bnt were brokcft. S heib a ni with 
his retreat cut ofi; attended by about 500 nien» chieiy the sons of sultans, 
heads of tribes, &c., was oUiged to take shdter in a cattle-pound. This 
had no gate on the further side. When all hope seemed gone of retriev- 
ing the day, he and the other fugitives attempt e d to escape by lei^ing 
orer the wall of the enclosure towards die bank e£ the rirer, but they 
fen in heaps on each other, and the Khan was oveilaid and sm o th ered 
by the numbers who crowded after him. After the contest his body was 
disentangied from the heaps of slain by which it was covered. His head 
was cut off and presented to Shah IsmaelytHio ordered the lifeless trunk to 
be dismembered, and the limbs to be sent to different parts of the empire 
to be exposed to the popular gaze. The skin of the head stuffed with hay^ 
was sent in scorn to Sultan Bajozet, the Turkic emperor of Constant 
tinople, who was an ally of his brodier Sunni, the great Uzbeg leader. 
The skull set in gold was made into a drinking cup, which the Shah was 
proud of displaying at his great entertainments.* The same author tdls 
us a ghastly anecdote about the end of the great Uzbeg leader. One Aga 
Rustam Rozefzun, the ruler of Maianderan, and who stiH held out 
against Shah Ismael, had been in the habit of saying that his hand was 
on the skirts of Sheibani's garment, an idiom meaning that he dung to 
him for anistance and protection. One day, when he- was sitting in 
state at a grand lisstival, a special messenger from Shah Ismael 
advanced fearlessly into his pffeeance» and wiih a loud voices 
delivered a message from the Shah. ^ Though thy hand was never op 
the hem of Sheibani Khan's robe, yet his is now on tfaine^" and with 
these words he flung the rigid hand of the Uzbeg chief on the skirt of 
the princess robe and withdrew uninjured through the midst of the 
stupefied assembly.t In Central Asia Vambery sajrs the story is cunent 
that Sheibani's remains were buried in the splendid college he had built 
et Samarkand, where hia grave it held in great reverence as that of 
a martyr. Such was the tragic and peihaps becoming end of the 
adventurous chieftain; the Turkish Ishmael, whose life was a long 
and bitter struggle against his neighbour^ and whose admtoistimtive 
skill had so far made compact his robber subjecu that they easily 
survived the disaster when he was killed, and are found still rulinur in the 
border lands of Persia. Vambery justly remarks that Sheibani was the 
Ust of the great desert leaders who succeeded in ibrming a formidable 
power hi Central Asia, and that henceforth the Sunnis of the West 
and those of the East were effectually separated, the Safi dynasty 

* BnkiM't Hist, of Iadi«. i. 304. f M 


having driven a wedge of Sliiai betwteft thum, mluk tiM Oaoit became 
once more the boundary between Iran and Tuian. Shoteni was 
notable patron of learned men, and built mae^yei and . cotteges at Samar- 
kand, Bukhara, and Tashkend. He took into hia semsce many colli* 
vated men who were left hom e l es s and datlitute by the dMith of Sultan 
Hussein Muna, and gave them liberal lalerieti and he wat always 
accompanied even in his campaigns by vadous ISMMd men who exer* 
deed great influence over him, and we am tokl thai when the MoUah 
Binai, Sheibani's poet laureate, handed to thn fjlnloeophen of Herat the 
summons for the surrender of the to«m> they weatta Shettwni's camp, 
and it was entirely by their influ^ioe that he cqntenied himself with 
imposing only a money contribution upoa them» In these respects he 
whs sharply contrasted with his rude imsophisticated nomad followers.* 

When the news of Sheibani's death amved as Menr, eimy roan who was 
able fled with his wife and family, while many who had ne means of trans* 
port left them to tLeir fate. Ubeidulla Sultan of Bokfaera, and Muham- 
med Tlmur Sultan of Samarkand, the nephew and sonof Sheibani, who 
had arrived at Merv with, the troops of Mavera un N^nr, which were still 
lUibroken, entered the fort| carried off the dead duefs harem and what 
valuables they could hurriedly collect, and hasted away the same night 
Numbers, however, were left behind. All the Uzhegs fimnd in the place 
were put to the sword by the Persians^ and the womea were carried into 
bondage. The inhabitants of Merv were indaded in the general 
maBsacre.t The Mongol auxiliaries in Sheibani's service, by whom we 
must understand therecent subjects of the elder Khan Mahmud, now 
separated from the Uzbegs and set out fer Kundm, plundering as they 
went The Uzbegs abandoned Khorasaa, and Shah Ismael took pos- 
session of Herat, and commenced a severe persecution of the Sunnis* 
Haidar tells us how he ordered the chief men to assemble in the Melkan 
mosque, and there to read the Khutbeh in his name, and to pour curses 
on the companions of the Prophet and the faithful Aisha: They 
assembled, but remained dumb till Hafiz Zems ed din, who was the 
preacher (Khalib); was placed in the pulpit Having poured out praise 
and thanksgiving to the Giver of all good, when he came to the com- 
memoration of the holy companions of Muhammed, "the hand of zeal 
and faithfulness to Islam, seizing the collar of manhood of Hafiz, made 
him spurn all regard for the deceitful life of this worid, and press forward 
to the real and substantial enjoyment of the worid that is to be, and he 
said, ' For many years have I read the prayers for the prince in the legal 
and orthodox fashion ; shall I change it now, when the sun of my life is 
about to set, and my old years have come. If I hesitated doing so in 
the morning of life, what could I benefit by becoming an apostate when 
its evening draws near. God forbid that I should do it,' and so saying he 

•TsBibtnr.iTX. tTar.IUdi. BrtUat't Hlit of India* i. 309. 


xtpetiXtd the lonniiU in praite of the Pxophet and his companions in the 
orthodox &shion. The accursed Kisilbashis— God curse them"— says 
Haidar, **all rose, and dragging him down from the pulpit cut the hoary 
old man to pieces." 

Shah Ismael then summoned the Sheikh ul Islam, and bade him also 
curse the Prophet's OHnpanions. He replied in scomlia terms, whereupon 
Ismael shot an arrow at him. Dragging it out of his body, the old man 
nibbed his face and beard with blood ftom the wound, saying ** Praise be 
to God, that after a life of eighty years, at length, because of my defence 
of the faith, and opposition to false rdigion, I have been able to see my 
white hair bathed ted in the blood of martyrdom." Ismael, unmoved, 
drew another arrow, shot it at him, and ordered his people to hang him 
on a tree and then to cut the tree down. They did so, and tiien took 
him and burnt him on the Maiyc Basaar. The persecution of the 
Sunnis lasted as long as Shah Ismael was in Khorasan * 

Directly after the fatal battle of Merv theUzb^s withdrew, as I have 
said, across the Anm Daria or Oxns, and abandoned Khorasan. For 
some time there was an interrcgnunii and Janib^ Sultan apparently 
acted as regent* A lew days after the battle a messenger with the news 
reached Kabul, with his kct frostbilten and his strength exhausted by 
crossing the snowy mountains* When Baber heard the news be deemed 
it a good opportunity to recover his ancient dominions, and to dissipate 
the broken power of the Uzbegs, and made an immediate advance upon 
Hissar. The Uzbegs were, howevoTi by no means crushed Under 
Janibeg Sultan, who hdd a kind of Interim auAority, they put to death 
a number of so-called Mongols (ie^ Kashgaiians) in Mavera un Ndir, 
and gathered themselves together. Hamza Sultan and Mehdi Sultan, 
who were in command of the district, having a garrison at Hissar, 
advanced on Waksh, Baber having reached Desht Kulak, one of the 
chief towns of the KhuUan, he and Hamza Sultan tried respectively 
to surprise each other, and each occupied die ground abandoned by the 
other. Both, it seems, expected to find his enemy weaker than he was, 
and when the truth daw|ied on them thev withdrew from one another, 
Baber towards Kunduz and Hamza to Hissar. Both at the moment 
believed they had made a great escape, and each in a few days heard of 
the flight of the other.t While Baber was at Kunduz an embassy was 
sent to him from Shah Ismael, escorting his sister Khanzada Begim, who 
after marryii^ and being divorced from Sbeibani, had been mamed to 
Seyid Had4, a member of a religious family who had been killed at Merv 
Baber received her very gladly. He took the opportunity to despatch 
an embassy in turn to Shah Ismael to congratulate him on his victory 
and to ask for hU assistance to reconquer Mavera un Nehr. This was 
granted, and a contingent of Persians soon joined his forces. Notwith- 

* Tar. Rath., joS, ftc t BrtUiia, op. dt., 307, 308. 


Standing which, however, the Uib^ were not daunted^ and when Baher 

reached Pal Sangin, or the stone bridge^ on the Suigfaab^ Haasa Sultan 

from Hissar had already oco^ied it He Ibimd the enemy very powtrfiil 

and v en tures ome, ior they crossed the river lower down by swimminf , 

and tried to turn his position. He therefore retired in all haste by very 

ardnoos roads towards Abdera, and reached a position which ivas 

deemed very stiong. About midnight news readMd his camp thai the 

Uzbegs were advancing in force* Baber rode out to reoonnoitn^ and 

noticed there was only one narrow road by which the enemy could march 

on his position. The Uzbegs, neverthdess, made a determined assault 

and continued tb'e ^tmgi^ till nightfoU, when, having to withdraw for 

water, Baber^s peoflt were encouraged, made a genend chaifs^ and 

routed the enemy. Hamza Sultan and Mehdi Sultan were captured 

and taken before Baber. Their fote is condensed in Haider's grai^iie 

phrase, ''What they had done to the khakan of the Mongols^ and the 

sultans of the Jagatais, that did he to them." The Uzb^s were pursued 

unceasingly as far as Derbend Ahinetn.* By this victory the country of 

Hissar, together with Kundns, Khutlan, and Khosar, apparently foil into. 

Babel's hands, fresh troops now joined him from Shah Ismad and the 

neighbouring tribes, and his prestige grew so n^dly that hit army soon 

numbered 60^000 men*t He>determined to follow up his yictoty quiddy. 

The Perdan detachment was commanded by Ahmed Sultan 8c£ (who 

was related to the Shah All Khan Istijhi) and ShahnU Khan Afofaar, of 

whom the two former had served with distinction against the Tkiffka4 

Baber marched on Karshl ^idiere Ubeidulla Suhan, who hdd the 

ai^Muiage of Bukhara, had fortified himsdf. By die advice of his offioen 

he determined to pass the fortress by, and to hasten on to Boldiara; 

Ubeidulla, when he learnt this, also left in haste for the same ptaoe^ but 

Baber forestalled him and arrived there first, whereupon the Usbcgs 

passed by and retired towards Turkestan, plundering in rmtU. The 

Usbeg sultans who were at Samarkand beiiig alarmed also withdrew 

towards Turkestan, and thus Mavera on Nehr was once mote dear of 

these marauders after they had occupied it nine years,! 

Meanwhile they were equally unfortunate elsewhere, for Sultan Said 
Khan and Haidar*s nnde Syed Muhammed Murza seised And^aa and 
secured Ferghana. The Uzbegs who had marched against them, having 
learnt of Baber's victory were discouraged and withdrew. 

Baber was recdved at Samarkand with great rejoidngs, and duly 
mounted the throne there on the 8th of October,-xs7i. The dominions 
of Baber now stretched fitmi *'the deserts of Tartary to the forthest 
limits of Ghazni, and comprehended Ghazni, Knnduz and Hissar, 
Samarkand and Bukhara, Fefghana, Tashkend, and Sairun.'^l He pro- 

* Tar. Rash. t Tar. Rath. Babar^ Mtmofaa, S4a. I BraUaa, op. dt, 515. 

^Tar.RMh. £nldiia'khilia,L'3i5fS>*> I Bftkiat, opi dt, 3xS aal 319. 

y\7 nsmv op the uokools. 

ooBBKi CO caiw OBC wp^nM^tm lor on rBaniTOii nccie swsre ot ok SKHt 
tMMoe be wst to tave of the grett^r paxt of duu wide tnct 

Altorl^ Tklofy Baber teemi to ta»re disnined his Peiran an^^ 
bat he dkl aotvitlkbftw finm Qoder the thtdow of his patron. One 
aothanQry the Mufia Sekandery aays dM Khsthefa was actnaOy said iii tiK 
Shah^BBBe. He is said to hate adapted the Penhm dress, aadetdsfed 
his tioops to adopt U ite, aad paiticalarff the Persian cap, dtstiaguirind 
bf twdvo points finhirmaHf. of lim twidve Imanms, and bjr a loof 
atrip of red deth issiihig torn die centre and hanging down the bade, 
whence tiie Perskn aeobriqaet of KItilbashis or Red Heads. ThkcoaB- 
pjarenry towards tiie Shias aroused bitter aaimosity in tiioee centres of 
otthodoaqryS i i n a ihamU ndBBMia fa iand B aberspeeday lost his populaiity. 
His position was an «wfcwardone^ for he codd hardljliope to oppose 
the Uab^gs sacoessfoDf wiihoof the hdp of his patron, Shah Ismad* 
This stata of tiiingafrsadffodlitatedte campaign wluch the Uxbq:s 
now reneagML In liw qnteg of 151s one of their arinies marched 
towards Taridcend, while another nnder their famotss leader, Ubetdnlla, 
went towards fiddnsn. Baber liaving sent a contingent to the assist* 
aaoe of Tashhend- massed Ids rtmainiag forces to crush UbddaUa, 1H10 
tiiereapoB wiAdrsw. He was orertaken at Kd Mdik, where a fierce 
and iaapoftant bal^ ensoed^ The candid Haidar, who was Baber^s 
coosin and Ubeidn&a's brother-in-kw, and was a Snnni, says the 
Ufbegs only numbs red 3/x)o men, while Baber liad 40,000 with him, and 
he adds, "God rai se s wlMm lie pleases and depresses whom he pleases 
without f«0ard to nombers.'' Bd)er was in foct defeated* and fdl bade 
on S a n u a ton d, This batde was fought on the i8th of April, i $13. To 
Samarittnd Bdiar was ^iMy followed, and as the granaries there 
were empty and Ihepeepie iU^disposed to him he withdrew and retired 
to Hissar, wfae^iee he aent messengers to Shah Ismad to tdl him of his 
misfortoae and. to aak assistance. Meanwhile a number of Uzbeg 
sultans and chieftains aet out firom Detbend to assail him there. He 
seemed to have barciaded the streets and prepared to defend himself 
brttdy. When the Usbegs saw this they withdrew again.* Shahlsnuid, 
on hearing of Ua prwttiglfs position, ordered the Amir Yar Muhammed 
styled Niyim Sani (U^ the aeoond star), his Minister of Finance, whom 
he had intrusted widi the settlenient of Khorasan, to inarch to his 
assistance* Tlieae combined forces amounted to about 60^000 men. 

This army ovenan Khosar, then attached Karshi, which the Ncjim 
cdled Ubeiddla's fanr, and which was strongly fortified. It was besiegod 
and carried by stofa; ^le gofemor, with dl in the phtce, whether Udiegs 
or cttiiensi to the nnmber of 15,000, were slaughtered without reference 
to age^ sex, or sanctity. Among the victims was Mevlana Binai, the poet» 
who was a great wit ; with hhn fell many Seyids and bdy men, ^ and from 

* Bftbeft Mf«iolrt» 30s. 


that time forward Masa Sekander Amir Nejim proiperod in none of Us 
nndertakingi.** Tliit act of Shia fanaticism dtsfustedBaberi who detached 
himself from his ally. The Persians contintied their advance and 
i^proached the fort of Gijuvan, into which Ubeidnlla and Muhammed 
Timur Sultan^ the Uzbeg chiefsi threw themsdves. A fierce battle ensued, 
intensified in its bitterness by the religious fiiry of tiie combatants. In an 
hoar, says the Sunni narrator, Mirsa Haidar, ^the infiuence of Islam 
began to prevail over heresy and infidelity, victory declared for the true 
foith; the invaders were routed, and most of them foil in the field, and the 
arrows of Qjuvan revenged the sabre of Karshi ; Mir Nejim and aO the 
chief officers of the Turkomans were sent to hell firc^f The Persian 
historian, who widded a friendly pen, in describing Nejim*s luxury says, 
^ 100 sheep, an innumerable number of chickens, ducks, and geese, and 
40 cwt of dnnamon, saffron, and other spices, were used daily in his 
kitchen, and the dishes were all either of gold, or the richest porcelain.*'} 
By tills famous battle, one of the most important in its consequences 
in the world's history, Baber was finally excluded from Mavera un 
Nehr, and had to turn his ambitious view elsewhere. It is said, the 
Persians, disgusted by the insolence and haughtiness of the Amir Nejim, 
did not assist him cordially— whence his capture. The defeat was a great 
bkyw to Persian prestige, and it was ascribed by their partisans to the 
treachery of Baber, who is even reported to have shot an arrow into 
the town with one of his caustic couplets attached to it, in which he 
indmated his hatred of his aQies.| 


The internal history of the Uzbegs, after the death of Sheibani, is com- 
plicated, and has been msch misunderstood. We are greatly hidd)ted 
to M. Veliaminof Zemof for the light he has thrown upon it In the 
first place their government was not an absohite sovereignty, but, as in 
Russia, in medieval times^ it was broken up into a number of appanages, 
each under its own Khan, and aQ subsenrient to an over*chie^ who was 
styled Khakan, and answered to the Grand Prince in Russia, who had a 
similar feudal authority over the appanagod princes. On the death of a 
Khakan the appanaged princes met together to choose a successor ; and 
their choice, as is usual in the East, genendly feQ upon the senior repre- 
sentative of the house, not necessarily the heir by right of primogeniture, 
but the oldest living representative of the senior line. It has foUowed, 
in consequence, that in many notices of Bukhara there has not been a 
sufficient discrimination between the line of Khakans, or chief Khans, and 
those of the appanaged princes, and the two lists have been confosed 

* BnUat* op. cit, 314. 
tInkiM,sa4«5>5* | V«mbtry*t BoUiarah, 376. | BrtUnt, op. dt.. 325* ssS. 



togetlMT. I win try and steer more dearly, with my very leaned friend 
^L Vdiaminof Zemof for a guide. 

The victory of Gijavan secored for the Uzbeks the control of 

Mavera tm Ndir, and we are told by Hafiztanish, in the AbduUa 

Namdiy that a meeting of the various Uzbeg chiefi was held, and 

Janibeg^ who had beer a quasi regent, redistributed the appanages. 

Kuchkmgi received Samaricaady and Muhammed Timur, the son of 

Sheibani, was given joint authority with him; Kuchkunji's brother 

Suiunich, was given Tashkend. UbeidoUa, the son of Mahmud 

Sultan, and nephew of Sheibanl, was given his father's appanage of 

Bukhara, together with Karakul and Karshii while Jambeg reserved 

ior himself Miankal (which in Sheibani's reign had belonged to 

his own son Muhammed Timur) and the Soghd of Samarkand, with the 

towns of Kennineh and Nur.* The same author goes on to say that 

this same year (m., in 918) the Sultans proceeded to elect Kuchkunji as 

Khakan of the Usbegs. Kuchkunji, according to Vambery, means nomad 

or vagrantt He was also called Kuchum.} Althou^^ Knchkunji was 

de jun ruler, Ubeidulla, the prince of Bulduura, had the chief authorityy 

and was the most famous leader of the Usbegs at this time. WhenBaber 

retired from Samaricand he had with him a number of the turbulent 

eastern Turks, called Mongols by Haidar. Having some grievance 

against him they attempted to waylay and kill him. He, however, escaped 

tothefortofHissar. They then took up a position on the hills of Karatigin, 

whence they wasted the district round Hissar. Their exaoions and 

ravage were so great that a famine followed in the city of Hissar. This 

was succeeded by a pestilence, and thousands of women and children 

were sold into captivity among the Uzbegs. To add to the general horrors 

the winter was very severe.} On hearing of this Ubeidulla marched from 

Bukhara to punish the marauders. Knowing they could expect no help 

from Baber they took up a strong position on the hills of Surgfaab and 

Waksh, where they were protected by mountains on either flank, and by 

deep snow in front. A sudden thaw opened a way for die Ud)egs. Many 

of the so-called Mongols rushed into the river, and ''thus reached the 

flames of hell through water," says Haidar, whUe many who escaped 

this went in the same direction by the sword. Some were captured, and 

others retired to Andijan. Hissar thus fell again into the hands of the 

Uzb^s, and Baber, leaving Khan Mursa in Badakhshan, wididrew 

towards Kabul.] 

We must now revert, somewhat WhenUbeidulla marched against Baber 
at Bukhara, his great uncle, Suiunich, moved against Tashkend, which he 
besieged and captured. As we have seen it was assigred to him as an 
appanage, in the summer of 1512 Sultan Said Khan, who still ruled in 

•VfUgfrnoCCoiM of Buklur«,ac» 353.355. t0^dt,^4. H«U,i. 

tVal.gtiMiColato£B«ldiaf«,33laad3s$, 4 BraUai, cp. cH., 3«7f sa8» |T«r.RMh. 


Feighana, mafthed agamil Snhitticli wit^ 5,000 men. The Uib^;s met 
him with 7,000, and a struggle ensued at Beshkend, in whidi he was 
defeated and wounded, and dien retired to Andijan. After tiio battle of 
Gijuvan Suiunich advanced against him, Suhan Said thereupon put 
strong garrisons in Andijan, AUisi, and Maighinan, and then repaired 
to the hill country to the south, so as to be prepared to harass himshould 
he lay siege to any place.* Sultan Said, in his distress, now appealed 
to Kasim, the powerful Khan of the Kazaks, who controlled an enormous 
force in the deserts of Kipchak. Ho was eager to accept the o£fer. The 
governor of Sairam surrendered the keys of that fortress, and he then 
marched on towards Tashkend, plundering the country on the way, 
after which he withdrew. The attack, however, and the fear of its 
repetition kept Suiunich quiet during 1513 and 15 14. During the summer 
of 1514, when Kasim Khan was absent on a distant expedition, the Utbegs 
proceeded to assail Ferghana in force. Sultan Said Khan and his 
amirs deemed it hopeless to resist them, and determined to cross the 
mountains towards Kashgar, and to carve a new kh^dom for themselves 
therci which they accordingly did, and he ruled over Kashgar ftv many 
years. Thus was Ferghana added to the dominions of the UsbefS.t 

Let us now turn our attention to Khorasan. AcconUng to the Tarikhi, 
Akmarai, Ismael, after his victory over Sheibani, in which the latter fdl, 
intended to invade Mavera un Nehr in person, and had advanced as far 
as Meimeneh and Kara Robat, when he was met by envoys from 
Muhammed Timor Suhan, SheibanFs son, and other chieft, bearing rich 
presents and offers of peace. As Shah Ismael wished to repair to Ajer- 
baidjan and the frontiers of Turkey, where he had important business, he 
readily agreed to this, and it was arranged that all the land south of the 
Oxus, induding Khuarezm or Khiva, should belong to th;: Shah.} When 
Shah Ismad sent Nejim Sani to the help of Baber, this pact was clearly 
broken, and we accordingly find that after the battle of Gijuvan, 
Ubeidulla crossed the Oms, near Chaijui, with Janib^, the chief of 
Kermineb, and being joined at Murghab by Muhammed Timur Sultan, 
Sheibeni^ son, who had advanced from Samarkand, fay way of Keiki, 
they proceeded to attack Meshed. Other bodies of them advanced by 
way of Termes as far as BaUch, devastating the country.1 Shah Ismael 
nowmarched to the rescue, whereupon the Usbegs retired. He caused 
several officers to be executed for having deserted Ncjfan in the late 
battle, idiile he laid a heavy hand on some of his Sunni subjects, who 
were accused of encouraging the Uzbegs and of persecuting the Shia? 
This was in 1513 1 For some years the Uibegs seem to havo remained 
quiet They were probably restrained by foar of the famous Shah. That 
potent chief died in 1523, and was succeeded by his infant urn, Shah 


Tahmatp. Thit favourable opportunity was not neglected by UbeldoUi, 
who crossed the Oxus, and entered Khorasan. Dumiish Khan Shamla, 
beglerb^ or governor of that province^ took shelter in Herati where the 
Uzbegs besi^ed him for several months, but finally raised the siege.* 
Durmish Khan died in the following year. The governor of Meshed 
having been killed in a civil strife, and a sharp contention having arisen 
among the Amirs, there was confusion in Khonuan, and we accordingly 
find that in 1525, Ubeidulla crossed the Ozus at Charjui, and captured 
Merv, where ten or fifteen peasanu were killed. Passing on to Sirakhs, 
he found thirty or forty Kizilbashis, who refinsed to surrender the place, 
but the inhabitants, being divided in their afiections, a friendly band 
opened one of the gates ,* the Uzbegs entered, and put the Persians there 
to the sword. They then advanced to Meshed, ^ sacred city of the 
Shias, which bdng defenceless, submitted. Tns was now blockadfid for 
eight months, and then, in spite of the capitulation entered into, all the 
men in the place were massacred, and the women carried off into slavery.t 
Varabery adds that concurrently with this attack, Abusaid, the son 
of Kuchkunji, made an attack on Herat, which failed.} The Uzbegs were 
more successful in another direction. Under Kara Kitin they laid si^;e 
to Balkh, which still belonged to the Persians. Two officers in Baber's 
service went over to the enemy, who soon afterwards captured the city, 
and then made a raid upon Baber's own dominions, reduced Ibak, 
Sarabagh, and Khuram, places sit ated in the valley of the river 
Knulm, while the garrison of Gbnri, on the river of the same name, 
panic-stricken at the fall of BaDdi, also surrendered.! This was in 
1535. After capturing Meshed and Tus, Ubeidulla advanced and 
secured Asterabad, where he left his son, Abdul Azis, as governor, and 
himself went towards Balfch. The Persians having received laigt 
reinforcementafrom Aserbaidyan, the young prince withdrew, and joined 
his father. The c o mbined forces gave the Persians a severe defeat 
near Bostam, which again pat Asterabad in his power. He now con- 
fided it to Renish or Zinish Bduulur Khan, and went to iqpend the 
winter of 933 at Ghurian.1 During 934 Ubeidulla pressed the siege of 
Herat, which resisted bravely for seven numths under its govemori 
Hussein Khan Shamlu, when news arrived that Zinish Behadur had 
been defeated. We are told that the governors of Sebsevar and 
Asterabad attadced him near Damghan. At first they were successful, 
but he afterwards won a complete victory, when both of them were killed. 
Meanwhile Shah Tahmasp, at the head of forty thousand men, came to 
the rescue of his people, utUrly defeated the Uzbegs at Damgfaan, and 
killed Zinish. In their sweefung course, says Erskiaerthey routed a 
second Vthtg detachment, which accordingly fell back on Ubeidulla, 

'IctUaei i. 457- 1 Ertkine. i. 457. Btb«^ ||«aioiri, 342«S44- tOpudL^STS. 

fBaer.3S0. Brtkist, op. ciL, 458. I Ertkine, 4S9. 


wIm) was stUl besieging Herat He raised the siege, and withdrew 
towards Merv, where he sommoned the varicms Uzbeg princes of 
Mavera ua Nehr, &C| to a general rendezvous. Kuchkunji Khan 
came fnm Samarkandi and with him his sons, Abusaid Sultan and 
Pulad Saltan, and the sons ci Janibeg Khan ; Suiunich Khan from 
Tashkendy the sons of Hamia Sultan and Mehdi Sultan from Hissar, 
and Kitin Kara Saltan from Balkh. Thus was collected the kigest 
army hitherto assembled by tiie Uzbegs. Baber says they numbeied 
one hundred and fifty thousand, Mir Yahia Saifi, the author of the ^ Leb 
al Towarik,*' one hundred and twenty-one thousand, and the ^ Afim-arai 
Abasi," eighty thousand veterans, exclusive of other troops.* So great 
an- army, says the. Persian historian, had not crossed the Amu dnce the 
days of Jtngis Khan. The Persians, according to Baber, numbered 
forty thousand men, but they were veterans, disciplined in the Turldsh 
fitshion, and had seen hard service against the Ottomans. They also 
had a body of two thousand artillerymen, and six thousand matchlock 
men,t iHiile the Uxbegs were armed with their primitive weapons^ and 
this difference was no doubt an immense moral as well as physical 

Shah Tahmasp having visited Meshed and other holy places, intrenched 
himself strongly in a position near Jam, on the way to Herat. The 
Uib^gs, idio interpreted this as a sign of weakness, adv^ced to attack 
Meshed* Their pkhf says Erskine, was singularly illustrative of th6 
superstition of their age and tribe. While the main army encamped at 
Meshed, twenty thousand horsemen were to scour the country round the 
enemy's camp, and not to allow a man to show outside his trenches. 
Meanwhile thietr magicians were to work their enchantments and to 
make the enemy spdl-bound, so that hot one of them was to escape. 
But Shah Tahmasp did not wall for these preparations to be complete.^ 
He advanced to meet them, and the two armies met on the 2$th of 
September, 1529, at Jam. Vambery says ii as on the vigO of the ninth 
Midiarrem, on which the Shia Muhammedans keep the anniversary of 
tiie tragic end of Hussein near Kerbela with every demonstration of 
woe. Ht tells us Jam is no^ the first place one enters on Persian 
territory ip coming- from Herat, and is a miserable village, whose 
inhabitants live in mortal terror of the Turkomans.! The Persians had 
their gttos in the centre, protected by twenty thousand chosen troops 
under the personal command of the king. The Uzbegs, as usual with 
them, outflanked the Persian army, and having turned bodi flanks, got 
Into die rear and began to plunder the camp, but the Persian centre 
stood firm, and at a fitvouraUe moment, the chains connecting their guns 
being dropped, the troops stationed behind rushed forward. A furious 

•M..490. Nottt. t BrtkiM. i. 491. I Babtr't Mtaoin, i90. BrtkiiM, op. ctt., 490, 49^. 

I Op. dt.i 2f^ 


haiid-to>liaiid fight ensuedy in wUdh a bodf oi three th cmsa n d Partun 
cuirassien greatly distinguished tfacmsetvet. The strug^ terminated 
in the defeat of the V^beg$ with a dreadful slaagfater, fifty tfioasand of 
them are said to have lain on the fidd of battle. Tiventy thousand 
Persians lay beside them. Erskine says these numbers are probably 
much exaggerated. Several of the leading Usbcgs were slain. Kuch- 
kunjiy the Grand Khan, and UbeiduUa escaped, but the latter was 
wounded. ** Janibeg Khan, who had pursued the flying troops of the 
Persian wings to a great distance supposing the victory secure, retamed 
back the same night, and guided by the fires and lights of the camp, 
wliich he thought were those of UbeiduUa, came upon the encampment 
of Tahmasp. The Persians pursued him but he escaped. Tahmasp 
shortly after his victory had to turn his attention to his western 
dominions,*^ where the Osmanlis, own brothers of the Uxb^gs, were a 
constant menace to Persia. That the defeat was not overwhelmii^ we 
gather from the fact that directly Tahmasp retired, UbeiduUa prepared 
to revenge himself. He crossed the Amu and went to Meshed. Thistown 
he bk>ckaded for two months, and then went to Herat, which capitulated 
after a seven months' si^ge. Erskine says that in the invasion UbeidaUa 
did not faU to pay back the Shias for their crudties to his co-ffeligionists.t 
Next year his people advanced to Farra, which he attacked for some 
time, but was eventuaUy obUged to raise the siege, and on hearing that 
the Persians were advandi^ in force he abandoned Herat and withdrew 
to Merv. 

Let us now turn elsewhere for a sheit tHMi Shah Tahmasp's victory 
revived Saber's hopes of recovering Maveraun Ndir, and he encouraged 
his son, Humayun, who governed Badakhshan, to make the atten^it 
The scare produced by the defeat of UbeiduUa had it seems caused the 
Uzbeg sultans, who were ruling at HIssar, to abandon that place, where 
they left Chalmeh, the son of Ibrahim Jani, as governor.) Humayun 
having collected an army of fifty thousand men, and accompanied by 
Sultan Weis, now marched towards Samarkand, whUe the letter's brother, 
Shah Kuli, occupied Hissar, and Tursun Muhammed Saltan marched 
from Termes and captured Kabadian.| It is curious that while his son 
was thus invading the Usbeg country with Saber's connivance, he himself 
was entertaining the ambassadors of Kuchkni^i in India. They were 
present at a grand €nst he gave at Agra. We are told the KixUbash 
or Persian envoys were housed in a tent to the right of his own, and 
Ynnis AU was sdected from the Amirs to sit amongst them, wfaOe the 
Ud>^ were housed in a simUar tent on the left, and AbdnUa was tokl off 
to look after them. At the imst, which is described in great detafl, 
the ambassador of Kudikui^i wu psessrtHiJ with Siricamash robes of 
muslin, with rich buttons, and a dmm of honour suited to his rank. 


He was alM tmwmud widi a ceruin weight of fokL* This embeny 
kft Beber on tlw 3itt ol Jamuu7» 15^9. He t^t is he pieMiited Amin 
Mane, the envoy of Kuchkunjiy with e dagger and beh, an ekphaat 
knifed a nSkk of brocade^ and seventy thoqgand taagaa {li., mall iihrer 
coins of the Take of a penny). To the MoUi^ Taghai, the rcfMosentative 
of Abusatd Sultan {U^ the Khakm'ii son)| and to the servants of 
Mdmhan Rluttiim (ix, his wile) and her son Pnladi vests richly 
ornamented with battens, kaftans of rich doth, &c.t He sent Chapok 
badcwiA them, as his envoy to the Usbeg chleft4 Babei^s health was 
at tUs time fiuling, and Homayon, who did not wish to be far away 
Ikom the capital* does not seem to have prosecuted his campaign fiirdier. 
Kachkm^ died in 1530, hb death preceding that of Baber, whose 
career ended at Agra, in the December of the same year, by only a few 
months. Ki^chkanji, accordmg to Vamft>ery, spent most of his life in the 
society of ascetics and dervishes^ He left diiee sons, all of whom 
afterwards became Khans of Bukhara. They were Abusaid, Abdolla, 
and Abdul Latit Coins struck during his reign are extant They bear 
no iOian's name, but are dated within the period of his rule, and were 
strudi at Saauukand and Bukhanul 


According to Hafixtanish, when Kuchkunji was nominated Khakan, 

his brother Suiunich was appointed kalga or next heir, and his nephew 

Janibeg Saltan, the son of Khoja Muhammed, the next after hhn, but 

both these princes died before KuchkuiyLf On the letter's death the 

eldeM of his sons, Abusaid, was elected Kbakan. This is what Kasvini 

says,** in whidi he is confirmed by The seat of the 

Uzbeg empire during his reign, as during his fether'Si was at Samarkand, 

and Ubddulla, Uie ruler of BuUiara, continued to control the forces of 

theenq»ire. I have described how the latter retired before Shah Tahmasp. 

Having arrived at Merv he summoned a council of the Uzbeg chiefe to 

prepare measures of defence. At thii^ ofHuions weie divided, and 

Abusaid, who was now on the throne, set his fece against the war, and 

advised UbeiduUa not to undertake it The Khakan was supported by 

some other chieftains. Ubeidulla thereup<m withdrew fitmi Khorasan and 

^the fish standard of Persia once more gleamed over the whole province.'' 

Tahmasp put his brother Behram Muna there as his viceroy, and then 

returned to IralL{| In 1531, although unsupported by the other sultans, 

Ubeidulla made a raid towards Meshed, but was driven back by the local 

'A^iSSS* t /A, 399,400. lid. $Op.dt..i0o. 

. I Fnthn Rm., 438. Vtl. ZtraoC Coini of Bskhtra, sS4i 335* 

^V«LiEtrMf,Coiaiof BikliMa,S4S. •" /i; 3M tud S44. ^^d,,U^ 


foicei. In 1532 lie lenewed the vunmoa wkh a laigtr amy. He 
maxdied hiinsdf on Herat, hk son Abdul Ads on Meshed, Kamisii* 
ogfalsn (the Boy of the Bushes) on Asterabad, and Khankeldi Behadur 
on Sebsevar.* The coontry was wasted in various directions for a year 
and a hal( during which the UdMgs pressed the siege d Herat, where 
terrible distress ensued* Impure food, tiie flesh of dogs and cats was 
eaten, and the disbress was so great that overtures for a surrender were 
made to Ubeidulla, on condition that he withdrew his troops a march or 
two so as to let the garrison escape unmolested. This he refused, and 
insisted that it must deiUe under bis tent rc^^es, and in consequence the 
si^ proceeded Meanwhile, Shah Tahmasp having quelled the revolt 
in Azerbaijan, hastened by forced marches towards Herat. A party 
he sent out surprised the Usb^ at Asterabad when bathings put them 
to death with little resistance^ and sent hint five hundred heads. The 
Usbegs at Sebi ef a r retn^ fighting to Mishapur and then to Meshed. 
Abdul Aiis hurried from thelatter place with seven thousand men to hdp 
his father at Herat Ubeidulla dared not meet Tahmasp in the fidd; 
he was probably not very cordially supported by the odier Usbcf diieft. 
At all events he retired to Bukhara, and for two years Khonsan was finee 
from Usbeg attack. Abusaid Khan diedb 839 (iV., isyi-H, after a very 
short reign. Periiaps Ubetdnfla had a hand in his death, as Vambery 
suggests. Noneof his coins are apparently known. 


On the deadi of Abusaid Khan die overldianship of die Usbeg pikices 
did not ptss to his brother, who was his heir, but to UbeiduUa, the son of 
Mahmud and nephew of .SheibanI, whose prowess in die Persian wars 
had doubtless secured hbn the position. His private qipanage^ as 
I have sttd, was BuMiara, and diat dty during his reign was the 
capital of the Usb^s. He mounted the throne about the yaftr 
1533. Shah Tahmasp had appointed hb brother Sam Mursa to be 
governor of Khonsan, and for two years d«e was peace diere. In iS3S> 
Sam Mursa having inarched agahist Kandahar, Ubeidulla deemed it a 
good opportunity to renew his incursions. A body of fire or six 
thousand UdMgs entered and bid waste Northern Khorasan, but dxy 
were defeated by Sufian Khalifo, die governor of Meshed. Further east 
another attack was made upon Guijistan. Khalifo Sidtan Shamhi* 
who governed Herat in Sam Muna's absence, having inarched to meet 
the ktter with a motley and ill-assorted army, was attacked, defeated, 
and killed, upon which the people of Herat summmied Sufian, who had 
so lately been successfiil, to the rescue. 


The attacks just named weie mere desultory raids, but they encouaged 
Ubeidtillaf who the next year crossed the Amu Daria with an immense 
army, and threatened Meshed. Sofian was sent for hastily from Herat. 
He affected to despise the enemy, promised to be soon at the holy city 
and to send UbeidoUa's skin to the King staffed with straw, and set o«t 
from Herat with only three thousand horse, and on the road, says 
Erskine, filled a bog widi hay, lest die Uib^gs, by not leaving a blade oC 
grass around Meshed, might defeat his boast He routed the first 
detachment he met, but on getting near the town was obUged to shelter 
in an old min, where he obstinately defended himsdf for serend days, 
subsistmg his followers on the flesh of dieir horses, bat was eventually 
taken and put to death.* 

The deputy whom Sufian had left at Herat bdiaved so harshly there 
that some of the people summoned die UsbcgB Co their relieC Ubeidulla 
went and besiqced the place for five months, doriog which the inhabitants 
suffered terribly. At length 300 UsbegshavmggafaMd access to a bastion, 
probably by treachery, the dty was taken, and the garrison retired to the 
fortress of Ekfatiar ed din. The city was plundered^ and the citadel was 
afterwards surrendered en condition that the fMrison was to be allowed 
to march out with its propertyi but as they left the fort they were 
all stripped naked and sent to Bukhara, die greater port perishing 
miserably on the way. Ubeidulla retained possession of Hsiat for four 
months, and persecuted the Shtas severdy. At length Shah Tahmasp^ 
having his hands more free, went to the assistance of die mnch-eoflering 
province of Khorasan. UbdduDa wished to resist him, but the other 
Uzbeg chiefr counselled a retreat, and, ahhoogh it was winter, they set 
out on their return by way of BaUdi, and Tahmaip look po ssessi on of 
Herat unopposedt UbelduDa seems to have made two or three other 
inroads into Khorasan during his life, but none of tasy Importance^ and 
the province remained in possession of die Persians^ and ei^^^y^ com- 
parative tranquilfity.t 

Meanwhile the Udiegs had founded an independent prindpafity at 
Khnaresm, or Khivat whose history will occupy as in die next diapter. 
At this dme matters were in a state of pcmfei^ diere, and Ubeidulla 
determined to fish in dm troubled waters. We are told he was joined by 
Borrak Khan, of Tashkend, otherwise known as Nanrus Ahmed Khan,f 
by Jevan Mard AH Behadnr, the son of Abosaid Khan, and now Khan 
of Samarkand, his fether^ appanage^ and by the grandsons of Hamsa 
and Mehdi Saltan of Hissar, and that they marched npon Urgenj. The 
princes of Khuaresm, too weak to resist this iavasiol^ retired towards 
Kur. On aniviog at Urgenj, UbeaduHa sent in pursuit of diem, and 
Avandc Khan, the ruler of Khnaresm, witb all his people^ were captnrsd 
at a place called Begat Kiri, north of Vesir. The Khan was handed over 

^Bnktet.iLios. 1 74., 103, 104. il4U,to6, iVid$imf^g, 


to Omar Gazi, whose ^ther he had killed, and who now put him to 
death in turn. UbeiduUa gave Urgenj to his son Abdul AnSa who took 
up his residence there. The Sarts and Turkomans were not disturbed, 
but the Uzbegs were divided into four sections, of which one was assigned 
to UbeiduUa ; a second to the princes of Hissar ; a third to the princes 
of Samarkand ; and a fourth to the princes of Tashkend. When they 
retired from the country these several ponces, who had placed deputies 
in chaiige of these various contingents, took the latter home again 
with them.* 

Meanwhile Din Muhammed Sultan, the son of the Avanek Khan 
above mentioned, continued to hold authority at Derun, which he had 
received as an appanage. A number of fugitives from Urgenj repaired 
to him, and it was at length determined to recover possession of the 
Khanate. They marched against the town of Khiva, which was captured, 
and its darugha, with a few of his men, were put to deatlu The darugha 
of Hazarasp fled. On hearing this news Abdul Azis retired from Urgenj 
and went to his father. UbeiduUa was not long in taking up arms, and 
advanced with some four thousand men. Din Muhammed, who had 
only three thousand, determined to risk an encounter. Three times his 
beks urged upon him the reckless nature of the enterprise. Twice he 
took no notice of them, but the third time, having dismounted, he took 
some earth in his hands, and scattering it on the coUar of his shirt, he 
said, '' My God, I confide my soul to thee and my body to the ground** 
Then, turning to the beks, he said, " I myself am dead; as to you, if your 
lives are more precious to you than mine do not go forth with me; if the 
contrary, then go." He then mounted his horsey and was foUowed by his 
enthusiastic people, and took up a position at Guerdin Khast, west of a 
lake which was afterwards known as Shikest KuU (il^, the lake of the 
defeat). It was night when news arrived Uiat the enemy was approaching* 
Din Muhammed divided his men into twe divisions, and placed them in 
ambush. Presently the van of Ubmdulla's army appeared, preceded by 
forty men carrying flambeaux. This division was suddenly attacked on 
other side and routed, several beks being kiUed and others captured* 
The slaughter was terrible ; Kun Tughar Behadur of the Kungrat tribe, 
boasted he had himself kiUed sixty. After the battle the beks idio had 
been captured were presented to Din Muhammed one by one. One of 
these, named Hafiz, was charged with having openly said that the people 
of Urgeiy were infidels, and not Mussulmans. Being asked to explain 
this, he repUed, '^ We are about to test whidi are infidels and which 
Mohammedans," a happy phrase under difficult circumstances, which 
afterwards passed into a proverb among the Uzb^s. Din Muhammed 
now proposed an exchange of prisoners against those who had been 
oiptuted by UbeiduUa in the previous campaign. This was acceptedi 

* AMffeast ssS-a40. 


and they were allowed to return to BuUiara with Hajim Khao, who was 
charged with negotiatiiig the exchange. He was wdl received by 
UbeiduUa, who restored him the prisoners in his chaige, as well as those 
belonging to the princes of Samarkand and Hissar.* This campaign 
took place in 946 ($^^ 1539-40X and was almost immediately followed by 
the death of Ubeidnlla, who died, according to Kasvini, from chagrin, in 
the fifty-^th year of his age, and was buried in the chapel of a college 
h^ had himself builtt Coins of Ubeidulla, struck at Bukhara, are extant, 
but most of them apparently do not bear the Khan's name.) 

Haidar says of him that during the previous one hundred years 
BO prince had equalled him. He adds that he was pious, meek, religious^ 
abstinent, and just, pre-eminent for generosity and valour. He could 
write seven hands, but especially excelled in the Naski. He copied out 
the Koran more than once. He possessed divans of th.e Turkish, 
Arabic, and Persian poets, and was a good musician. During his reign 
his capital Bukhara recalled to mind Herat during the reign of Sultan 
Hussein Muna.( 


Ubeidulla was more or less an usurper, and on his death the throne 
was again occupied by a son of Kuchkunji, namely, by Abdulla Khan. 
This is expressly stated by Kazvini,| and also by Muhammed £(Kendi.f 
lyHerbelot and De Guignes have confused this prince with the great 
Abdulla, son of Iskander, who will occupy us presently. Abdulla, the 
son of Kuchkunji, only reigned six months. Apparently no coins of 
his are known. He doubtless held his court at Samarkand. 


Abddhi was succeeded by his brother Abdul Latif, who also ruled from 
Samarkand He began to reign in 947 (<>•» '540-i)> and according to 
M. VeL Zemof continued to do so till 959 (1./., i55i-2). 

I have described how in 1526 Balkh was captured by the Uzbegs. It 
was afterwards constituted an appanage, and given to Pir Muhanuned 
the son of Janibeg. Kamran, the brother of ^ the Great Moghul' 
Humayun, having rebelled against the latter in 1547, fled to Balkh, 
where he was well received by Pir Muhammed, who entertained him in 
his palace, and supplied him with troops, with which he recovered 
Ghuri and took Baklan. Pir Muhammed accompanied him on this 
expedition, and when his proUgi was master of the open country, he 

^Abalghttzi, a4Z-^* M^^^MA* NoU, i. Vtmbery,a8x. 

I Yd. Ztrnof^ Coins of Bukharft, Ac, S30. FnelmRMn438. f TtrUdii Ruki^i, 

I Vd. Ztraof; Coin of Bokhart, )08. f/i^s^S* 

734 RisroitY or tbb momoqia 

zetnnied to BaUdi, leaving a oondafent of Utbegi with bim.* 
naturaUjr aroosed the animosity of Humayim, and in 1549 we find himi 
while profietting other objects^ really setting out on a campaign against 
Balkh. We are tdd that when he readied Istali^ Abbas Snltan^a young 
Uxbeg^ who had married Hnmayun's youngest sister (Gulshehreh 
Begim), suspecting that the expedition was directed against his people, 
disappeared without taking leave. Humayun went on by Anderab 
and Talikan to Nari, and crossing by the pass of Nari, reached the 
beautiful valley of Nilber, where he was met by several dependents, but 
not by KamnuBi who had made friends with him, and had promised to 
assist Having arrived at Baklan, he ordered an attack to be made on 
Eibek, a fertile and populous district in the territory of Balkh, which was 
defended by a strong castle. Pir Muhammed's Atalik, with a number 
of officials, on hearing of the invasion, had hastily thrown themselves into 
the fort, which was not provided either with provisions or water for a 
prolonged sitg^ and which surrendered to Humayun, after a short attack. 
At a feast, given on this occasion, he asked the Atalik Khoja Bagh what 
was the best way to conquer Balkh. The latter, embarrassed, replied 
that ** he was but a poor judge^ as he was an enemy.'' But on Humayun's 
praising the honesty of the Usbegs, and his honesty in particular, he 
replied, ** If you would conquer Balkh, cut off our heads, hasten on to the 
capital, and it will be yours." When objection was made to thus killing 
good Mussulmans, he said there was yet another alternative. ''I have 
much influence with Pir Muhammed. I will undertake that the country 
on your side of Khulm shall be yours, that the Khutbeh shall be said 
there in your n^me, and that Pir Muhammed shall send one thousand 
of his best men to accompany you when you go to Hindostan.'' This 
advice was also rejected, and Humayun, keeping the Atalik with him 
sent the other Uzb^ chiefs back to KabuLt 

After a few days halt he went on by way of Khulm. On reaching 
Astaneh (u^iere was the shrine of Sh^^h AvliaX >u^d while the audience hall 
was still disananged, and die people in the basaar wen: busy with their 
loads, and the Emperor, who had been visiting the shrine, was in his 
private tent, a sudden attack was made in the direction of the camp 
bazaar by a party of Uzbegs, under Shah Muhammed, Sultan of Hissar, 
the son of Berenduk Sultan, whkh a^tured a chief officer, named 
Kabuli, whose head was carried off as a tit>phy to Balkh. This warned 
Humayun that the Uzbegs, from beyond the Ainu, were arriving.} When 
they neared Balkh, he also began to suspect that his brother, Kamrau, 
as he did not come, was meditating some attack on Kabul in his absence. 
Nevertheless his people attacked the van of the Uzbeg army, under 
Abdulla Sultan and Khosru Sultan, the sons of Iskander Sultan, near the 
Takteh pul, and drove them across the bridge to the Balkh side of the 

*InUM,tt.M347- iUtV,»i' lU.tSfO'Vt. 


Stream. Wkin tiiejr naaved tlie dtjr a coqncil iMt tannioiied, and In 
view of the possible treachery of Kaman and the reported iqpproadiof 
Abdnl Asis, the son of UbeidnUay wiA the troops of Bdduira, it was 
determined to retreat, and take up a position near the entrance of the hiMs 
at Dera-Gesi a valley with nancow defiles, easily deteded, and whence 
both Kabul and BaM could be watched. The council broke up at mid- 
nighti and orders were given for a retreati whidi instantly c o m men c e d.* 
This is the account given by Bayesid, who i#as pioient with Humayun's 
forces. AbuUasly who is foUowed by Ferishta and oUm» makes Abdul 
Asis join the Usbq^s before the retreat, and describes a general action in 
which the btt« were defeated and driven into the town, although diey 
had thirty thousand men ; and Abulfosl adds that Humayun proposed to 
improve the advantage by an hnmediate advance^ which was not, how- 
ever, doiie.t To return to Bayesid's story» At dawn the retiring aiiny 
veached the broken ground on the banks of the river flowing throi^^h 
the Dera-Ges. Here apanic seems to have seised it (as it often seises an 
irregular force), caused partially by the nmiours that Kamran had attacked 
Kabul The Uzb^ were quick m pursuit The rear-guard was broken 
and dispersed, an arrow even struck Huauiyun's horse in the chest, and 
aD attempts to effisct a rally were unavailing. The Emperor's adventures, 
says Erskine^ for some succeeding days, when he sought to repass the 
mountains by unknown or little*frequented roads a prey to thirst, hunger* 
and fetigue, and guided by the barbarous inhabitants, are related in the 
liveliest and most picturesque manner by Bayezid, who was a sharer in 
his flight He at length reached Kabul on the zyd. of September, 15494 
In the rout many of the amirs, including Shah Bidagh, fell into the hands 
of the U2begs. The Atalik and his companions^ who had been allowed 
to return to Baikh, gave such a favourable account of the handsome 
treatment they had received, that Pir Muhammed returned these prisoners 
in a most handsome manner.f Although Kamran had not seized on 
Kabul, he tried to improve his fortune in these troublous times, and on 
Humayun*s retreat he made an unsuccessful attack on Badakhshan and 
Kunduz. He then turned to the Uzb^fs for assistance, and entered into 
a treaty with them. They supplied him with a contfaigent which helped 
him in the si^e of Kunduz. Its commander Hfaidal Muna thereupon 
foiged a letter in Kamran's name, in which suggestions were made for 
overreaching the Uzbegs. It was contrived that this, should fall into the 
latters* hands. Whereupon they abandoned him, and returned home. 
He (Kamran) now raised the siege and marched against Sullman Murza, 
the governor of Badakhshan. When he reached Rostak a large body of 
Uzbegs, who were plundering in the neighbourhood, under Said, attacked 
and plundered his camp without inquiring whose it was. When Said learnt 
what had happened he apologised for the mistake, but the blow was a 

^Id^V^Sfy t/4.,379. Note. lU^V^ fi». 


ernihSng one for Kamran nevertheless.* According to Bayeiid, the Utbeg 
commander on this occasion was Mir TanlonUzbegi and not SakLt This 
fight took place in 155a Kasvmitellsusthatafter the accession of Abdul 
Latif the Uzbegs did not cross the Oxas, and Khorasan enjoyed com- 
parative tranquiliity.} The fact is, they were too mnch occupied at 
home. The system of appanages was bearing its natural fruit in inter- 
necine struggles among the difierent princes. In these struggles the 
descendants of Janibeg, who, as I have said, was r^ent on Sheibani's 
death, were pitted against the other Uzbeg princes. In956 or 957 Abdul 
Aiis, the son of Ubeidulla, who held the appanage of Bukhara, died, and 
was succeeded by Muhammed Yar Sultan, the son of Suiunidi Muhammed 
Sultan, the son of Sheibani Khan. 

On the latter's accession, Pir Muhammed of Balkb, son of Janibeg, went 
to Bukhara on pretence of paying the last debt of respect to Abdul Aii% 
but in reality to secure the place for himself Thereupon the Khakan 
Abdul Latif, Nauruz Ahmed, of Tashkend, and Burgan Sultan, the grand- 
son of Ubeidulla Khan, with other princes, marched to the assistance of 
Yar Muhammed, and invaded Miankal, which belonged to tiie £unily of 
Janibeg. The princes of Janibeg's family thereupon dispersed. Rustem 
Khan, with his son Uzbeg Sultan, tied to Bukhara ; Izkander Khan left 
Kermineh and went to Andkhud ; Kermineh itself resisted, and after a 
siege of twelve days, terms were agreed upon, and Abdul Latif and 
Nauruz retired respectively to Samarkand and Tashkend, and during the 
next year (i>., 958) Pir Muhammed gave up Bukhara to Yar Muhammed 
and withdrew once more to Balkh. Soon after Burgan Sultan was 
nominated joint ruler of Bukhara with Yar Muhammed. Abdul Latif 
died in 959 {i.e., I55i-2).| Coins struck by him at Samarkand, and 
bearing his name, are well known. | 


According to the Abdulla Nameh, on the death of Abdul Latif his 
specUd appanage of Samarkand fell to Sultan Said Sultan, the son of 
Abusaid Khan, while the empire of Mavera un Nehr (i>., the khakanship) 
fell to Nauruz Ahmed Khan.f He was the son of Suiuinich Khoja Khan, 
who, as we have seen, held the appanage of Tashkend. At thb time 
Abdulla, the son of Izkander, the son of Janibeg, who afterwards became 
so fiunous, had ah:eady begun to show his prowess. Having inherited 
the small di3trict of Kermineh, he first took Kesvi from Khudai berdi 
Sultan, the son of Abusaid Khan, and then began to molest the district 
of KarshL Thereupon, to prevent a struggle, Khudai berdi exchanged 

• i5^, 377. 378- t/i<..379. Notf. I/<'.,i77.37«. 

% Vcl. Znnci, Coias of BnUura, 366, 367, Frt ha Rtt.. 439* 400. 

|V«Li?tnMCCoiM.ofBttktara.s;3- ^'A,Vff*«* 


appanages with KiHsb Kara Saltan, the son of Kisten Kara Snhan and 
cousin of Abdulla, who had previoaslf ruled at Sagraj. Abdulla had as 
little respect for his cousin as for his more distant lelative, and occupied 
Karshi and also deprived Gashhn Sultan, the son of Berenduk Sultan 
(who ruled at Hissar) of the town of Kesh or Shehr i Sebi.* When 
Naumz Ahmed mounted the throne, having collected a krge army from 
Tashkend, Turkestan, and Khojend, he marched against Abdulla and his 
partisans. He made an ineffectual attempt to seiie Samarkand, and 
then laid siege to Kesh, whence he summoned Bnrgan Sultan and Yar 
Muhammed Sultan, who ruled jointly at Bukhara, to his help. Abdulla 
iqspealed to his unde Pir Muhammed, but before the latter could arrive 
with the contingent of Baikh, Burgan had reached Kasan and was 
phmdering the district of Karshi. Abdulla went out to meet him, and as 
a portion of Pir Muhammed's men came up at a critical moment, the 
battle was decided against the Bukharians, Who withdrew. AbduUa and 
his uncle now marched to the relief of Shehr i Sebx. Nauruz did not 
wait for jheir arrival, but having raised the si^e of Kardii went home 
again to Tashkend. Abdulla returned to Karshi and Pir Muhammed to 
Kilef, the capital of Balkh.t This campaign took place in 960 hej. 

Next year Nauruz Ahmed renewed the struggle, and captured Samar- 
kand from Sultan Said, who was apparently a partisan of Abdulla. 
Through the intervention of Muhammed Sadik he afterwards made 
peace with the young prince, to whom he promised that he would 
deprive his late ally Burgan Sultan of Bukhara and give it to him. It 
would seem that Burgan had incurred his displeasure by the murder of 
Muhammed Yar, his co-ruler at Bukhara. He first, however, punished 
the descendants of Janibeg, and invaded their appanage of Miankal. 
Iskander Khan, the father of Abdulla, fled to Balkh, while the other 
sultans of the house of Janibeg gathered round Abdulla at Karshi. 
Miankal was speedily conquered, and Nauruz Ahmed proceeded to 
divide it among his relatives. Kermineh he gave to his son Dost 
Muhammed Sultan; Dabusi to Abdul Saltan, son of Abdul Latif 
Khan ; and Shehr i Sebz to Gashim Sultan, son of Berenduk Sultan of 
Hissar. He then ordered his son Baba Sultan to march against Abdulla 
at KarshL He fought with the latter and won a battle, in which 
AbduUa's unde Rustem Khan was killed, while he himself with his 
troops was forced to cross the Oxus and take shelter at Balkh. After 
this and in the year 962 Nauruz went against Bukhara. After sustaining 
a three months' siege, Burgan Sultan appealed to Abdalla, who was then 
living at Andkfaud and Shabiigan, for help. The latter was delightedi 
and although it was very sultry went with three hundred companions, and 
soon reached Farab on the Oxus, which belonged to Burgan. There he 
was shortly after bekagured by Sultan Said Khan and Dost Muhammed 

•/<..3W. t/rf..slfc 

7a8 HinoRY or ths nowooLa 

Sohasi tbe son <tf Mwinui with 22,000 mm. Although his Ibice was 
80 ridiculoasly small ho veatuxcd oa a sortie^ wUoh was tucctisfiil. 
His opponents vrere beaten, and tiiefogitives on xoachiag the can^ of 
the Khakan Nanmsi so dtstnrbod his men that he broke op the siege of 
Bukhara and returned to Samarirandy* where ho ordered Sultan Said to 
be anested and to be sent prisoner to Rashid Khan at Karaigutak (? in 
Kashgar). Abdulla after Ms victory went to Bukhara. Buigan Sultan 
went to Shehr i Sdx to meet him, and conducted him to the city, which 
he gave up to him accocding to his agreement, and himself went to 
Karakul He was not long content there, however^ and having made a 
demons tr ati o n against Bukhara, Abdulla marched against him, but the 
hater's army left him and went over to Burgan. Abdulla had once more 
to seek shelter at Balkh. 

In the sgmg of 963 Khalkman bi of the Durmans, having quarrelled 
with Burgan, incited the amirs at Karakul to rebel They did so^ and 
invited Abdulla to go to thent Burgan thereupon again aj^ealed to 
Naurus Ahmed, who we are told collected a vast anpy. He was joined 
by Buigan, and the two went on to Bukhara, which they beleagured. 
Terms were at length conceded to Abdulla, who was allowed to withdraw 
to Chechket and Meimineh. Burgan now returned to Bukhara and his 
patron to Samarkand, an^ thence to Rabat Khoja, at the sources of the 
river Diigem, where he gave himself up to debauchery, fell ill, and diedt 
Tluswasin963hej.(i>., 1556). Nauruz Ahmed was sumamedBorrak, as 
is clear from Hafistanish.) Vambery calls him Borrak Khan and makes * 
him a son of tlie Jagatai Khan Mahmud* His account of Bukhara at 
this period, like that of all other authors except M. Vol Zemof, is very 
conftised. Herberstein calls him Borrak Sultan, and makes him the 
Khan of Urgenj and brother of UbeiduUa ;{ both of which are mistakes* 
Naurus Ahmed has left coins struck at Bukhara.! 

It was in the rdgn of Nauruz Ahmed that the intercourse between the 
Turks of Constantinople and their very near relatives the Utbegs 
became more cordial They were both Sunnis, and had therefore a 
common grievance against the Persians. In a letter of Sultan SuHman, 
written to Nauruz, he says he was on terms of close friendship with the 
hitter's predecessors Ubeidulla and Abdulla. During the reign of Abdul 
Latif, Suliman, it seems, sent a body of three hundred janissaries and 
some artillery to his assistance. This arrived after the accession of 
Nauruz. The latter wrote to his friend to tell him how the sultans of his 
family who n kd at Dabusi, Kufin, Kermineh, Kesh, Karshi, and Khazar 
had been rebdHoos, and had occupied his time in suppressing them, 
which accounted for his not having made a diversion in his fovour, and 
he promised that when he had taken Bukhara, which still hekl out, that 

•/4^SSX.SSS. 1 /il., S93-5N. Iti^ih* 1 0». dt. tt. 75- 

I VtL Ztm^, 0^ cit, S7S> 



he would invade Khomea Two numdis hler^ aaoady, in Febnutty, 
i5S6y his envoy Nisameddin Ahmed Chauthbeg went to annotince to 
Sulunan the capture of Bukhara. Thia was Ibllowed by a third letter. 
The Sultan wrote in cordial termsy but said it would be impossible for 
him to unite in a campaign against Persia then, as the two countries had 


On the death of Naurasy Fir Muhammad of BaUdi, the son of Janib^, 

who was the iddest of the appanaged princes, was nominated Khakan, and 
his name was duly put on the cdns. On the accession of his uncle, 
AbduUa left ChecMcet and Bleimindii where he had taken sheher, and 
moved upon MiankaL Dost Muhammed, the son of Naurus, who reigned 
at Kerminek, fled, and presently AbduUa also CMptmtd Shehr i Sdx from 
Gashhn Sultan, and assisted Kedai Sultan, sen of Abdul Latif, and 
Jivan merdi AH Khar tiie son of Abusaid, to take Samarkand from the 
sons of Nanrui Khan. The next year^ i*4,, in 964, he began a campaign 
agati»t Buigan Sultan, the ruler of Buldiara* The latter, feeling hissself 
too weak to resist, sent the holy Khoja Juibaieh to sue for peace. The 
same evening that the Khcja left Bukhara, Burgan was entertained at the 
house of the Murza Eke bi, where he was treacherously assassinated, 
and at dawn his head was put upon a pike and sent to Abdulhut ' Vam- 
bery calls the assassin Mursaki Kuslyi (the bird catdier)4 AbduUa now 
went to Bnkara with the Khoja, where he speedUy overcame aU resistance* 
This victory made him one of the most powerful princes of Mavera un 
Nehr, and increased hisambition* He now prepared to invade Khorasan, 
and first went to visit his unde, Pir Muhammed^ who was* at Shabirgan. 
An exchange of territory was agreed upon between then^ AbduUa 
surrendering Bukhara and accepting Ballch (which was nearer Khorasan), 
in lieu of it. They had aheady commenced the nuitual surrenderi when 
Din Muhammed, the son of Pir, rose in revolt and seized upon Balkh. 
While Pir Muhammed went to repress the rebeUion, AbduUa ordered his 
brother Ibeidulla not to give up Bukhara. Having hastened there, he 
sununoned his father Iskander from Kermineh, and had him thereupon 
proclaimed, to use the inflated language of Hafiztanish, " Khakan of 
the whole world." Pir Muhammed, thus dethroned, retired to hb own 
appanage, madi peace with bis son, and died in 974. The mler of the 
appanage of Balkh was styled Kalkhan, which Senkofrki suggests may 
be a corruption of the Turkish, Mongol, and Manchu, Kalkan a buckler 
Balkh being looked upon as a kind of buckler to Mavera un Nehr. One 
of the rulers of Khuarezm, as we shaU see presently, was caUed Kalkhan 

* Vm HuuMf, Otn. Gmm ii. 255, lifi, t Vol. Zeraof, 388. 319. 

tOp.dt^284. Neu. SMikolUd, op. du 79. 80. 


A coin of Pir Mnhammed, ttnick no doubt when he was Khakao, is 
described by M. VeL Zernof.* Pir Muhammed, like his predecessor, had 
intercourse with the Turkish SuUan Sulunan.t 


Izkander Khan was only nominally the ruler of Mavera un Nehr, and 
his son Abdulla had the virtual control of the State. Izkander became 

Khakan in 968 {ui^ 1561). It woukl seem that Abdulla had made some 
raids or razzias,-^'' alamans,^ as the Turkomans call them— into Persia ; 
but while Shah Tahmasp lived the Uzbegs were restrained from 
venturing on more unbitious schemes. On his death anarchy ensued 
in Khorasan under the disorderly rule of his sonsy and the Usb^^g 
accordingly poured over the frontiers. In 974 (f>., 1566), Muhammed 
Murza, the son of Tahmasp, narrowly escaped capture by them, while on 
his way to Herat with 15,000 men.t Abdulla was in command of these 
plunderers* Meanwhile he was hampered by a pressing danger nearer 
home. On the death of Nanruz Ahmed^he was succeeded in his aj^anage 
of Tashkend and Turkestan by his s<m Baba Sultan, who also inhented 
his Cither's animosity against the house of Janibeg. When Abdulla 
was absent in Khorasan, Baba Sultan invaded Mavera un Nehr, and 
advanced to Samarkand, whence he carried away Khosni Sultan, the 
son of Yar Muhammed, and grands<m of Janibeg, who ruled there^ and 
whom he put to death. This was in 975 (/x, I567).{ 

In an inscription, which still remains en a slab of rock in the Pass of 
Jilan uti, on the way from Jisakh to Samarkand, we have the foUowing 
record of a victory gained by Abdulla over Baba Sultan in 1571. It 
reads tinis : ** Let passers in the waste, and travellers on land and water, 
know that in the year 979 hej. (^., 1571), there was a conflict between the 
army of the lieutenant of the Khalifate, the Shadow of the Almighty the 
great IQiakan Abdulla Khan, son of Izkander Khan, consisting of 50^000 
men of war, and the army of Dervish Khan, Baba Khan, and odier sons 
of Borrak Khan. In this army there were fifty relatives of the Sultan, 
and 400,000 fighting men from Turkestan, Tashkend, Feighana, and 
Desht KIpchak. The army of the Sovereign, by the fortunate con- 
junction of the stars, gained the victory, having conquered the above- 
mentioned Sultans, and gave to death so many of them that from the 
people who were killed in the fight, and after being taken prisoners 
during the course of one month, blood ran on the sur&ce of the water 
in the river of Jizakh. Let this be known.'*! 

Pir Muhanuned, the ruler of Balkh, died, as I have mentioned, in 97$, 

* op. dt.» 386. t Von Hkmner, Otm. Get., 0. 271. j Vambeiy, 186. 

S /4n tS4. I Scboyler't TorketUo, i. 311. jts. 


and was succeeded in his.appam^ by his son Din Muhammedy who 
reigned till 980^ when Abdulla, having some grievance, marched against 
him, and captured Balkh after a siege of ten months. Abdulia appointed 
the Atalik Nazarbi of the Naiman tribe iu governor. Din Mnhammed 
was pardoned^ and given the district of Shehr i Sebz as an appanage. 
Nazarbi ruled at Balkh for ten years, when he was recalled, and Abdulb 
put his own son Abdul Momin there, and the latter ruled Balkh till 
Abdulla's death, in 1006.* 

At this time Juvanmerdi, the brother of Sultan Said, and the son of 
Abosaid Khan, held the s^panage of Samarkand. He had two sons, 
Abulkhair Sultan and Muzzaffiu: Sultan, who were constantly at feud 
with one another. The former allied himself with Baba Sultan against 
the latter, who was ihtproUgi of Abdulia. He was defeated, whereupon 
his father Juvanmerdi took his side, and we are told AbduUa determined 
to rid himself of both father and sons. Juvanmerdi and Musaf&r were 
taken prisoners, and executed at Samarkand, and a similar £ue soon 
after overtook Abulkhair.t Abdu^ Sultan, a son of Abdul Latif Khan, 
also raised a revolt at Zamin. He likewise was defeated by Abdulia, and 
took shelter in the hill country of Hissar, whence he continued to harass 
his opponent till he was taken prisoner and executed, in 98S (/^., 1580).} 

In 983 Baba. Sultan was severdy punished and driven across the 
Sihun.} Abdulia apparently installed his elder brother Dervish Sultan 
as ruler of Tashkend. 

In 987 (f>., 1579}, Baba having occupied Tashkend and killed his 
brother Dervish, AbduUa, who was tiien living on the confines of 
Khokand, attacked and defeated him near Tashkend.| Baba fled. 
Shortly after a spy came to report that he and his brother Buzakhur and 
his nephews, the sons of Khuarezm Shah Sultan, had taken shelter 
among the Kazaks, who had done homage to them on the banks of the 
river Talas. Abdulia sent an explor^'party, consisting of Isfendiar 
Sultan, Abdul Baki bi Durman, and others, to Sairam to inquire. 
Having found that the story was n^t true, and spent some days in the 
deHghtfel neighbouriiood of Sairam hunting, he went to the Talas, had an 
interview uith the Kazak chiefs, as I have described,^ and rewarded 
them with presents. They siurrendered to him Ubeid Sultan, a son of 
Baba Sultan, whom they had captured, together with Jan Muhammed 
Atalik Nkiman, and Shah Gazi bi Durman, with a number of leading 

Baba Sultan now c^^parendy made terms with Abdulia^ who returned 
again to Bukharsi but matters were at peace for only a short time 
Baba Sultan, it wonM seem, made a demand for the district of Andijan, 

•VtL2flnioi;CoiMofBtklMn,ftcn994« t Vftaib6ry,4i9i* ird, Nolti. 

Mdn^m* .|Vd.Zeniof;KhMitofKBtIiBOi;ii. S79. ^ Ami$,^si> 

** y«l. gtraoi; Ktant of KaiiiDoi; 279.«ls. 


and at the same time, probably aware that .this would not be granted, 
allied himself with the Kazaks, to whom he surrendered Yassy and 
Sabran, and concerted common measures against Mavera un Nehr. The 
Kazaks imder Sarban Sultan were to cross the Jaxartes and to make for 
Bukhara, while Baba Sultan and his brother Buzakhur were to devastate 
the district of Samarkand. The plan was carried out, and both divisions 
retired carrying off large stores of plunder.* This took place iii 1579 
and is8o. 

We toow find Baba Sultan having a bitter feud with the Kazaks, in 
which he killed several of their chieft, as I have described. He shortly 
after defeated their leader Shiga! Khaiii and returned with the booty 
he had made to Tashkendt 

In 1581 Abdulla again marched against his inveterate rival. He set 
out from Samarkand, and went as for as Uzkend. While encamped at 
Karatau, near the Sir Daria or Jaxartes^ he was visited by Shigai, whom 
he rewarded with the town of Khojend. He then returned to Bukhara.} 
There he held a grand feast, in whichikis son Abdul Mumin and Tevkol, 
the son of Shigai, engaged in athlaift: sports, in which the latter dls* 
tinguished himself. 

In the spring of the foUowiQg year AMuUa, having determined to crush 
Baba Sultaoi pursued him into the'^deserts of Kipchak as £ur[as the 
Ulugh Tagfa Mountains, as I have men(ioned.$ On this occasion 
Abdulla erected a memorial pillar opposite the one put up by Timur.l 
Finding that Baba Sultan had withdrawn among the Nogais, he 
returned homeward, again crossed the Sarisoy and then Uud siege to 
Sabran. Meanwhile he had sent an advanced body of tioofis in pursuit 
of his indefatigable enemy. Shigai and his Kazaks defeated a body of 
them near Seraili and Turaili.Ti They also deiiMted one of their chieft 
named Kuliah bi Dunnan, and o^tured an enormous number of sheep, 
horses, and camels. This was a very welcome supply to the main body 
of AbdttUa's army, which had begun to suffer want 

At length, after much fatiguing manoeuvring, Isfendiar Sultan, son of 
Khosru Sultan, AbduUa's cousin* with the Kazak ehief Tevkel and 
others, fell upon the spoor or footprints of a large force. After six 
or seven days' march they reached the river Sauka, where, they 
came up with the enemy. One of the Kazak chiefs asked that the 
Khan's aimy might advance first, for the enemy woukl fear it most, while 
they would fight desperately against the Kazaks. They attacked and 
comi^ely defeated them, and Baba again took refuge among the Manguts. 
I have already described his subsequent career and end*** His brother 

I Scokoltki, 27. Vambery, s8s* 
f Three rivers Serili spring ia the Ulogh Tagh range. One of them fUlt iato Uit Itbim 
and the other two iato the Tobol. (Vel. Zemof> ii. 30S.) 

** AnU, 6s7 *nd 7. 


Bozakhur found refuge at Sairain» where be seems to luve died. Let 
us now revert to AbdulU' After a tvro months' attack Sabran was 
captured. During the siege Tagir Sultan, another of Baba Sultan's 
brothers, was surprised by the Kazak Tevkel, who was pasturing his cattle 
at Ak Kutgan. He captured him and handed him over to Ibeidulla^ the 
brother of Abdulla.* Abdulla now speedily conquered Suzak, Shah- 
rukhia, and other towns, together with Turkestan or Yassy. 

Next year (i>^ in 1583) he .44)parently conquered Fei|^iana and 
Andijan, in which he was assisted by the Kasak TevkeL We are 
ei^ressly told that after the fall of Baba SuUan the towns of Turkestan 
and Tas hke nd acknowledged the authority of Abdulhi who appointed 
and removed their rulen.t Thus the appanage of Suiunich Khan was 
annexed to Mavera un Nehr, and the line of Usbeg princes who had 
so long reigned north of the Sihun was suppressed. The name of 
Abdulla occurs so prominently in all these transactions, that it quite puts 
in the shade that of his fetther the Khakan hkander, who died in 1583. 
His capital was doubtless Bukhara. Several of his coins are extant.} 
He was a mere puppet in the hands of his son Abdulla. We are told 
he was a skilful falconer and devoted to religious exercises.} 


Abdulla was the greatest of the Abulkhairids. He was bom in the year 
940 (/./., I533).|| The Khoja Kasani is said to have foretokl a great 
career for him, and to make his* predictions more efficacious he bound 
the camePs-hair girdle he wore round his own waist round that of the 
clukl Abdulla.f We have ahready described the earlier part of his 
adventurous career. On the death of his fiuher he determined to be 
dejun as well as de facto Khan. 

When Izkander died Abdulla was not at home^ and we are toki the 
Khofa Kalian, the head of the clergy, witii others, after burying the 
Khakan, rq>aired to Khojend, where Abdulla then was, and whom they 
met en route. He summoned them to a council (the Mongol kuriltai) to 
ccmsider the question of the succession* The Khoja was not long in 
proclaiming him as the fittest for the post of Khakan. Thereupon they 
took a piece of white felt, which had been dipped at Mekka in the waters 
kA Zemsema, upon which he was raised aloft* The amirs having presented 
dieir coi^;ratnlati<ms and presents, they went to Zamin, whence news of 
AbduUa's accession was sent in various directions.** Thus the apple 
wUch had been so long in ripenmg fell on his knees. Under cover of 

^ V«l. Ztraof, U. s<i» Sis. 

t VtL ItfBOi; op. du 0* 339« | VtLZ«»oi;CQiaterBaldian»tenSSS-dgi7* 

I Vaabery. tSj. | AbolfbAsir 193* NoU,t. 5 Vaat try, jH 

** Vtl. ZefBoi; Coins €f BikkAn, )g|^ 4Q0» 


his father's shidd, he had crushed or displaced all his various rivals from 
the deserts of the Kazaks to the frontiers of Kabul, and the Uzbegs were 
for the first time subject to a single strong grasp, instead of being broken 
in pieces among a number of appanages. 

AbdoUa having consolidated a homogeneous power, 'was now in a 
position to threaten Kfauarezm and Khorasan. His campaigns against 
the former I shall notice in the next chapter. In regard to Khorasan^ 
after the death of Tahmasp, the province was torn by internal dissensions, 
which were only terminated on the final success of the great Shah Abbas, 
^e greatest of the Persian rulers of modem times. This state of con- 
fusion in Persia was naturally inviting to the Uzbegs, who made very 
profitable raids across the frontier and retired again at the approach of 
the Persian forces. In 1585 they made a very famous attack while Shah 
Abbas was engaged in a war with the Turks. Herat fell after a si^;e of 
nine months, and its Governor All Kuli Khan Shamlu, and several 
other chiefs, were put to death, while the city was plundered.^ A large 
number of prisoners were carried oif to Bukhara, and the north-eastern 
part of Khorasan was laid waste. Wiiat follows is well told by 
Vambery, and I shall abstract his notice. He says that "it was on this 
occasion that the guardians of the tomb of Imaum Riza, who were at 
this time wardens of the numerous benefices, fields, gardens, and other 
possessions of the venerable Alid, addressed a letter to Abdulla, 
inquiring how he made it accord with his religious feelings to destroy the 
goods of Imaum Riza, and thus to waste the substance by which so many 
thousand pious pilgrims, including many Sunni, were supported ? The 
Transoxianian mollahs present in Abdulla's camp replied by a long con- 
troversy on Shiaism in general, alleging that according to their principles 
and their fEuth, the disciples of Shia were worse than the unbelievers, 
whose destruction was ordained by God himself. If it was the duty of 
every Moslem to wage war on unbelievers, how much more was it his 
duty to fight against those who had wandered from the right path, and, 
in spite of their connection with the saint whose bones rested in the 
midst of them, had fallen into grievous sin. As regarded the reproach 
cast on them for destroying Imaum Riza's fields and gardens, they were 
well aware that they were devoted to pious uses, connected with the 
shrine of Imaum Riza. But it was an open question who had most right 
to the enjoyment of them — the warriors fighting for the cause of God 
and right, and deprived of all means of subsistence, or those who had 
sinned against Allah and treated with contempt the most exalted 
guardians of the faith. The Shia mollahs were of course ready enough 
with a rejoinder. They had the tact to begin by proposing a sort of 
general council of an equal number of Sumu and Shia philosophers, 
who were to decide whether the Shias were traitors to the faith for 

• Mtloobn't Pmia, i. S24* 


declaring the three first khaltfs usurpers, and asserting the hereditary 
rights of AIL Shiaism was as old as Iriamlsm itself and if At adherents 
of this sect were really so abhorred, how came Imatim Riza to settle 
down in the midst of them? why did he nol rather go to Transoxama? 
.&c These discossioiis had no more definite results tiian the comidl 
of Sunni and Shia iMosophers, convoked 150 years later by Nadir 
Shah at Bagdad.* Whilst the two parties were thus striring to settle by 
the pen a schism which the sword had for centuries failed to qiidl> 
young Shah Abbas advanced with an army from Kasvin, and Abdnlla 
retfaed by Merv to Bukhara. Abbas, as is rightly observed by Malcolm 
in his History of Persia, effected this diversion rather with the object of 
increasing his own prestige than with any definite intention of driving 
out or conquering the Uxbegs, for he only remained a short time at 
Meshed, and then hurried to Georgia, where the Osmanlis threatened him 
with hostilities, and soon after defeated him. As had often before been 
tiie case^ the echo of the Ottoman victory in the West resounded in the 
East, and Abdulla had no sooner received the intelligence than he made 
a second attempt to conquer Meshed, and intrusted the vanguard of his 
army to his son Abdnlmumin Khan, the viceroy of BalldL 

'^Abdulmumin, a savage warrior, and a cruel and ambitious man, 
hurried ftnrwards with Din Muhammed and a large force, to which Kul 
Baba Kukeltasb, the faithful servant of Abdulla and governor of Herat, 
had attached himself. Theirfirst attack was directed against Nishapun A 
lew Uxbegs vrere taken prisoners in an afiidr of outposts, and set at 
libtfty again in order that they might let their young commander know 
that Mishapor was simply a part of Meshed, and that if the latter were 
taken the former would be sure to submit. In consequence of this 
information Abdulmumin now dhected all his efforts against Meshed, 
sparing no sacrifices and no pains to subdue it The commandant of the 
fortress, Ummet Khan Ustajlu, had done all in his power to repel the 
attacki but the panic became general ; many of the people ft^m the 
surrounding country took refoge in the city, which was but imperfectly 
provisioned, and the consequence was that famine came to the assistance 
of die Uzbegs, and finally, at the first assault, caused the surrender of 
this holy dty of the Shias into their hands, with all its treasures, 
monuments, and wealthy bazaars. When Abdulmumin's troops entered 
the town, they found that the inhabitants of both sexes, and the numerous 
holy and learned men, had all congregated in the outer court of the 
shrine of Imaum Riza, in the hope that they might be protected there by 
the sanctity of the spot ; but the Uzbegs, in their blind fury, cut down 
and destroyed everything that came in their way ; even the supposed 

•^Msdk it nppOMd by noden Penkot to luve been bimtelf a SooBite at hetn. He wm 
dtar-cickNd cnoogli to petc«hre the denser thrcateaing all Iilam tnm thk echieao^ aad 
WMbed to brine about a tettlement. He 11101010004 a tort of council at Bafdad, bat It came 
to ao ftaalt, in conteqoeQce of the bittemett on both tidet. ( Vambeiy, Hiat. of Bukhaia, 487^ 


detcoidaiits of Imaum Rii%who were dinging to the hdy shrine ctihdt 
ancestor, were there pitilessly massacred, ft is said that Abdnlmmnin 
himself lodced on from the court of Mfar Ali Shir, whilst his soldiers were 
nundering children and old men, common people and learned philoso* 
l^iets indiscriminately, and that even the shrieks of a thousand Tictinii 
and their dying groans were unavailmg to move his pity. Not only the 
poblic streets but the holiest precincts of the mosque and the shrine itself 
were deluged with Mood, and in the general sack of the town the grave 
of the Alid suffered more than most parts, coetly offerings of pious 
pilgrims, which had been accumuhiting thlbre for three centuries, fidlieg 
into the handt of the conquerors. Amongst them were enormous 
massive gold and silver candelabra, whole suits of armour in precious 
metals, splendid single stones, buttons, studs, and other articles of 
jewellery richly ornamented, and, most TahiaUe of all, the magnificent 
library with its celebrated copies of the Koran, marvels of the art of 
ealigraphy, the gifts of the former Sultans : all these were dragged away, 
torn up, and comfdetely destroyed The vengeance of the Sunni 
conquerors did not even spare the very dead, for die ashes of Tahmasp 
were torn from their grave by the side of Imaom Rka^ and scattered to 
the whids with curses and eiecrations* In order to gratiiy another 
Sunni enemy of the Sefids by the report of this deed, Abdnlmumin 
despatched his chamberlain Muhammed Kuli to Constantinofde to 
Sultan Murad IIL with a letter, in which, after describing in Uie most 
bombastic style his victories in Khorasan, he gives an account of 
scattering the ashes of Tahma^ and goes on to say that, in order 
completely to annihilate the godless set of Shia heretics, he should 
soon march upon Irak, and solicits the assistance of the Sultan in thia 
enterprise. This plan came to nothings for two reasons. In the first 
place, the Ottomans not only declined to help their co-reDgiooists in the 
extreme East, but did precisely the contrary, promising aseinance to the 
Persians, as they began to be uneasy at Abdulk's victories, and to think 
that his ftirther successes might prove inconvenient to themsdves. In 
the second place^ Shah Abbas, who had been detained at Teheran by 
Illness during the sack of Meshed, had now recovered, and was taking 
the most energetic measures of defence. For the moment, however, 
Abdulla was completely victorious, and had got possession of a great 
part of Khorasan, inchiding the towns ci Herat, Meshed, Sirakh^ Merv, 
Kbalf Jam, Fusheng, and Ghurian, all which he retained very nearly 
tin his death.''* 

In 15S6 the Kazaks, having heard that Abdulla and the main body of 
his army were absent in Khorasan, invaded Mavera un Nehr under 
Tevkd Khan and his brother Ishim, as I have describedf After 
defeating the army of the Usbegs, Tevkel was ahurmed by the prepara* 

* Vambtfy, Hitt. ol Bokhara, «66-a90. t Anttt 6j7, 


tioos made by Il)ddtiU% broUier of AbduUa^ whom he ha^ 

al Samarimwd, aad when the hitter marched against him^ and readied 

the distria of Tashkead, he inihdrew once more to the steppes.* 

The latter years of AbduUa's reign were disturbed hy the ambition and 
reddessneu of his son Abdul Mumin. * I have described how the latter 
was made governor of Balkh. It ^as half in ndns when he took 
possession of it, but in six months it was in great part rebuilt The 
beantiM domes covered with kashi or enamelled tiles^ the fine portal of 
the pahure^ the basaar Babajanbaz, and the tomb of Ali, are all 
attributed to him.t Abdulla had allowed him, as heir to the throne, to 
assume the title of Khan, thefather being known as Ulugh Khan, or the 
great Khan, and the son as Kuchuk Khan, or the little Khan. We aie 
told he was of a ruthless and adventurous disposition, and scoured the 
country round with his predatory bands. He apparently subdued a huge 
part of Badakhshan, Akbar, the Emperor of India, having withdrawn any 
attempts at ruling the country nortii of the Indian Caucasus.! 

He was ambitious to control 'all the Uib^ possessions south of ^he 
Oxus« and wished to turn Kul Baba Kukeltash, the governor of Herat 
andafaithful retainer of AbduUa's, out of thatpost He had just defeated 
Nur Muhammed Khanof Khuarezm (see next chapter), and now marched 
against Kul Baba. Abdulla ordered him to lay aside all scruples, 
and to resist thd prince as he would any foreign enemy.| This aroused 
Abdul Mumin's hatred against his father, and while the latter was hunting 
on the upper Oxus, in 1595, he was warned that his son was marching 
against him irith hostile intentions. He accordingly hurried back to 
Bukhara, and Abdid Mumin withdrew to his appanage ol Balkh; 
after which some bloody encounters took place between the two princes.| 
When news of these dissensions reached the Steppes of Kipchak, we 
are told by Izkander Munshi that the Kasak Sultans, who had hitherto 
feared the power of Abdulla, and lived peaceably, b^an dieir 
aggressions again. Theh* great chief Tevkel advanced upon Tashkend. 
Abdulla, dfsiMsing him, sent an insufficient army to oppose him, which 
was defeated in a sanguinary struggle between Tashkend and Samarkand, 
and a large number of chiefe were killed. The rest fled to Bukhara hi a 
very broken condition. This defeat greatly distressed the Khan, yrho 
had been weighed down by his son's ill-conduct; but he summoned his 
people and advanced to Samariumd to meet the Kasaks ; his health, how- 
ever, failed.f To add to his other misfortunes, Shah Abbas, in alliance 
with the Usb^[s of Khuaresm, re-conquered Meshed, Merv, and 
Herat** Thus home down by disaster, Abdulla, at the end of his career, 
aa# die greater part of hb liie-woik undone. He died, according to 

•^V«l.rfmol,op.dMLsMi t Vavbtiy. t«7. No»,i. 

IYtMCstfuqfiadtlMWa3rTIUtter.U.S4*' I Vambeiy.ags. 

^Vtl.gtfMtIteBiorKaiiflMi«.94>. •»Vimb«7.*9«. 



Vambery^ on the 6th of Febniaiy, 1597. Munshi tays he dUed, m tiie 
8txty->eighdi year of his 1^ on the last day of X006, which would be in 
1598. His tomb still remains at Kermineh, which was the chief town 
of the appanage of his funily. 

He was a bigoted Sunnii and with his Uib^ had caused terrible 
devastation in Kborasan, and Munshi^ who is a panegyrist of his, 
speaks also of his cruelty and yindictiveness, and reports a story of 
him which ought perhq>s to be assigned to his son, that when th^ 
walls of Baikh were being constructed (which work was completed in mx 
months), he seittd the shiggards and built their bodies into the waOs 
with the bricks, and that some of their bones were still visible when 
he wrote. 


Abdulla was succeeded by his son Abdul Mumin, one of whose first 
acts was to seize on the venerable Ku! Baba Kukeltash, universally 
honoured for his many virtues, and who had been the governor of 
Herat We are told he took hmn prisoner there, and dragged him 
about on foot after him, heavily laden with chains. He then hastened 
to Bukhara, where he was proclaimed Khan. Many did homage to 
him from terror, and few from real regard. Having taken possession 
of his father's treasures there and at Samarkand, he set off to visit 
personally all the places where any of his father's old servants were 
filling posts in the government ; to reward their services by death under 
the hand of the executioner. This he did at Uratippa, Khojend, and 
Tashkend, in which last place Kukeltash was put to death, with his 
nearest relatives. He then went to Andijan and Akhsi to get hold of 
Uzbeg, the son of his great uncle, Rustem Sultan, who had acted 
as governor there for some time. Uzbeg resisted, but died a few days 
after the beginning of the siege. As Abdul Mumin did not make any 
mystery of his murderous intentions, a report soon sprdui that he would 
never rest undl he had killed off all his Other's servants and friends.} 
A conspiracy was foimed against him. Its object was tersely expressed 
in an amUguous phrase by an old Kazak soldier, named Abulvasi bi, 
<' Words are useless, we must havt deeds." Lots were cast for who 
should do the deed. It was July, and Abdul Mumin, to avoid the heat, 
travelled in the night As he was going through a narrow pass, between 
Uratippa and Zamin, with his torchbearers, where there was only room 
for two horsemen to ride "abreast, a shower of arrows met him and he 
fell His head was immediately cut off. AD passed on so rapidly that 
it was not discovered till daybreak, when some of the stragglers in the 

• Sdnqrler's TttrkMtta. 0. 114. t StolMiiki, a. ; Vunberr, tf» dt., 196. 


rear of the trmy comuig up tumbled over the bodies of himself and a 
companion, nHio had shared hlsfatetand recognised the headless body 
of their chief by his clothes,* Abdul Mumin had reigned but six months. 
No coins of his are apparently known. 


On Abdol Mundn'^ death matters were left in terrible confusion. As 
Mansld says, most of the royal princes of the Usbegs had perished in 
AbdttUa's vaif ons wars, had been executed as rebels, or died in obscurity, 
and there was no one among the surviTors fit to occupy the thronct 

It was reported, says Vambery, that Abdulla's widow had brought 
forward a second son, whom she had always kept in giris* clothes, and 
that one party was disposed to recognise hhn as prince, others wished 
to prodaim an infiuit son of Abdul Mumin% who was but two years old. 
Another section of tiie Usbegs at Bukhara set up Pir Muhammed, the 
son of Sulhnan Sultan, who was btother of Iskanderi and who was, there- 
fore, AbduUa Khan's first cousin.} At Baikh, Abul Amfai, who was given 
out to be the son of IbddnDa, the brother of Abdulla, was produced by 
IbeiduUa's widow, who with the assistance of the Amirs, assumed au- 
thority in his name. He seems to have acknowledged Pir Muhammed's 
right to the Khutbeh, and to have put his name on the coins. At Herat 
and in Khorasan Din Muhammed, the son of Abdufla's sister, and of a 
bmous emigrant fimn Astrakhan, called Jahibeg) who will occupy *us 
further presently, and who was also named Tilim Sultan, was nominated as 
Khan. Din Muhammedi during Abdulla's reign, had ruled several towns 
in Khorasan. On Abdulla's death, Abdul Mumin having put his lather 
Janibeg in prison, he revolted, and planned the seizure of Herat That 
town was then governed by Khaji Bi, a lieutenant of Abdul Mumin, 
who refused to surrender. When the news arrived that Abdul 
Mumin had been mnrdered, and that the Persians were determined to 
reconquer Khorasm, and had invaded the country, Khaji Bi, and the 
others with him, opened die gates of the town, and admitted Din 
Muhammed, whom they proclaimed Khan there. Meanwhile Yar 
Muhammed, styled Kari, or the Grey, on account of his great age^ who 
was Din Mohammed's grandfather, having returned from a pilgrimage 
to Meldca and Medina, Din Muhammed wished that the Khutbeh should 
be said in the latt^s name, which was also to be stamped on the coins. 
At Merv, Kasim Sultan, who is called a relative of AbduUa's, had set up 
authotity. He was speedily put to death, and the government of the 
town was assumed by Vali Muhammed, a younger brother of Din 
Muhammed, in the name of Yar Muhammed. Fortune did not long 

* Vaaibffsr, S9& ♦ H i rt o fttl i y. I Vtl^ZtnioOKhAmofKAdaof.acHif.345,346. 


favour Din Mohammed. The Persiansy who isfaded Khoratan, lader 
Shah Abhasy in Jvly, 159S, defeated him near FnH Salary tn the 
neif hbourliood of Herat^* and he escaped wounded to the Turko« 
mans. In this campaign Abbas recooqnered Sebaetar and Meshed 
and captured Heratf When the news of Abdnl Mmnin's death 
reached the Kazalc Steppes, Tevkel Khan deemed it a good opportunity 
to invade Mavera un Nehr. Matters were utterly confused, and there 
was no one to make head against him. He speedily conquered Tufkestan, 
Akhsi, Andijan, Tashkend and Samarkand, and marched with seventy 
or eighty thousand men on Bukhara. Pir Muhammed and his Amirs, 
Who had only fifteen thousand men with them, fortified the town, which 
was duly beleagured by the Kazaks. For deven days the gairison made 
repeated sorties. On the twelfdi they came out and gave the Kasaki 
battle, completely rooting them as I have mentioned.} Tevkd retired 
to his brother Ishim, at Samarkand. Meanwhile Pir Muhammed and 
his adherents proceeded to recapture the various towns whidi had been 
taken by the Kazaks. A general muster of the warriors of Mavera un 
Nehr took place to aid him in expdling the hated robbers. They met 
the enemy at Uzun Sakal, in Miankal After the banning of the fight, 
Bald, the brother of Din Muhammed, arrived with the news of the 
terrible disaster at Puli Salar, and reported how his brother had perished 
in his fiightf It would seem that the latter having found his way, after 
the battle, among the Karai Nomads, near Andkhoi, he was recognised 
byhisroyal dress and slain.| Bald, who became a ftunoos person in later 
days, and was apparently a brave warrior, now had several struggles with 
the Kazaks, in one of which he captured Abdul vasi bi, one of the con 
spirators against Abdul Mumin, who had joined the Kazaks, and who 
had encouraged Tevkel to invade the country. After a month's unin^or- 
tant skirmishing^ matters came to a crisis, and a sanguinary battle was 
fought, in which Said Muhammed Sultan, a relative of Pir Muhammed's, 
and Mohammed Baki Atalik were killed, and Tevkd himself was 
wounded. He, thereupon, fell back on Tashkend, where he died Pir 
Muhammed rewarded Bald Sultan with the government of the district of 
Samarkand, and then returned to Bukhara. Soon after, through the 
intercession of the Sheikh of Nakshbendief, peace was concluded with 

Baki Sultan was received with great rejoicings by the people of 
Samarkand, who went out to meet him, and cheerfully submitted to his 
anthority. He seems not long afler this to have quarrelled with Pir 
Mohammed, and to have had amlMtious views in regard to the throne. 
His prindpal supporters were his uncles Rakhman Kuli and Abbas Kuli, 
and his brother Tonun Muhammed Soltan. Ae presently rebelled, 

ViL gtfMi; KhsM of KmImC tt. S49-SV. tVastofy.siS. lAMt^t^ 

^V«l.2«nol,U.sso. I Vaab«ir. 906. N«tt. t Vel Ztnof, U. 350^ 3Si- 


invaded Miaakal^ and c^iCored the Ibrtieas d Jhbnut and kiUed ito 
gofenior Mnhammed Sherif Sultaiii a rdathre of the Khan» Thelattcir 
sow appealed for aid to hit deputy at Balkh, Abdul Aodik The two 
dieieiipott went to Samarkand with 40^000 men, and besieged it, hot the 
Khan was defeated and killed. Hitannydiqpened. Bald Mnhanuaed now 
repaired to Bokhara where he seated himself on the throne.* Thus was 
an end pot to the dynasty of the AbolkhairidSf which had reigned so long in 
Mavera un Hehr. Before we continue this history it win be convenient to 
survey with Vambery the condition of Mavera on Ndir daring the epoch 
we have been describing. I shall abstract the following passage from his 
work <m Bukhara. He say% '^Dnring the q^och of the Shdbanids (i>., 
the Abolkhairids) the process of separation of the east Islamite world 
from western Islam was completed and Mohammedanism assumed the 
character in which it is met with up to the present day between the 
eastern frontier of Iran and China. There was naturally nothing like the 
amount of culture existing under the Timurids to be found under the 
Sheibankis. These rough warriors, who believed in the powers of their 
Yada tashi (magic stone) to control the elements^ cure diseases^ and 
insure victory in battle, were sincerely devoted to thefar rdigkm and to its 
priests. In the time of the Mongolian occupatumi a few remarkable 
moUahSi in* virtue of their spiritual powers, had been practically rulers 
of the land, controlling by their veto the will of the most imperious 
deqiots^ and this experience was repeated under the Sheibanids. The 
teachers of godly wisdom not only eajoyed the complete devotion of the 
people, but the princes vied with each other for their favour, and, whether 
we ascribe it to superstition or to fear of popular opinion, it remains 
equally a most remarkable manifestation, how the mightiest princes of 
this dynasty invariably bore themselves towards the mdllahs, not only 
with respect but with all the marks of the most abject humility. Two 
of these moUahs were most especially honoured, and invested in their 
lifetime with the odour of sanctity. 

^ Makhdum Aazam, more usually called MevUna Khojhaki Kasani, 
a pupil, under the Timurids, of the celebrated ascetic Khoja Ahrar, is 
said to have distinguished himself by a most holy life, to have been 
endued with miracnkHis power, and to have been treated by aQ Ae 
princes of his time with a respect bordering on foar. He died at 
Samarkand on the 2ist Miiharrem 949 (1542), and his tomb, a league of! 
at Dehbid, is to this day a much frequented place of pilgrimage. Kasim 
Sheikh Azizan, a pupil of Khudadad's, celebrated fike the former for 
sanctity of life rather than for any profound lean||ngf was held in high 
respect, as is best illustrated by the following anecdote .—Sheikh Aiisan 
was living at Kermineh and heard that Abdulla Khan, then at war with 
Juvanmerd AU of Samarkand, intended to pay him a visit The ■beikh 

WW* m9ttttmf 9^ citn ii. 39^ S^S* 


was friendly disposed to the prince, and went a litde way out of the town 
to meet hint He soon saw a long train approaching headed by a man 
walking bareheaded, with a cord round his neck, the other end of which 
was hdd by a horseman. To his great astonishment he recognised in 
this abject creature the mighty Abdulla, the ruler of so many countries. 
He asked why he appeared thus in the garb of a penitent ; and Abdnlla 
repliedf * I have imposed on myself as a penance to go in diis ftshion 
from the Kham Rabat to the khankah (convent) of the Sheikh.' Sheikh 
Azizan was deei^y afiected by this, himself placed the prince on horse- 
back and put his mantle on him, and the two returned thus togethw to 
Kermindi. Abdulla of course desired by this act of humility to implore 
the help of the Sheikh in his enterprise against Samarkand ; he obtained 
it and got possession of the jAact. Shefldi Asiian died about three years 
afterwards, in 989 (1581). 

'* Theological studies were alone pursued at this time with any ardour. 
Amongst the most distinguished scholars were Mevlana Isam-eddin, the 
son of Arabshah, who first lived at the court of Sultan Husein Mursa at 
Herat^ and afterwards went to Bukhara ; he was much in favour with 
UbdduDa Khan. This prince, notwithstanding his warlike propensities, 
was not averse to poetry, and tried himsdf to make verses. Being 
doubtful as to the right interpretation of an Arabic quatrain, he one day 
asked Isam-eddin to explain it to him, and received from him in the 
course of a few hours 656 different readings of each line of the quatrain 
in question. This story is told by his panegyrist Seyid Rakim. He died 
in 943 (1536), at Samarkand; his best known works are: Marginal 
Annotations on Tefsir i Kazi, and on Jami's exegetical works. Mevlana 
Sadik, a learned exegetical scholar of Samarkand, who made two 
pilgrimages to Mekka and wrote valuable commentaries on theological 
worics and glossaries of some abstruse poetical compositions. In his 
later years he lived at Kabul at the court of Haldro Shah, where he died 
in the year 1007 (1597}. Amongst other equally distinguished men we 
may further mention MoUah Zia-eddin, a learned theologian who died 
in 973 (1565) ; and Khoja Jdal Juibari, a pupil of Makhdnm Aazam's, 
who was held in high honour both as an ascetic and as a learned 
thec^ogian and exegetical teacher. Turkish had now become the popular 
language, so that the poets from this time forward were all exclusively 
Turks } the most distinguished of them seems to have been the Uzbeg 
prince Muhammed Salih, whose father was deprived of the government 
of Khuarezm by the Tunurids, and who entered whilst very young into 
the service of Sheibani. He was the author of the ' Sheibani Nameh ' 
(Sheibaniade), a masterly epos which raises him even above Newai. 
The other poets of this period were mostly mere rhymesters and con- 
coctors of chronograms, but history has preserved the names of Amir Ali 
Kiatib and MoUa Mirek, poets laureate to the first Sheibanids. Also 
that of Midlah Mushfiki, who wrote chronograms on the various buildhigs 


of AlHliilla, and alto a few soimetsi kis8id% i&d qMgnuni. He died In 
094 (1585). Kati Payende of Zattb, a perfect master of langaafe^ M a 
work especially detenrias of notice, a poem el eig^rteca strophcei in 
praise of the Viner Kul Baba Knlcdtasli, in which there is not a sii^ 
dotted letter. This Is equtvalent to a poem written In a European 
language without using the letters b^ldi,^jyk^a, p^sh^t, tch, er s. 
Finally, Shirin Khoja, a poet of the tfane of Ubeldana and Khahr Hais, 
a popular singer and muaiciaa at the court of Ahdnlla, who died in 981 
(1573). The architectund monuments of the time of the Sheibanlds owe 
their origin in addition to the public spirit of AbduUa lOian, diiefly to tiie 
theological and Suffi tendencies of the spirit of the times. Numerous 
mosques, convents, alleges, halls, and numsoleoms were buOt in memory 
of deceased saints. Amongst them may be mmtloned, a mosque built at 
. Samarkand by the Vhrfer Kukdtash in 934 (iS^)> to whidi Kuchkunji 
Khan gave a pulpit of white marUe. The coflege of AbdnOa Khan, 
which is in good preservation to this day, has a high portico, and over it 
a text of the Koran inlaid in enamelled tilts with letters more than two 
feet long, so that it can be read at an enormous distance. Abdul Axis 
Khan restored the Mesjidi Mogak, formeriy a Farsi temple, and buih 
the convent at the tomb of Khoja Bahaeddin, a short league from 
Bukhara. Finally, Abnsaid built a college at Samarkand, and the 
milfionaire Mir Arab another at Bukhara, whidi is to this day the most 
richly-endowed school in all Central Asia."* 

The period of the Abidkhairid domination in Mavera un Nehr was 
contemporary with the domination of the £uDMms Sefid dynasty In Persia, 
during whose rule Persia reached its culminating point of prosperity and 
culture^ and with that of the great and fiunous Moghul emperor of Indit^ 
Akbar. We wUI now continue our story. 

The jANros or Astrakhanids. 


With the accession of Baki Muhammed we make a fresh start in the 
hiatory of Mavera un Nehr. He introduced another royal race there. 
The diange was not so great as is generally supposed, for the new stock 
seems to have acquired its rights to the throne through intennarriage 
with the fiunlly of Abulkhair. We will make a short retrospect in order 
to make the matter dearer. KuchukMuhammed,thefiunousKhanofthe 
Golden Horde^ the Cither of the Khan Ahmed, had, besides the children I 
liave mentkwed,t another son named duvak Sultan who was the &tlwr of 

• Vaabify,»itotyofBa]dMf».i99i4Qi« *Aia$,$^ 


Miwgmhlil^ wliote son was Muhamiiied Suhaiii called Yar Muhammed 
Sultaa by Abotfl^iaxiy wliote eon was Jaa or Jaaibeg Sattan.* This Jan 
may be looked iqNm as tlie fiMmder of the new royal race of Mavera 
on Nchr« 

A ftw yean after die captareof Astrakhan by the Rttssians, Yar Mv- 
hammed, who fike his ancestors had Inred there^ removed to Bukhara, 
where he took shelter with Idomder Khan, who gave his dangjiter Zdira 
Khanmn hi marriage to his son Jan Sultan. This settlement took place 
apparently in 975 (^1567). Yar Muhammed^ en account of his advanced 
i4(e» was called Kari(itf^ the GveyX I have described how in his old age^ 
iHien retnming from Mdda^ he was prockhnedat Herat by his grandson 
Dfai. Muhammed, who had been intrusted by AbdnUa with Vissa and 
Baveifdt His authority was Umited to Heritt and the district hi Khorasan 
d q wnd c nt en it, and he was a mere tool in the hands of his grandson Dm 
Muhammed, Yar Muhamnwd with his son Jan probabfy perished at or 
after the terrible battle of Puh SaUr, in which the UdMgs were so badly 
beaten by the Persians. I have described how Din Muhammed himself 
€A into the lumds of the Karai Turkomans, by whom he was put to death. 
His wife only escaped by the sdf-sacrifice of a brave servant named 
Khaki YasauL He had placed her and her two sons, Imanm Kidi and 
Nadir or Nasr Muhammed, in bags on either side of his saddle, and then 
galloped away. A bnlkt struck Nadir Muhammed in the foot i^uch 
lamed him for life.) Din Muhammed has been numbered among the 
Khans of the Jani dynasty, but he only had authority over Herat and iu 
neii^bourhood. On his death his brother^ Baki Muhammed and VaK 
Muhammed, escaped to Mavera un Nehr, the former at length 
succeeded in securing the throne of Bukhara, the Udiegs no doubt 
looking kindly upon him because his mother was the sbter of their 
great chief AbduBa. He was in reality the first Khan of Bukhara of 
the new dynasty. 

I have mentioned how on the death of Abdul Mumin, Balkh was 
seised by the widow of Ibeidulla, the brother of AbduUa Khan, who put 
her son Abdul Amin on the tLrone, and how he recognised the suze- 
rainty of Pir Muhammed of Bukhara.} I have also mentioned how he 
went to the succour of his suzerain egainst Baki. When the latter had 
mounted the throne of Bukhara he marched towards Balkh. Meanwhile 
his nephew Sultan Muhammed Ibrahim, the son of his brother Tursun 
Muhammed Sultan, who had lived for some time at the court of Shah 
Abbas of Persia, made an alliance with Abdul Amin, and marched 
to his assistance with a Persian army, the two having agreed to 
divide Mavera un Nehr between them. But the very day Ibrahim entered 
Balkh, Abdul Amin was given up to him by his people, who did not 

« Vel. ZwBof, i. Kole.Sj. t SrakoCrid, 32. I/«f.«33. 



care for hin, and he put him to deadi, and sent his mother, the widow of 
Ibeidulla, to Mekka.* Ibrahim's rdigious views were not those of his 
snbjectSi for he belonged to the Persian sect of the RifidSi and lie seems 
to have behaved in a ruthless fiuhion, and some months after his 
accession men were found hanging in the principal streets and squares. 
These clandestine murders were attributed to him-t Idamder Mun^ 
teOs us that he died of drunkenness. Thereupon the people of 
Baikh seem to have set up a ptinct named Sultan Ubeidulla. Mean- 
while Bald, who was besieging Ifissar, sent his brother Vali against 
Balkh. Ubeidulla came out to meet him at the head of his soldiers, who 
were defeated and dispersed, and he was not again heard o£ His chief 
tributaries, the Sultan Yehanghir Muna, son of Seyid Muhammed Sultam 
from Shabuighan, and Muhammed Selim Sultan, son of Pir Muhammed 
Khan, from Andkhad, fled to Shah Abbas, and Baki entered BaOdi 
in triumph, which was added to the dominions of Bukhara.| The 
fugitives, it seems, tocdc widi them the femous diamond wbkh Abdul 
Mumin had stcdeii from the mommient of the Imaum Risa, where it was 
once more solemnly placed.| 

In i6o3 Bald Mulummed marched against the Karai IHutoman^ in 
Kundux, with the avowed object of revenging the murder of hb brother 
Din Muhammed The Uibcgs attacked thto ancient enemies mer- 
cilessly. Many of them shut themsdves up in the fort of Kundus. ''It 
was not tni large portions of the walla had been undermined and Mown 
into the air, together with hundreds of the garrison, that the foftrtas 
could be taken by storm. None of the prisoners were tatei alive. The 
power of the Karai tribe of the Turkomans was broken in this war; and 
it has never re c o ve red itseH"! These Turkomans were the allies of 
Shah Abbas, who marched hastily to punish the invaden. He captured 
the towns of Shaburghaa and Andkhud, and wasted the country with 
fat and sword as fiur as Biluk Akchi, devastating that part of lOiorasan 
claimed by the Usbegs.f When the Persians neared the tomb of 
Baber Abdul, near Balkh, their army was attacked hy an epidemic 
While thus suffering it was assailed on both sides by the U^egs and 
badly beaten, and Shah Abbas barely escaped with a few thousand 
followers. Vambery remarks that the usually diplomatic Persian 
dmmides confess to this defeat; stating that the extraordinary heat and 
thirst so tried the Persian troops that it was difficult to resist the 
Nomads, who broke in upon them from every side.** The same year 
Bald Muhammed*^ nei^iew, Bedius Zenuu rd)el]ed and retired into 
Karat^ghi, but his 47ong fortress Mesdia was captured, and he himself 
was put to death. This rebellion was followed by that of Muhammed 
Zeman, the governor of Badakhshan, whose father had had Bedhis 




S4* IVel.2<rBO^o^cit.,iLjfl«t. 



Zeman executed, but that was also repressed At length, after a reign 
of seven years, namely in 1605, Baki Mahammed fell ill No sooner was 
this known than the Kazaks began to ravage the land. Everybody 
turned to the saint Sheikh Alim Azizan " whose miraculous powers were 
expected to restore the prince to health ** *< As the Sheikh pre- 

scribed the fresh breezes of the Oxus, Baki Muhammed Khan was 
carried in a litter on board ship, in which he floated for several days on 
the river. The pious man had, however, failed in his diagnosis, for the 
patient died soon after, towards the end of Redjeb, 1605.''* Frsehn 
has published one of his coins struck in 1602-3 at Bukhara, on which he 
styles himself Baki Muhaomied Behadur Khan.t 


Vali Muhammed went from Balkh to visit his sick brother. When 
the latter died, he mounted the throne, after defeating two of Baki's 
sons near Termez4 We are told he gave himself up to drinking 
and the most scandalous debauchery, and made himself detested by his 
cruelty, injustice^ and exactions. He confided the government of Balkh 
to a bey of the house of Fuladchi (Vambery says to his vizier, Shahbeg 
Kukeltash), and also gave him charge of Imaum Kuli and Nadir, the 
young sons of Din Muhammed. His cruelty was revolting. We are told 
he made small embrasures in the walls, through which he had his victims 
drawn by oxen. Others were put in cauldrons of boiling oil, or had their 
skin scraped off with woollen cards.§ Dostum Argun, Shah Kuchuk, and 
Haji Naiman, three viziers of Baki Muhammed, were among the victims 
of the monster. U A powerftil party now rose against him, headed by 
Imaum Kuli, who seized on Balkh. Kukdtash was put tc death with the 
same torments he had inflicted on others, and Imaum Kali then marched 
on Bukhara. His brother Nadir, with another body of troops, marched 
there by a different route. Vali, who was hunting in the beautiful 
neighbourhood of Karshi, knowing that he had few friends on 
whom he could rely, fled to Persia,1[ where he was received by Shah 
Abbas with great distinction. The latter went three days' journey to 
Dauletabad to meet him. About 20,000 musketeers formed the lane 
through which the refugee entered the city. The houses and shops in 
the bazaar which he passed were adorned vrith costly carpets. Poets cele- 
brated his entry inlcasids. Not long after the Shah sent him towards 
the Oxus, escorted by 80,000 Persians. Imaum Kuli sought counsel from 
the saindy Khoja Muhanuned Amin, a descendant of Makhdum Aazam. 
Vambery graphically relates how little disomcerted the holy man was at 

*• Vambny, sto. t Fmhn Rm., 441. Z ViohnT, sio. 

«SMd»tti,96,37' | VambRy. 310. Not«. ^ ScnMild, S7i^ 


the sixe of the opposing: force. ^ Hanging his bow and quiver on his 
clerical robes, ht himself shot the first arrow, and, after he had thrown a 
handful of dust against the enemy, which had the effect of enveloping 
them in darkness, he gave the signal for the general assault ; a fierce 
combat began, and the chronicler gravely describes how the darkness 
defended the Uxbegs as it were with a wall, while it rendered the hoftile 
camp, pitched beside the lake of Magbian, indefensible.'' As a hd the 
Usbegs were successful in the battle, Vali Muldonmed fell alive into 
Imaum Knli*s hands, and, after a reign of six years, was beheaded 
by order of the enthusiastic Sheikh.^ Vah^s two sons, Rutem and 
Muhammed Rahim, escaped to Persia, where theur descendants, Munshi 
tells us, stin ruled when he wrote over Vh6 and Shiflan, whi^ the 
Persian king had assigned to thenut Vali Muhammed'i death took place, 
according to Vambery, in the beginning of 1020 (1.^., 161 1)4 Senkofski 
and Vd Zemof date it in 1608.$ 


The mother of Imaum was the daughter of the murza Abu Talib, the 
last of the descendants of Ali, whence the rulers of Bukhara now b^an 
to add the title Seyid to their names.| 

The first act of Imaum Kuli's reign was to nominate his brother Nadir, 
or Nazr, as he is otherwise called, as governor of Balkh.f 

The ydung prince proved himself an admirable ruler. He is described 
by his panegyrist, as just, disinterested, active, and pious, and both his 
pobhc and private life were exemplary, he loved the society of literary 
men and poets, and distributed in largess the presents he received from 
his grandees and poq>le, while his personal habits and expenditure were 
sinpit. He kept few horses in his stables, and when he went to war 
his people, who were much attached to him, readily supplied him with the 
necessary horses.^ 

On the side of Persia there was peace for many years, the strong arm 
of Abbas restraining both [Jihtgs and Turkomans from making their 
predatory Imaum Kuli's hands were not, however, altogether idle, 
for he was kept busy in watching his northern neighbours the Kazaks. 

Yusuf Munshi tells us how in 1031 (£/., 1612), Imaum Kuli advanced 
into Turkestan against the Kasaks and Kalmuks, and marched as far as 
Asl^faara and Karatagh where he defeated these hordes, and forced them 
to withdraw to the most sterile mountains, and left his only son Izkander 
in charge of Tashkend, but the latter having committed some indiscre- 

♦ Vmraptrr, 3". t SeokcfSki. 38. I Op. cit., 31a. 

I Scakoftiri, 3B. Vel. Zemoit Coiai of Bakh4ra, 403. | Vel. Ztrnof, id., 403. 

% Seakofsiri, 3B, ** /^. 38* 39' tt Vftmbery, 3ii. 


tkokSf there was a ttvdt against him, and he was killed. He therenpoii 
inarched with all his troops against Tashkend and sununoned his brother 
Nadir to join him from Balkh. The inhabitants prepared to resist him^ 
and he swore^ in hyperbolic language, not to stay the carnage till 
the blood of the Tashkendians reached as high as his stirmpt* He 
ordered a general assault* The town was cacptxxttd and given np to 
pillage. After some hoars of slaughter, his officers who knew him well, 
went to mtercede for the lives of the rest of the inhabitants. Wavering 
between his oath and hb Undly feelings, he hesitated what to do, when 
hb embarrassment was sohred by a fetva of the Imaums. These 
interpreters of the law, who like others of their craft were great casuists, 
dedared that the oath would be satisfied if he made his horse enter a 
tank where the water was red with the victims of his vengeance, and that 
his conscience would then be pmged since in fact the Uood of the 
Tashkendians would reach his stirrups. The Khan gladly seised upon 
the subterfiigeand ordered the sknghter to cease.* The Tarikhi Alim 
ari Abbasi reports, on the contrary, that Imanm Kuli was beaten <m this 
occasion,t but the story of Munshi is too circumstantial to be doubted, 
and it would seem that the former author has confused the account with 
one of a later campaign. The Kaxaks apparently succeeded during the 
next f<^ years in gaining possession of Tashkend, and we find Imaum 
Kuli negotiating in 1621 with the Kazak Khan Tursun for peace. It was 
then, apparently, that he conceded Tashkend and its district to them4 

The greater part of Imaum Kuli's reign, however, was free from such 
disturbing elements, and the historian of the times fiUs it up with more 
interesting anecdotes. Vambery has translated several of these which' I 
win relate. He tells us, ^he often exdianged the robe of the prince for 
the mantle of a dervish. He wandered about the dty, accompanied by 
his raier, Nexr Divanbegi, and his fovourite Abduhrasi, so that he might 
learn how things were going on. Of the learned men of the time he 
chiefly associated with the MoUah Turabi and the Mollah NakhlL He on6e 
rewarded a kasid composed by the latter with its wdght in gold. Several 
successful poems of his own have been preserved.** The foUowii^ 
anecdote regarding his idventures when incognito is worth relating. ^The 
young moOah of k toflkge was madly in love with a beautiful creature, 
but he was poor, and the object of his affections required a decisive proof 
of his passion in the form of a new dress for an approaching festival 
The mollah's soirrow^^d melancholy knew no %o«nds, and in his 
desperation he called to mind die Muhammedan principle, 'The 
pioperty of the tinbelievers belongs te The believers.' He determined to 
break into tift shop of ah Indian jeweller by night and so procure the 


* Seakofjild, 99-41. t Vet. Zaraol, Khans of KwimoC, ii. 375* 

t ^d^ 974* 975- It it possible that this Tvrsvn Khaa, whom wt previomljr notictd (aiUi, 6^9), 
wa% tbs Tnrsvn Moiia oua«d, bfoihsr of BakI, already naoiod 7 (Amt$, 744.) 

SBirm naox Ktiu jsraoub kham. 749 

mm^ wlOth iM to ntgnalf nttded. Dukm/uiim. Tte mollah 
mfft to the bMMir n^covpimied by tm tnMHMiKlhr torvantt and forced 
hift.way in thxougk thftdtor, ioqpcdictly aecmtd on acoonnt of Ae much 
viiiatodaocitBtjroffiopertar. He bad vogainod the strtet with n ouket 
of jpweit in bk band, when the HindB^ nunhened by the noiie, raiaed an 
alafiBi and canght the moUah by the ooUat Jait aa the watchman came 
op widi a teicb in his hand. The moQah baatily knocked the torch out 
of hia hagdt and therv concealed by the darimeaaieB rdaim ed,* Ah I ^^r 
Diraebegi Uum hast made a foolish joke.' To this cane the answei> 
<Yo«r M^estyv it was not me but Abdnlvasi KtiijL' As it was well 
know» thai Imanm ^jdi wandsccd tooognito with fersons bearii^ these 
name% te taorified witdimatt sup po s ing behadspifledsoiiiejestofbis 
painca^anoffaafast ashecoukL What foUowed is easily told. The 
i^juied Hindu iqn^ealed to the juatice of the pnno% and compkined of 
nei^ of duty on the part of the watchmaP' The lattcfi when sum* 
iQoned, soppoaed he waa going to be punished for too much seal The 
whole affiur came to light. The moUah was called on to return the stolen 
pfoperty, did 90, and on his appeanape before the Prince, was not only 
p a rdo ned hia oftncc but withal racerwed a present** 

In 1620 the Bussian Tsar, Michel Feodororitcb sent Ivan Khokhlof 
on a mission to Imaum Kuli. He bad strict ordera how to conduct 
himaolU If any dues or payments were demanded of him in order that 
he diould be admitted, he was not to pay them, buttoretum,aQjd>f in- 
vited to the Khan's table he was onlyto acd^ the invitation on condition 
of no other-envoya being there^ or if any should be there that they shouUi 
ait below him. He went to Samarkand, where he waa received by the 
yi>«n On enterinflr the nfil afT . one of the offi^rialff wished to take the 
Tver's letter from his hand, but he refused to give it up. On presenting 
the Tmr's compliments, and notidog that the Khan did not rise at the 
menticm of his name^ he observed that on such occasions it was usual for 
an kings to rise. Imaum Kuli complied, excusing himself for not doing so 
before on the ground that it was so long smce a Russian envoy had been 
there that he had foigotten, and declaring that he meant no indvillty^t 

At this time the throne of Delhi was occupied by the fomoos Emperor 
YehiMBgbir, to whom Imaum Kidi sent envoys to announce hia own 
accesakm- Yehanghir was much devoted to love making with his 
charming spouae Nu^ihan (1^., light of the worldX and he condescended 
to ask after the foir ones of Imanm Kuli, which is deemed n great breach 
of Muhammedan good manners. The offended envoy replied that his 
master waa fime from earthly passions, and did not concern himsdf with 
the things of this world. Yehanghir replied, ^ When has thy prince seen 
the world, that it has faisi^red him with so much disgust?* This speech, 
wbOL Imported to Imanm Kuli, greatly displeased him, and Ydbanghir 

-•▼aakifT.SXSiSM- t adwykr^ Ti i IwU m i, B. ays. NoUkS. 


having presently sent a skilled pfaysidan as his envoy to finkhara, 
bearing a rich tent broidered with gold and predoiis stones* the khan, 
who disliked luxury, in the irst place kept the envoy waiting a long time 
for an andience, telling his courtiers that if he received him and his 
presents he snould put himself under an obligation to him, while if he 
received him and declined the presents he should be guilty of incivility; 
but| as the- vizier continued to press him to grant an audience, he at 
length consented to do so on some informal occasion as on a hunt The 
envoy accordin^y dressed his teat'with the other presents, and had it 
placed so that Imaum Kuli must see it on his fetum* The Spartan Khan 
barely deigned to look, and then turning to Rahim Pervaneji he said|^ake 
them. All these have I given to thise." The astonished envoy still had 
a present in reserve, however, and on getting an audience the following 
day he sakd, '*Two remarkable swords have been left behind by Akbar 
Shah. One my emperor has kept (or himself, the other he send^ diee, 
his brother, as a token of friendship.^ The Uzbeg prince could not well 
refuse this present When, however, he attempted to draw the sword 
from its sheath, and found it somewhat difficult to do so, he remarked, 
with a reference to Yehanghfr's former project of conquering Badakhshan, 
wtdch was never carried into execution, ^ Your swords are too difficult 
to draw.* " Only this one," answered the envoy, with ready wit, « because 
it is a sword of peace ; were it a weapon of war it would leap readily from 
its scabbard." History has preserved another witty remark of this am- 
bassador, who afterwards gained the frtvour of Imaum KuH, and was by 
him graciously dismissed. On one occasion the two poets, Nakhli (the 
Palmy) and Vurabi (the Earthy), competed with one another in poetical 
composition at the court of the prince of Bukhara. The prudent physician 
was asked to wfuch he gave the preference. '' O prince," he answered, 
^Ottt of the earth grows the palm.' In consequence of this decision, the last- 
named poet was treated with greater distinction. Yehangbir's embassy 
returned home in 1036 (1626). A year later he died, and was succeeded 
by his son Shahjihan.* The latter collected a large army with the inten- 
tion of invading Balkh and Badakhshan, and advanced as far as Kabul 
Having been informed by his brother Nadir of what was going on, Imaum 
raised a large force, and himself went to Balkh. His brother Nadir, ac- 
companied by his ten sons and the principal people of the place, with a 
vast crowd, went out to meet him. They all, including Nadir and his 
sons, followed him on foot Imaum Kuli alone went on horseback, and 
the road was carpeted with brocades, &c, which the people had spread 
out When he reached the city he busied himself with preparing to 
resist the invader. Meanwhile he sent the Dadkhah, Haji Mansur, as 
his envoy to Kabul Shahjihan, who now realised what a difficult 
venture he had entered upon, professed to the ambassador that he had no 


waxlike intentioiu, and had oaly fooe to inspect fait provinoet.* fananm 
Kali's friendly relations with Persia were chiefly seemed by his faiother 
Nadir, who was on friendly terms with the Shias. He had one campaign 
there^boweveri during the government of Shah Sefif when, weaie told, that 
in consequence of numerous executions, disturbances bnkt out at Mem^ 
and this tempted the Uzbegs to make an attack. Imaum Kuli is said 
to lunre sent fifteen thousand men from Bukhara, and Nadir twenty 
thousand from Balkh, under the leadership of the hitter's son Abdul Aris, 
but after a prolonged defence they were obliged to retire on the approach 
of a laige Persian army.t Nadir in 1621 sent a present of fifty horses of 
Turkestan to Shah Abbas, by his envoy Payende Murza.} 

Imaum Kuli, after his visit to Balkh, returned to Buldiara, whers he 
reigned in peace and prosperity for some years, when he was seized by 
an attack of opihahnia, from which he speedily became blind. He 
thereupon summoned his brother. They went together to the mosque to 
hear the Friday prayer, and when the khatib, after reading the praises 
of the Prophet, was about to proclaim the titles of the reigning sovereign 
be ordered the name of his brother Nadir to be substituted for his own« 
This was received with great consternation and trouble by his people, 
but he insisted, and Nadir was duly proclaimed Khan.| This was in the 
year 1050 (f>., 1640).! He then determined to repair to Mekka. On his 
way he was received with great honour by Shah Abbas II. Fifteen 
thousand horsemen accompanied him from Karshi to the capital, and the 
Shah went out from Ispahan with his grandees to meet him, and the two 
sovereigns rode together over silken tissues into the town. This was in 
1052 (i>., 1642).^ Imaum Kuli died in his sbcty-second year, at Medina, 
where a public garden and bath founded by him still remain.** 


The new Khan was a great contrast to his brother, and the austerity 
of manners which had prevailed at Buldiara rapidly altered. Nadir was 
master of immense treasures. According to Vambery, it required six 
thousand strong camels to transport them, and he had eight thousand 
hones in his stables, without counting brood mares. He also had 
eig^ thousand sheep of the breed which produced the blue lambs (i>., 
the lambs for making Astrakhan skins of), and four hundred diests filled 
with orange<oloured Frengish satin. 

Having set out to try and conquer Izfendiar Khan of Khuarezm, a 
revolt broke out in hi9 northern dominions, headed by BakiYaz(?). His 
son Abdul Azis, who was sent against him, sided with the rebel, and was 
prodaimed in his ftuher's stead. Nadir, who was at Karshi, and knowing 

«8«BkofUd,4i,43. VM a W y,s«7' f Vmb«]r, 317. Nott.t. l/d, 

S M lmfclri. 4a. iVambifv.sis* f M atol«» i. 5i». «*T«mbif7,S]f. 


hit son's tumstfiyf ttuitd to Biffch. Thcrs lie oonfenod uw appmme of 
G«r on Khosni SahaAi Mdmenefa and Andhod on Kasim Snhan, Gnlab 
on Bdnnm Sultan, Sala Guhaijni (the fiord orer the Oxni now known 
as Khoja Sahi) on Snbhan Kuli, and Kanduz on Kittlan Sidtan.* Thb 
hi 1647. 


After Nadir Mohammed retired be3rond the Oxus Abdul Ads was dtdy 
pfodaimed at Bukhara. He dien wrote to his father a penitent letters 
and asked that Kodak Saltan might go to him to recdve further 
ei^lanationt* When the latter arrived he was persuaded to rebd. There- 
upon his brother Subhan Kuli was sent to recall him to his duty, and 
was promised, if successfbl, the title of Kali Khani (Is^ commander of 
the forces). Kuthik shot himsdf up in Kunduz, whidi was speedily 
captured, whereupon Subhan had him executed. Nadir was outraged by 
this act, and said he had sent him to correct his brother, not to kill 
him, and haying delayed the promised promotion, Siibhan Kuli also 
rebelled. Nadb, under these trying circumstances, appealed to Shah- 
jSum, the Emperor of Hindostan, f(»r assistance, who greedily setied the 
opportunity. He sent his sons Aurengzib and Murad Bakhshi with a 
large army towards Balkh. They traversed the defile leading from Kabul 
to Balkh. Khosru Sultan, who resisted them, was captured and sent 
prisoner to India. Meanwhile Nadir was made aware by a secret missive 
firom some one in the invaders' army that their real purpose was not to 
aid him but to seise Balkh. Having coUected his treasure, he escaped 
in the night by a hde in the garden wall of his palace, and retired 
toward Shaburgan and Andkhud« He was^ pursued, but having been 
joined by his grandson Kasim Sultan from Meimeneh with some 
hundreds of men, beat off the pursuers. Having repaired to Shah 
Abbas II.,by whom he was locked upon as a more or less sacred person, 
his inoUicr having been a descendant of the Imaum Risa,t he was in con- 
sequence well received and treated with prinody hospitality. Meanwhfle 
the Jagatai troops, as they are called (i>., the troops of the Great Moghttl), 
continued their advance^ and placed governors in the various towns 
south of the Ozus, while the Uzbegs retired beyond that river to Mavem 
un Ndir. For two years they remained in possession of Balkh. 

At length Abdul Azis prqfmred to drive them out, and when the 
campaign of^ened it was a savage and severe one. During four moodis 
there were continual fights, in which the troops of the Great Mo|^* 
were great sufferers. The devastation caused such a famine that an 
ass^ load of com cost one thousaud florins. This was aggravaied by a 
terriUe winter, during which, in the inflated langiiage of MaasU, ''those 

yuabmftm^ t SiilUhM, 44, 4J« Viaibtnr,«ai.ast. 


who went oot of their hovses were totta to detthi mi thoio who 
xcnuuned in had to scoich themidves on the fivt to keep waim.'^ 

Thecenpoa Shah Jihan sent to invite Nailir to return, while he with- 
drew his f(nrces sonthwaids, and moot ef them perished bom cold and 
haoferontheway. The anthor of die TarikhilMdmKhani reports how 
the nest year, when he went on a ntoion to India, he saw piles of hnman 
bones on the higfaways.t Nadir ICnhanuaed, whose reign reminds one 
of the latter part of that of Lo«i% the son of Charlemagne, now 
retomed, but the feud with hb sons continued, and he at length deter- 
mined to adopt a religious life and to withdraw fimn Balkh. We are told 
he wished to be reconciled with his sons and to give them his Ueuing; 
but Snbhan Knli refused to accept this paternal gift. He theRopon 
set off for Mekka, but died en r^uU in 1061 (^., 1657). His body was 
taken to Medina and buried beside that of Tmaiim Kuli.! When the 
news reached Mavera un Nehr his sons pot on mnuming and 
distributed gifts, while readers of the Koran recited the holy book day 
and night for the repose of his soul, a £»rm of conventional r^;ret whidi 
has not been unfipequent further west But almost directly after Abdul 
Axis sent Kasim Sultan, the favourite son of Nadir, to occupy Balkh, 
i^iich was governed by Subhan KulL The latter naturally resisted, and 
the town was assailed for forty days and its environs devastated. He 
then retired to Hissar for the winter. In the wgmg he went to Khulm 
biluk, where a parley ensued. It was agreed he should become governor 
of the town, and that Subhan Kuli should succeed him there^ but he was 
shortly after assassinated. The author of the Tarikhi Mekim Khani 
says none of the Astrakanids was braver, wiser, more generoos, and 
courageous than he. He was a good poet and prose writer, and he left 
behind a divan of one thousand couplets, in some of which he ^wiit^tfrd 
Saib Ispahanll In 1665 Abulghari, the famous ruler of Khuarem^ 
invaded the dominions of Abdul Axis, and commenced a bloody strife, 
which was continued by his son Anusha. Its details will occupy us in 
the next chapter. 

Vambery has graphically condensed the notice of the latter days of 
Abdul Ads contained in the Tariki Mekim Khani, and I shall take the 
liberty of appropriating his account He says : 

^ In the meantime, however, Abdul Asii^ worn out with constant feuds 
with his enemies and sick of the cases of government, owing to the 
qyarrds with his brothers, determined to follow the example of his two 
predecessors. He resolved to abdicate in favour of Subhan Kuli, to take 
up the pilgrim staff and go to Mecca. When Subhan Knli was summoned 
to come to Bukhara and assume the sovereignty, he sent the Atalik 
Imaumkuli and the Pervaneji Tangriberdi to say that he would willingly 
compily with the lequcst when Abdul Azik had himself left the capital. 



This message did not prodaoe a good impression on Abdul Axis, and the 
men of Bukhara took advantage of it to dissuade thdr sovereign from 
carrying out his intention of resigning. But Tangriberdi, vrho saw that 
the interests of his master wttt in danger, went to Abdul Azis Khan and 
spoke as follows : ' Lord, with thy permission I will relate a story of 
which I am now reminded. When Sultan Ibrahhn from Balkh passed 
throogh Nishapur on his way to Mekka, he visited Ferid-eddin Attar, the 
wisest man of his times, and stayed with him to supper. But the highly 
honoured was, as is well known, very poor. So when evening was come 
he prayed to God, and O wonder ! a dish full of good food was suddenly 
placed upon the table from which both his guest and himself ate and 
were satisfied. The Sultan invited the holy man to return the visit on 
the fdlowing day, when he also prayed, and in answer to his prayer 
several dishes lull of dainty meats were served before them. Ferid- 
eddin, marvelling at the diversity of the heavenly blessing, exclaimed : 
^ O God, why have I obtained but erne dish, but the Sultan several ?** 
Thereupon a voice answered, ''Ye are verily both my servants, but 
Ibrahim hath given up for my way sceptre and throne, but thou only a 
shop; as his merit is greater, so is also his reward.* And so too is it 
with thee,' continued the crafty Tangriberdi ; * thy pilgrimage is really 
worth all the trouble it will cost thee, for it has a thousand times more 
merits than that of another.' Abdul Axis, moved to tears by this parable^ 
was confirmed in his previous resolution. He at once began to prepare 
for his journey, for which he started in the year 1091 (1680), accompanied 
by more than three thousand pilgrims, who had attached themselves to 
his caravan. Like his predecessors, he enjoyed on his way through 
Persia the hospitality <^ Iran. Shah Suliman, the son of Abbas XL, 
treated him with royal honours. In Ispahan he was lodged in the 
charming palace of Giil Sutun. As the fiestival of Noruz was at that 
time being celebrated with all the festivities customary on that occasion 
in Iran, the Uzbeg prince could take his farewell of the pomps and 
glories of the world amid the delightful gardens of Ispahan, then in the 
full bloom of spring, and amid all the magnificent splendour of the 
Persian court Thence he took his way by Hamadan and B?.ghdad 
through the desert, where he had the misfortune to be attacked by a 
large band of Bedouin robbers. They demanded forty thousand ducats 
as his ransom, threatening in case of refusal to proceed to extremities. 
Not wishing to defile his hands with blood on his pious journey, 
Abdul Aris promised them half the sum, but as the Arabs would 
not abate their demands he at last became enraged. * Have I reigned 
for forty years to be now dictated to by robbers?' he exclaimed, 
* Up to battle ; if I fall it is in the service of God/ Fortunately the 
struggle terminated in favour of the pilgrim prince. He reached in 
safety the goal of his wishes, and died soon after in the seventy-fourth 
year of his life. He was buried at Medina near his father and his uncle. 


^ Abdul Azis WM A nutn of ranaikiblt miiwilmo, tsd isdMdit wA 
to have been the stoutest man of his time. One of hb historians a;voirs 
that a diild of foor years old coidd find room hi one of the legs of his 
boots. A poet was daring enough to make his eorpolence the bott of 
his wit Abdnl Azis heard of it, and sent far the sathis^ who ap pe as ed 
before him trembling for his hfft The prince addressed him in the 
following terms : * O Mollaht I am toid that thoa hast f o mpo ae d a poem 
in ridicile of me s do not the like to others or then may^ see reason to 
repent soch condnct' WMi diat he p rese n t ed him with tm thi^fffld 
dinars and a robe of hoaonr. The poet replied, ' Lovd, better ha^st 
thou had me hewn into ten thousand faeces than thus disgrace me by 
tiiy magnanimity/ And indeed he left BnUMua and emigrated into 
India, Abdul AsiSy who had proved so heartless in his conduct towards 
his £sdiery displayed similar magnanimity on sefend other occasions. 
He himself was by no means wanting hi cokure ; he wrote good verses, 
and dmring his pilgrimage is said to have written some beautiful hymna 
He is also said to have been lemaifcably lan^iar with the celebiated 
worie *Bukhari.' Learned men had always free access to hhuy and 
caligraphers he so greatly esteemed Uutt he supported for seven years 
the celebrated caligrapher MoUah Haji, whom he employed to make a 
single copy of * Hafis.' The artist only wrote a couplet a day, and when 
on his journey Abdul Aris presented tills copy of ' Hafis' to Shah Sttliman, 
the latter was mudi more ddighfed with tiiis one present than with all 
the jewels and costiy stnffii given him by the ex-prince of Ttansoriania. 
Darii^ in battle^ cahn in danger, Abdul Asia was often inaccessible for 
days to the impressions of the outer wotkL This was attri buted by 
many to his practice of continned meditation; for the princes of Bukhara, 
who took part \xl bloody battles, and strove with then* fothers and 
brothers for objects of woridly amUtion, were obliged, by way of 
propitiating popular fovour, to spend hours In the society of holy men, 
meditating on the greatness of God, and leilectfaig that all earthly 
actirity is but mere trifling.'^ 


SubhanKuU, on his brotiier'sdepattur^ became tiie ruler of Bukhara. 
This was in the beginning of Muharem 1091 (^., 1680). Dhectly after 
his accession he appohited his son Iskander, Kafthan of Baikh, but after 
retaining the post for two years he was poisoned by his brother Biansur 
Sultan. Subhan KuU thereupon nominated his third son Ibeidulla Sultan 
to the post,t but Mansur contrived to have bin* assassinated also^ and 
retained his hold on BaIkh for four months in spite of his fother. During 

•Vambtr7,HiatolBtkfcvt,3«S-Sil. tStahoftti^y. 


Hm intftkfal he gave a gnad feast, for wfaidi we aie told in the Tariki 
Mddm Khani his ministers levied contributions on the merdMUits and 
artists tiiere^ so that a collection of ridi stnfis, of broidered tents, and 
other woda of art ^as beantifisl as the worlc of the Oiinese or die 
EnropeanSy'' was brought tofetiier.* After controOing Balldi for four 
montfis a conspiracy was fonned against him, and he was mui dered while 
going to visit his amt A fourth son of SubhanKuH, named Sadik Sultan, 
was now proclaimed governor of Balkh. He was a ddiaudiee like his 
bi9ther,whoee murderess he had flayed ahve and torn limb from hmb. This 
caused an outbreak and great disorder in Balkh.t In the beginning of 1684 
tiie^GreatMoghnF'Auiengsebsent oneof hisgruidees named Zeberdest 
Khan with elephants and other presents to Bukhara. In his letter lie 
redted to him his victories and eiqploitSi and sdidted his alliance u 
a good Sumd against the hated Shias of Persia, whom he su^fiected of 
inciting the Afghan tribes of the Sulimani mountains to their continual 
restlessness. He wished to induce the Uiiiegs to invade Khorasan.t 

At thie tune the Uzbegs of Khuarezm, under their chief Anusha, 
cmitinned their perennial ravages, and had even plundered the envito&s 
of Bukhara. SuUian Kidi, who found it difficult to resist them sin^ 
handed, summoned Sadik to his help from Balkh. The latter set out, 
but learning m rmii how successful Anusha had been, that several of 
^ Bttkharian amirs secmtly fimroured hhn, and that others had broken 
out into rebellion at Hissar and Khojend, he thought it more prudent to 
return home again and shut himself up in BalklL Subhan KuU there^ 
upon summoned to his aid Mahmud bi Atalik, whom he had appointed 
governor of Badakshan. The latter having marched at the head of his 
troops, defeated Aandiain a batde on the plains of Gijuvan, con^idled 
him to abandon Samarkand and return home, and then subdued the 
lebd amirs at Khcjendl 

Subhan Kufi was determined to punish his son who had treated hhn 
so badly, and Sadik, aware of this, prepared to resist He first killed 
his two brothers Abdul Ghani and Abdul Kaiyum, and then sent an 
envoy to negotiate an alliance with Anrengzd>. Thereupon in i68s 
Subhan KuU marched against him. He advanced as for as Khan Abad, 
whence he wrote an affectionate letter, bidding him go to him and 
promising him pardon. He accordingly went, and was cordially recdved 
by his fother, but when they entered the dty he ordered him to be seised 
and to be chained in a dark and noisome prison. He put to death his 
accom|dioes with terrible torments, and kept his son a prisoner for three 
mondtt, when the young fratricide, whose hands were soiled with so 
many crimes, died. This was appardiidy in 109S (U^ i686).t| 

While the Khan had his hands full at Balkh, the Khuarczmians under 

*Id, NottsX' t/il.«50.5i« Vambtfy. sse. 

XVaabarT.SSa.935- ScakQCrid.51. %l4L,ii,s», | SaakoMd. Nola,S4* 

snrm mmaut kuu kham 7^ 

Adr chief AnttthayinadtaiodMr nddon Mavcra un Nefar, aiid carried 
dfiitracdoB to the vtsf gptts of die capital The Khan sent Mahtmid 
JanAtafflcyOftetnbeof Ynz, againstthon who utterly deviated them. 
The fidthM Mahnwri Atal& was lewavded with the government of 
Bafich whidi was added to his tamer chaife of Badakhshan. Leaving 
Jan Atalik In charge of Balkhy the latter now marched agdnst a very 
stnhbom rebel irbo £ar seven yean had haiBssed the district of Hissar. 
He IS called Kaim Alchin bey, by SenkottI, and Bayat Kva ^ chief 
of the tr&e Bayat, by Vambery. This sturdy chief was besieged in the 
strong fortress of Badakhshan^ called Naaman or Jebd.* The siege 
lasted for several monllMB, adoring wfaicto;[m' are told, the r4>el com- 
monicaSedNiHtii Yar bif^tlie governor of Ji^^miy who twice ritS^aged 
I^mdtti aiM Kashim, part of the appanage of Mahmud bi, but at length, 
after several assaults, the town was taken, the rebel perished fighting, 
and hia head was sent to Bukhanut At this time a civil strife seems to 
have been carried on between the Uxbeg tribes of Ming and Kipchak« 
the former of which Mved in Melmeneh and Andkhud, and the latter 
near Balkh4 Meanwhile Subhan KuK having gone on a {rilgrimage 
to Meshed, Anusha Khan of Khnarean seised the opportunity and 
made another savage raid towards Bukhara. This was his last venture, 
however, for having been badly beaten, his people put him to death, and 
raised his son Erenk Sultan to the throne.} Subhan KuU now sent an 
army into Khorasan as he had promised the envoy of Auruogieb. This 
was commanded by Mahmud Jan bL He ravaged the country and 
carried off many women and children prisoners. The most important 
place he captured was Bala Muighab^ but meanwhile Erenk Khan of 
Khuarezm, continuing his fiuhei's policy, again crossed the borders. 
Bukhara beii^ denuded of troopSy Subhan Kidi sent in haste to Badakh- 
shan to die Atalik for assistance. After the Khan had defended himsdf 
vigorously for ten days the Atalik arrived, and a terrible battle was fought 
under the walls of Bukhara, in which the Khuatennians were defeated 
and pursued to their borders. After die war several b^ rose in revtilt 
against Subhan Kuli, but were rejnessed by the Atalik^ who took them to 

Bukhara, and added another laurel to his others in obtaining their pardon, 
except that of their leader.| Meanwhile the partisans of Subhan Kuli at 
Urgenj created a revolution there in his favour, Erenk Khan was put to 
death, and in 1687 a dqmtation went to the Khan of Bukhara with the 
offer to have the money strode and the Khutbeh proclaimed in his 
nam^ and asking him to appoint a governor. This he accordingly did, 
and nominated Shahniax-IshikrAka to the postT During the rest of his 
reign Khuarezm apparently remained subject to Bukhara. 
Subhan Kuli also had diplomatic rdations with Ahmed II., Sultan 

•SMaeofski.S4- Note,i5- tM,S4* I Varabtfy, isi* « Sm atxt ehtpter. 

758 HitxQfty or tbk ucmoouu 

of Tvakoff iHio leigned from 1691 to 1695, aad tho kitter sent him a 
fpedal envoy named Mnstapha Chansh with pi^ca e nli of Arab hoftesi 
jenelSy lich gannents, &c He abo sent him a letter which has been 
pieterved in the Tarikhi Meldm Khani. It has been transkted at length 
by Vambery. It was written in answer to a letter of congrataiado% 
whose receipt is acknowledged in the inflated phrues dear to Eastern 
writers. ^ He boasts of having held it an eminently godly occupation to 
exterminate from*the fiice of the earth the Prankish unbelievers and the 
miserable heretics, the Kixilbashis.'' He boasts of many victories ^ver 
the Franks which we know were all imaginary^ since his reign was a 
disastrous one for the Ottomans. He then goes on to teU his friend to 
make a levy of his Uzbegs, and in unison with himsdf " to extirpate the 
sinners against religion, and clear away thorns and diistles from the fiik 
valleys of Irak.*^ There are some suspidous drcumstances about 
this letter. Although professing to be sent by Ahmed II., h is dated in 
1 102, and therdbre before his accession. It is not mentioned appar^tly 
in the Turkish archtveSi and it is scarcely credible that Ahmed 1 1., whose 
career was an unfortunate one^ should have boasted of victories over the 
Franks, unless he tiansfened to himself the glories of the campaign 
fouf^t in his predecessot's reign by Kuprih Mustapha Pasha, tiie Grand 
Vider, against a coalition of Giristian princes.t 

Besides envoys from Turkey, we are told others weut to him froip 
Kerim, vdiich was a part of Cathay, where there lived Mussulmans and 
heathens, and the fonner of whom had acknowledged the supremacy of 
Bukhara, and had proclaimed Subhan Kuli in their mosques.) I do not 
know where this country of Kerim was, but it was clearly not Krim, as 
M. Vambery says. Senkofirin has discussed the question, and makes out 
that Kerim was a name for North China,| whidi is not impossiblt. 
Was it a part of Kashgar ? Envoys also went to him from Muhammed 
Amin, the ruler of Kashgar, who reported that the Kirghises or Buruts 
had occupied his country, that he had put himsdf under Subhan Kuli, 
and had also had the Khutbeh said in the ktter^ name. The envoys 
from Turkey, Kerim, and Kasl^ar were presented the same day. 

In 1099 {i,e^ 1687) Mahmud Jan, the governor of Balkh, died, and 
Mahmnd bi Ataiik, whose deputy the former seems to have been, and 
who was entitled Umdetul devlet, or the supporter of the empire, took 
the govtmment into his own hands. His rigorous justice and strong 
hand were not grateful to the Usbegs, but they caused great prosperity 
at Balldi, and grain became very cheap there. He was constantly 
engaged, however, in small expeditions for repressing the turbulent, and 
among others defeated and punished Yar bl, the governor of Juzgun, who 
had appropriated the mines of Badakhshan ; but the amirs grew weary 

*V«Bk«7, 333.336. fStakofrki. Nol8,38. 18MlnMd.57* 

Op.cit. NotttsS. 


of his Caio-iace virtnesy and to tKuig lum into disrepute even orfnnised 
ImumIs of robbers to plunder the enTiions of Balkb. Weary of his pesttknt 
companions, he wrote to Subfaan Kali asking him to send his young grandr 
son Meldrn, son of Iskander Sultan, to undertake the control of the place. 
The Khan at first refosed, alleging that the prince was too yoong,but the 
anurs grew more turbulent. Some of them seiied the dtadel, others drew 
a certain Khoja Salih, whose mother was the daughter of Nadir Khan, 
from a monastery of dervishes, and put him on the throne. They also 
wrote to Subhan Kuli to complain of the Atalik. The Khan apparently 
listened to them, and even denounced his conduct, and they accordingly 
incited the tribes of Kuhistan, the mountainous part of Badakhshan, to 
ravage Kunduz, which was part of the Atalik's appanage. Mahmud bi 
thereupon, leaving BaOdi in charge of two of his friends, went to quiet 
his own appanage. This retreat from his post seems to have disgusted 
the Khan, who fancied he was in league with Salih Sultan. He therefore 
cdlected an army of two hundred thousand men, crossed the Oxus, and 
marched upon Balkh. Thereupon Salih, who was in great trepidation, 
wrote to the Atalik to say he had not supplanted him wilfully at Balkh, 
but had been forced into his present position by others, and begging him 
to come to his succour. The Atalik, indignant at the Khan, who had so 
mbinterpreted his actions, left Kunduz with seventy men, and in three 
days managed to reach Balkh, escaping the cordon Subhan Kuli had 
placed round it He entered the citadel and was received with great joy, 
for the Khan had imprudently taken with him bands of ** Kazaks, Kara- 
kalpaks, and other unknown tribes,'' whose main object was raping and 
who in fact plundered the town. During the siege of the citadel the 
Atalik displayed his great military capacity, and defeated the unwieldy 
army of the besiegers in several sorties. His men were still more 
encouraged to resist by the cruelties praaised by the Bukharians on 
those whom they captured. At length Mahmud gave the besiegers a 
decisive blow, he engaged the Turkomans, the Bedouins (Arabs) and 
other nomads of those parts to make a night attack on Subhan Kuli's 
camp and to carry off his horses and camels, which they effectually did. 
The Khan being driven into a comer asked for peace, the terms of which 
were that he was to abandon the siege and return home again. On his 
departure the Atalik returned to Kunduz, where he exercised his former 
seal and energy.* Salih Sultan, who was a mere dervish, could not keep 
order at Balkh, and the Atalik once more appealed to the Khan by his 
friends Shah niaz and Adil bi to send his grandson Mekim to the town, 
which he promised to secure for him. The Khan insisted that he must 
first displace Salih Sultan. This he did with little difficulty^and sent him 
off with all honour to Hindostan.t 
Mekhn thereupon repaired to Balkh with the title of Kalkhan, with 


Adil bi as Atalik and Shah nias as divan b%L These two favountesy 
fotgetting what they owed to Mahnuid bi| succeeded in the coarse of 
twdve nionths in exdiiding him from the counsels of their master, and allied 
themselves with his deadly enemies^ the family of Kozma beg. Having 
complained to Mekim and only received an evasive answer, couched in 
hyfoerbdic compUmentSy he marched on Balkh. Civil war was on the 
point of breaking out when Shah niax died suddenly, and Adil lost his 
influence. Peace was thus restored, and the old Atalik returned once 
more to Badakhshan. Mekim Sultan's rule at Balkh was a difficult one^ 
and troubled by the continual turbulence and outbreaks of his feudal 
soldiery.* In the midst of these disturbances the Persians of Khorasan 
invaded the province, and advanced as fer as Meimeneh and Jijektet 
Mahmud was once more summoned to the rescue. He scattered and 
crushed the rebels, and was rewarded by Mekim with magpificent 
presents, and returned home again to Kunduz loaded with laurels and 
the blessings of the people of Balkh. He was a person of remarkable 
courage, and did not scruple to enter a hostile town akme, where the 
force of his charactrr seduced matters to order. On one occasion one 
of the Khan's sons having been made prisoner by the tribe of Kunkurat, 
which encamped at Termuz. Althouj^ these Uzb^^ were his deadly 
enemies, he went and lived among them for a month, and did not retire 
till he had released the young prince. He was not only a very skilful 
soldier but loved the sode^ of men of letters, and could himself write a 
beautiful hand. He was also a person of exemplary piety, and courted 
the friendship of a fiunous theologian named Sufi Haji Ali.t 

Subhan Kuli Khan died in the year 1114 (1./., 1702), at the age of 
eighty, after reigning thirty-one years at Bukhara, beside the twenty- 
three years during which he lived at Balkh^ which has been well st}ied 
the Dauphm^ of Bukhara. Although personally brave, SuUian Kuli had 
no military capacity. To a craffy and cunning temper he added a strong 
devotion to Islam, and liked to discuss Mussuhnan casuistry with 
dervishes and others, and was also fond of improvising poetry. He built 
several palaces and mosques, and was the founder of one of the most 
beautiful medresis or colleges at Bukhara. He composed a medical 
work, of which Vambery obtained a copy at Herat It was apparently 
the first book on medicine written in Turkish, and was founded chiefly 
on Arabic translations of Galen, Hippocrates, and Avicenna, with a 
quantity of lore on the use of incantations, talismans, &c.| 


On the death of Subhan Kuli the grandees at Bukhara put his young 
son Ubeidulla on the throne of Bukhara, apparently to the disgust of his 

*/A»Ss,^. tM.,«4te!S. ;/4n^. f Vambvy, 317. KoC«,i. 

gfaiidaoii Mddai, vIk> ImmI exptelcd to succeed, and who still ruled at 
BaDdiy and it was oafy after an iaterad of five moiiAs tiiat he wrote to 
condole whih Urn en lis Mba^ detth, as prescribed by Eastern 
etK|iieiie» ne auuwaios wrote a seoonu Kueii in wsncn ne uoaiea 
UbeidnOa as an eqnal msssnd of as his soserain. His envoya wen 
consegoentfy detained tor six monAs at Bokhar%and they wsse only 
allowed to letam tidien Ubeididhy ha?ing collected an amy, had 
mardied against his nepihewi and had already readied Kaisy. Tlisra> 
upon MeldBi deleiiuined to gain over the fiunous Atalik Mahmnd to go 
to Us sopfort Ubeldulla did tut same, and the envoys of the two 
prinoes reached Knndns on Uie same day. The Atahl^ who looked upon 
Mekim in some measure as his foster son, tode his part, and went to 
Balkh, where he was received with great rejoicings, and Ubeidulla, by 
the advice of his officers, deemed it psadent to retire.* But he did net 
dacken his animosity. In iri5(i>., i703)abody of maiaodershiqMred 
by him made a raid i^on Khan ahad. The Atalik Mahmnd hi aMUPched 
agahist them and pursoed thess, but his brother Abdolla unfortonately 
M into the hands of fb» Kuidnnats, who killed hmi. M ahmod asked 
permission to ponirii diis toibolent tribe^ whidi had §ot many yeacs 
infested te borders of the Oxos. Having obtained Mddm^ pemdssloii, 
he in tinee days reached the fort of Knbadiyan, occiqpied by the 
Dnrmaas, dose allies of the Kniddvftts. They submitted and gave op 
tlie fort, upon which, leaving a gairison there, he advanced against the 
Kunknrats, who abandoned thdr homes and withdrew. They were 
attacked and many of them killed among their own baggage, while others 
escaped to the mountains. The Atalik secured their property, but he 
reloMed their women and chfldren. The men he pursoed as far as TenU 
Divan and Bendi Harem, and middng tlie fort of Kakai his headquarters, 
he scoured the country in various 4Krecti<ms,and almost exterminated the 
trfbe. On his letum to BaM, Mekfan presented all his companions with 
ridi robes. 

The same year Utkan hi, governor of Hissar, having rebdkd i^^ainst 
die Khan of Buldiara, die Utter sent his Atalik Rahim hi and his divan 
begi Maasum bi i^nst him. En fvmU they endeavoured to cfiect a 
reooncSiation with liekim bi, and suggested a conforence on an idand 
of the Oxus called Orta Erel, but Mddm distrusting them, argued 
radMT that they should l)e attacked while besi^ing Hissar. Thisconnsd 
was adopted, and Mahmud bi, in concert with Utkan hi, the rebd 
governor of Hissar, inflicted a terrible defeat on them, so that kiw 
succeeded in r^aining Bukhara.t After liis return Mahmud M ill at 
Knnduz. Theopportunity wastoiiqpting^and wefindlMuidsofmaiandere 
hnmedbitdy (idstorbing the districts of Ishifcmish and Tattmn, but tiie 
old ddef was soon aroused from\|ls bed, and once more restored tran- 



qvQIity. Utkan bi faavii^ been drawn away ironi Hfstar, UbeidoBa 
momentarily occupied it, but ini 1 16 (f>., 1705-6) Mahmnd bi re-occupied 
it and put Kush b^ there as governor on bdialf of Mddm Khan.*^ 
At this point we lose the guidance of the Tarildu Mekim Khanii 
and for the next quarter of a century the history of Mavera un Ndir is 
very obscure. The point which is chiefly in debate among students is 
as to whether AbuUiuz Khan, against whom Nadir Shah of Persia 
marched about 17591 ^"^^ ^ *>^c person as the Ubeidulla just named 
or not M. VeL Zemof has discussed the questioi^ at some length.t 
Senkoftki identifies the two names as those of the same rukri but the 
weight of evidence seems to me to be strongly in favour of the other 
view. I believe they were brothers. 

The date of Ubeidulla's death is uncertain. IzzetuUay who calls him 
Abdullai says he reigned fourteen years. Frazer, that he reigned 
twdv^ but as Frsehn has published a coin of Abulfiiisy dated in 171 1, 
this is not possible unless he mounted the throne earlier than Munshi 
says.^ It is not improbable that Ubeidulla died about 1705. According 
to the tradition reported by Vambery, he quarrelled with his Atalik 
Rahim bi, and was consequently put to death violently.} 


The title just given is the one we find on coins dated in 171 1, 1716 
and 1718, given by Fraehn,| and on which he styles himself son of Subhan 
Kuli Muhammed Behadur Khan. He was a mere puppet in the hands 
of Rahim bi, and is described as having had the religious mildness and 
character of a dervish. He lost Balkh and the Uzb^ country south of 
the Oxus, except Andkhud, Meimeneh, and the country of the Ersari or 
Lebal {ii^ river side Turkomans) which had been, as I have shown, 
governed by Salih Khoja, and remained subject to the latter's son, Seyid 

We know little of the earlier part of hisreign. The Uzb^:8 apparently 
continued to make thdr raids upon Khorasan, in one of which they 
captured Nadir, who afterwards became so famous as Nadir 9hah« He 
made his esa^ four years after.** About 1718 the Uzb^a^in invaded 
Khorasani and in alliance withAzadulla,thechief of the Abdali Afghans, 
ravaged the greater part of the province. An army of thirty thousand 
vma sent againit them marched towards Herat, under Sefi Kuli Khan, 
and defeated twelve thousand Uzbcgs, but it was in turn defeated by the 
A4^ We do not again read of the Uzbegs until the reign of 
Nadir Shah. 

•X£,7i»7S* tCmMOfBBkhtniiiidKkiT».4<i9,ac. I Vtl. ^traoT, op. dt., 409. 


While die latter was besieging Kandahar in 1736-S, he sent his son 
Risa Knli by way of Badghiz, and Marcha or Mervichak to ponidi 
AUmerdan Khan, the roler (^ Andkhud^ who it seems was in league with 
theA^hans. He was deserted by the nomad tribes of the netghbomhood, 
was defeated, and sent prisoner to Nadir. He then captured Akshi and 
Shabuigan, and then advanced upon Balkh, which was governed 
by Abttl Hassani as we have seen. The road to this fianoos dty 
was barred says Vambery by several ditches, which could not, however, 
prevint Rixa Kufi's powerful artillery train from approaching ; and after 
a short bombardment the town capitulated. Nadir Shah rewarded his 
eon with a present of twelve thousand ducats in gold, three hundred 
dresses of honour^ and some high bred norses, with dieir saddles and 
bridles decorated with gold and jewels. Riza Kuli now crossed the 
Ozus and assailed Abdfaiz, who allied himself with Ilbars, the Khan of 
Khiva, and although he succeeded in mastering the fort of Shdduk he 
seems to have been defeated by the united forces.* Malcofan says he 
won a signal victory over the Uzbegs. Both are agreed that he was 
recalled by his father, who wrote to the Usbeg chiefs to tell them he had 
withdrawn his son, and ordered him not to disturb '* countries which were 
the inheritance of the race of Jingis Khan, and of high Turkoman 

On his return from India, Nadir Shah was met at Peshawur by a stately 
embassy firom Abulfaiz bearing rich presents and a message thus couched : 
'' I am the last of an ancient royal stock. I have not the power to join 
issue with such a redoubtable monarch. I hold myself at his service. If 
he win deign to pay me a visit I will treat him as an honoured guest." 
Nadir Shah was much pleased and sent the envoys back widi another 
missive in which he acknowledged his civility ; told him he intended to 
punish Ilbars Khan, of Khuarezm. He said he coveted neither the state 
nor the treasures of Abulfaiz, and after visiting Herat he intended to 
accept his invitation to go to Bukhara by way of Balkh. With the letter 
he sent some of the products of Hindostan as presents.! Abulfaiz in vain 
tried to persuade his neighbour Ilbars to propitiate Nadir. He only got 
some insults for his pains, and proceeded with his preparations for giving 
the great conqueror a fitting reception. He laid in a large stock of 
wheat, barley, and rice, and collected many sheep. Nadir arrived at 
Hexat wilh three hundred elephants, a tent embroidered with pearls, and 
the Csonous peacock throne of the Emperors of Delhi. Having stayed a 
whilein Kuhistan, ea^ of Herat, whence he sent off some rich presents 
to the Sultan aiid the Russian Empress, he then set out and was joined 
at Badghiz by Ids son and heir, Riza Kuli Murza, with whom he went 
on to Meimeneh, Fariab, and BalldLf He sent word to Abulfisdz of his 

^ymkUftWhW' t Utlcoln, y. 70. ' 2 SclM&r'k AbM Kifia, S5i Stf* 

764 mncmx or trb MORaoLSi 

ftpfmach and traaqMrted one half hit aimyacroM the (hni| leaving Uie 
other half with hit anillery and a flotilla of a dioitsand boats contamliig 
provisions on the left bank.* He crossed the river htnsdf in a boat 
artisticaHy carved and adorned with Mosaics (?tile8)|Whidi had been made 
for him by the artifioers of Bukhara.t At Kerkhi, four stations fipom 
BnUiaFa, Muhammed Rahini bi the Mangut, the £unoiis Atalik of 
Abulfftiz, who it would seem was a partisan of Nadir, went to meet him 
with presents and provisions, and had the honour of an andience. Thsn 
also went the governors of Karshi and Hissar. Thence Nadir went on 
to Chaijtti and Karakul, where Abul&is Khan with the Seyids Ulemas 
and the other notables welcomed him and offered him some Anh 
horses and other presenu of high value. This was on the lath of 
Septeoibery 17404 Nadir made Abalfiiiz sit beside him. He gave him 
a royal robe aul a crown (? a girdle), adorned with precious stonesi and 
an Arab horse with a gilded saddle. In addressing htm; he styled him 
Shah. The next day Abulfsus returned to Bukhara. He had some 
beautiful dauf^tters. Nadir married one himself and gave a second one 
to his nephew Adil Shah, the son of his brother Ibrahim.g Vambery 
says^ he also exacted ^ cession of the Usbeg possessions, south of the 
Oxusy and made the Khan promise to siq>ply him with a contingent of 
Usbeg and Turkoman troops.| He conferred the title of Khan (1^., 
among the Persians of prince) <m Muhammed Rahim bi, together with 
Uie command of six thousand troops of Turkestan, which^ doubtless, 
formed the contingent just named, and with which that chief returned to 
Khorasan, and afterwards took part in Nadir's campaign against 
Daghestan. Nadir now withdrew to Charbekr. Thence at the instance of 
Aboliaiz,he sent an embassy to recall Dbars Khan to his senses. I shall 
describe in the next chapter the intercourse that ensued between Nadir 
and the recalcitrant Khan, which ended in the submission and execution 
of Ilbars. Retummg to Charjui, he sent l^ack the daughter of Abulfaii, 
n^om he had married, to her fatheri and gave him authority in all 
Turkestan (i>., the country beym^ the Oxus). He also left him some 
cannons and returned to Meshed. Some time alter we read how Ibeid- 
ulla Uibeg coming from Ferghana and Tashkend pillaged Samarkand 
and Miankal, and advanced as far as the tomb of Shah Nakshbend, near 
Bukhara. Abulfaiz accordingly sent to Nadir Shah to ask assistance. 
The latter sent him twelve thousand men under Hassan Khan Beyath, 
and Bdibud Khan JindauL At their approach he beat a hasty xetrea^ 
and they pursued him. Nadir Shah also authorised l^uhammedRahim 
bi» who was still widi him, to go to Bukhara to assist his foimer 
master. The huter had long had ambitious views about the Khanate to 
which he returned with akcrity. Meanwhile, Nadir Shah was 

*i4^m' tVamk6ty,94liS4t. X AMrf ««!«• !••. VMAb«ybS4S. 

f AbAd Koria, let. |,Ma. 


sittted. Tliis was on the 23rd of Junei 1747. The news reached 
Mohammed Rahhn at Charjui. He kept it secret and harried on to 
Btikhar% and still begrimed with dost went to the palace and demanded 
an mtenriew with Abulfaiz. He immediately had him seized and then 
occupied the throne, andbeat the drums in token of sovereignty. He 
also confiscated the treasore of the Khan. The latter, who ought to have 
been a dervish, sought shdter among the Khojas of Juibar, bot his 
vdatives there did not dare to oppose the usurper. Leaving Bukhara 
by the gate Namazgah he retired to the monastery of Kalender Khanehi 
and asked his late AtaUk to supply him with sufficient money to pay 
for Ids journey to Mddca. Meanwhile, Hassan Khan and Behbod Khan 
who had punued and killed IbeiduUa^ returned to Bukhara with his 
head and unaware of Nadir Shah's death. Their approach induced 
Mohammed Rahim to imprison his late sovereign in the Medresseh of 
Mir Arab at Pai Menar. The Persians were indignant at his conduct, 
but he replied that if he was only an ordinary Uibeg, what was Nadir 
Shah, who had despoiled so many kings ? As they began to besiege 
the town he made overtures to the Ghiljai Afghans, who to the number of 
fifteen hundred were in the Persian camp. He told them how Nadir 
had given their country of Kandahar to the Abdalis and promising to 
reward them with land, wives, and pay. They accepted his offer, and 
secretly entered the town at nis^t, under Abdul haiKhoja. The same night 
Abulfaii was put to death* The following day the Persians made peace 
with Muhammed Rahim, and abandoning their artillery^ tents, and 
baggage, were rewarded in return with rich presents, and returned 


Abulfoiz was killed in 1747. Mu h a mm ed Rahfan, it seems, did not at 
once mount the throne, but he put a puppet on it in the shq>e of AbdiU 
Mumin, the son of the murdered Khan, who had married his daughter. 
One day, we are told, the young prince presented himself to her carrying 
ameloninahandkerchiefl ^ What have you there ?" she said« ''The 
head at your fiuher,'' he replied, ** for he killed mine and has taken posses- 
sion of the country.'' His wife having reported this to Rahim, the latter 
said, ** The wolf's whelp will end by becoming a wol^^and a few days later, 
having taken him on a pleasure excursion, some of his people took the 
opportunity while he was looking into a well to push him in.t Malcolm 
tdb the story difiecently, saying the young prince had shot in play at a 
melon which he thought resembled Rahim beg^} while Izzetulla says that 
some conspirators having determined to t)ut Rahim to death, he was 
invited to a dinner by the prince, when one of the hater's attendants shot 

* Abaal KwiB, I07«xi4. t/<l.,ii6. { Op. cit., ii a^. Nou. 


at him, but the. ball lodged in his cap and he escaped. He thereupon 
had the young prince drowned.* 


Muhammed Rahim now put another puppet on the throne, in the 
person of Ubeidulla. A Greek named Nikdlai Grigorief, who had Uved 
at Bukhara about ten years, and went to Russia about 1752, calif ||im a 
son of Shah Timur Khan of the Aralsk people.t Negri and Meytndorf 
call him a son of Abulfaiz4 We are told he was only sixteen ytirs okl» 
and was feeble in mind Und body. He was reigning when GrigQiief left 
Bukhara^ but was apparently soon displaced by Muhammed Rahintif who 
then mounted the throne himself. It was during his feeble reign, namely, 
in 1751-2, that the founder of the Durani empire in Afghanistan after 
making peace with Shah Rukh Murza^ the ruler of Khorasan, sfiit Bcghi 
Khan, one of his vizier^, with an army to subdue the XJzheg pofsessiont 
south of the Oxus. After some unimportant struggles, he opnquered 
Meimeneh, Andkhud, Akshi, Shabtugan, Serpul, Balkb| KhuhDi 
Badakhshaui and Bamian. He organised these various diffticts, and 
having appointed governors and left garrisons there, fytamed to 
Kandahar, where he was given the title of Sedre AzeoLi 


Muhammed Rahim, although not a descendant of Jiiigis Khan, and 
only the bi or chief of the Mangut tribe, was not quite the usurper 
generally supposed. As &r as the throne of Mavera ya Nelir, his claims 
were probably as good as those of Baki Muhammejy the founder of the 
Janid dynasty, for his wife was the daughter of the Khan AbulftuM 
Rahim Khan confided the government of Miankal to Danial bi, who 1% 
called his unde by Abdul Kerim and IzzetuUa, $tid his nephew by the 
Russian traveller Yefiremof,? while he retained Buldiara, Samarkand, 
Miankal as £ar as Karshi, Khatar, Kerki, Chaijui, and other towns. He 
b also said to have lost Sher i Sebz, Hissar, aiMl Tashkend.** Hewason 
terms of friendship with Shah Ahmed, ruler of the A%hans, and rewarded 
the Ghiljais who had helped him to gain the throne with grants of land. 
Danial bi seems to have chiefly administered his affairs. Having met 
one day with a dervish who spoke lugubriously to him on the ^»hemeral 

* Jouts. Aftiat. Soci ^li. 34i« 1 Vel. Z«rao(, op. cit., 41X. 

I Senkobki, no and xjg. | FtnMr*t Higtory of the A^hant, 8t. 

I Abdol Ktrim* iiS. SeakolM, uo and U9> 

\ Abdol Kimimt iiS. Vel. Ztraof. MelangM Atialiqaei, lit 580. 

** AMdI Kerim, xiS and U6. Thelaatof thaaotowoawataanndlyaBverhitatalL 


naturtt of life, he became melancholy, fell ill, and died He was buried 
at Bukhara, in the street of the gate of Mezar. He had lived a life of 
luxury recalling that of the Persians, and left no sons; only two daughters.* 
One of his coins is published by M. VeL Zemof.t 


On the death of Hahim Khan, Devlet bi, a Persian by origin who had 
been his j^rime minister, summoned Rahim's uncle Danial bi, the son 
of Khudayar bi^ to Bukhara ; the latter went, but he would not take the 
title of Khan, contenting himself with that of Atalik, while he put Abul- 
ghazi, who belonged to the Janid family, on the throne. Izietulla says 
he was the Ion of Ibrahim, sultan, the son of Rejib Muhammed Khan, 
who was axl enemy of Abulfaiz.^ Gregorief calls him a son of a cousin- 
german of Abulfaiz; Vambery, the latter's grandson; while Yefremof says he 
belonged to the family of the Khojas, and was a shepherd ; and Malcolm 
that his father was called Abdul Rahim Chakbud, or '< Old Clothes," 
alluding to this habit of picking up old clothes, washing them and making 
them up again in order to give them to the poor, or to use as garments 
for himself.§ Abulghazi was a mere puppet, while Danial bi seems to 
have been a dissolute and feeble person, the chief authority resting in 
the hands of Devlet bi, the late vizier. During his rule the habit of 
smoking kalian (or tobacco) in the Persian fashion spread over the 
town and bazaars, a house of ill fame was opened at Kafir Rubat, 
while the police Were powerless to repress these scandals. Danial bi's 
eldest son Amir llaasum, familiarly styled Beggi Jan, and afterwards 
entitled Shah Murftd, was much scandalised by this, and repaired to a 
famous acetic, the Kheikh Scfer, to ask his advice. He remarked, How 
can the son of a tyi'ant perform good works^ and obey the Sheikhs ? He 
bade him if he wished to show his humility to go and exercise the office 
of a porter for soiAe months. He accordingly repaired to the bazaars in 
sordid clothes and did so. His father having reproved him he spoke 
out bravely in reply, how in Bukhara " the asylum of science and the 
faith," injustice and debauchery were being practised by his sons, while 
Devlet Kushbegi, a mere slave, was made master of the country, and he 
declared he meant to devote himself to a life of mendicity. After a 
year ihus spent, Sheikh Sefer ac;pepted him as his disciple, and he 
devoted all his time to the Ulemas. Determined to put aside Devlet bi 
who dominated over his father, he summoned him to an interview to 
make preparations for the rec^>tion of some envoys from Khokand. The 
Kushbegi was met at the door of audience by the executioners who put an 

*/£, 1x6-1x9. 1 Coifs.of Bokhara, 409. I Journ. Asiat. Soc., vii. 341. 

f8ck«yl«r, op. dtn 1.381, 384. Vambef7,347- VtU 2«»of, ICol. Atiat, iii. 380. Maleolin. 
U.S43* Note. 


eadtobim. His goods and wealth were confiscated.* Henextievenged 
himsdf on the Kazfai who, while he still performed the duties of a porter 
and carried sacks <tf charcoal, had dared in revenge for Murad bi's not 
very civil treatment of him, and for his opposition to the smoking of 
kalian, to suggest to his father that he should be deprived of his virility. 
Shah Murad gave him twelve months* graoe^ in which, as he said, he 
m^t abandon his evil practices, and cease smoking kalian ; then 
f^tf^m ftnifig him to his house, although he pleaded he was an old man, 
and asked to be foigiven if he had wronged him, and although 
Danial bt also interceded for him, he was put to death.t Shah Murad's 
biothen, whose lives were given up to rapacity and ill doing, now began, 
says the chronider, to grow fearful for their fete like the toothers of Joseph. 
Morad bi put to death several of their accomplices, and speedily enacted 
good behaviour from themselves. The houses of iH fame were repressed, 
and ^Bukhara again became the image of paradise.^t Danial bi, mean- 
while^ did not interfere with his son Shah Murad. The latter's brother 
called Sultan Murad bi was granted the appanage of Kermineh, while a 
third one, Toktamish, ruled at Kai^ but having been rebellious, was 
afterwards deposed. 

Soon after this Danial bi foil iU, and summoned Shah Murad to his 
couch. He made him promise not to exile or put to death his brothers, 
nor to give his widows in marriage ; to treat with every consideration the 
chief of the eunuchs Khoja Sadik; to assign decent sums to his brothers 
and sisters, and to bury him near the tomb of Shah Nakshbend. Shah 
Murad 8w<m by his head and his eyes, and an hour later Danill 1h died. 
The latter is desrribed as a brave and unostentatious man. He lived on 
lenna of friendsh^) with the rulers of Uigenj, Khokand, and Merv,| and 
haa been numbeced by some among the sovereigns of Bukhara, but be 
was aothii^ of tbekmd. He neither struck money nor was the Khuti)di 
said In his name. He continued to his death, which apparently took 
place in 1770^1 to fill the post of Atalik merely, and was no more a nder 
than die mayors of iSUb palace in Merovingian times. Abulghaxi Khan 
filled the post, although a mere puppet and rechis^ till long after the 
Ataliies death. 

Shah Murad succeeded his father as AtaHk. One author says he went 
about Bukhara imploring forgiveness firom the people for Danial bi's ill- 
doings, and ofifeiing his own life in ezpiatxm. We also read that he 
refused to share in his fether's inheritance, and bade them take his share 
to the public charities, so that those from whom it had been, extorted 
might in part be recompensed.^ One man, a fenatical Mussulman, 
refused to join in the prayers for Damal bl " He extorted money from 
m^and I cannot make his act lawfiil by fergivhjig bun,* he said, and 

« Scbtler, Abdul KeHln,u^ ^U^iMptty X/4.,i«S- iId*,U7»t^ 

I Id,, 135* Not«,2. 5 Malcolm, U. 144. 

SiriD ABUL6HAZ1 KHAN. 769 


alUioagh the siun was luge, Shah MoTftd^ enthusiasdc foll^ 
He was a fanatical Mussulman, and his accession to power was the signal 
for increased tension in the religions atmosphere of the Khanate, where 
asceticism prevailed widely. He^appointed his brother Sultan Mvrad as 
governor of Kennindi, while his other brothers remained at Bukhara. 
One of these^ Toktamish, who has already been named, conceived a 
violent hatred for Shah Murad, and hired a slave to assassinate hhn. 
The latter, named Feridun, stole into his chamber at nighty and stnidk 
him with his sword as he lay asleep. The blow made a gash ftom his 
mouth to his ear, but was not &taL Being thus suddenly awidmwd, he 
seized the assassin by the beard The latter, terribly firiglitened, did not 
finish his woik, and fled to Toktamishi iHio inquired how he had tetd. 
He said he had killed Murad. When tiien was his bead. Herti^iedhe 
had not had time to cut it oft Toktamish and his cwatmes waited abowt 
until morning, when, suspecting that Murad had not in fiict been UOed, 
he withdrew iurtivtiy, fimcying suspicion would not rest on him.t 

When in the morning Shah Murad gave audience to the amirs he 
appeared widi his head and &ce in bandages. Feridun was arrested and 
executed, but Toktamish was only exiled, Shah Murad not wishing to braak 
his promise to his lather. He afterwards went to Mekka4 Sometimeaflsr 
Sultan Murad bi rebelled. He was defeated and removed as a prisoner 
to Bukhara. Shah Murad, who had a very martial turn for a darvish, 
was now determined to capture Merv, which was a stnmgfaold of the 
hated Shiasi and governed by the femous tribe of the Kajam, irfiich 
gave a dynasty to Persia. lu chie& were rekted to the Astiakhanids, 
At this time it was ruled by Bairam Ali Khan, who had lor a 
long time been a terror to the nomadic robbers of the disbictl 
He had sent envoys with lettecs of condolence to Bukhara on heaiiog 
of the death of Danial bi, and had caused the Koran to be read, and 
water and provisions to be distributed at Merv, for the r^ose of his soul, 
but this did not conciliate the Sunni spirit of Murad. He sent a 
body of Turkomans from tiie Oxus and some Usb^^ to harry his boidecs. 
Although at the head of a much inferior body, Bairam, ''like a wolf 
among a flock of sheep," killed and captured those whom he attacked, and 
became a terror to the Turiramans. Shah Murad thereupon determined 
upon a ruse. He encanqped with six thousand Uzb^;s at Chaijui, a lact 
which was duly r^orted to Bairam, but immediately after he left with 
a fiew officers for Bukhara. This was also reported to him as a proof of 
his timidity. Bairam was thus thrown off his guard. Shah Murad, 
however, hastened back to Charjui^ whence he reached Merv by a forced 
march and having planted four thousand horsemen in ambush he sent 
one thousand more ahead to forage. The news of the raid reached 

• /i., «09. t Scbeftr, Abdul Ktiia* XS9-191. 1 14^ 131. 




Bairam at nudQight, and, notwithittanding the warning of his mother 
who dedaiecT she had had an unpropitioos dream, and wished him to 
wait till morning, he would not listen, but, patting himsdf at the head of 
but one hundred and fifty e]q>ert horsemen, he set out to cut off the 
invaders' retreat to Bukhara while the rest of the troops took another 
way. As usual he had an immediate success, and among his prisoners 
was Kara Khoja, relative of Shah Mtirad, who warned him of the ambush 
the latter had planted, and of the fewness of his men. His ruthless 
answer was to tell the Khoja he lied, and to cut off his head with his 
sabce, ^ thus admitting him," the chronicler says, ^ among the martyrs." 
He went on and was suddenly surrounded by overwhehning numbers, was 
shot and decapitated, and his head taken to Bukhara, where it was 
exposed for a week at the place where executions took place. His 
men ^o asked for quarter were made prisoners. A poet wrote a 
piece distich on the event ^'The head of Bairam Ali has become 
the ear-ring of power.*^ The environs of Merv were laid waste. The 
body <i Bairam Ali was sent back to his mother. This happened in 
1785.1 Seven of his followers who had been carried off to Bukhara, 
having become Sunnis at the request of Shah Murad, asked permission 
to be allowed to return to Merv, which they promised they would 
persuade Muhammed Kerim Khan to give up to him. They went and 
addressed themselves accordingly to the notaUes of the town, but were 
apparently treated as renegades and traitors, for they were cruelly 
massacred.} Muhammed Kuli Khan, who had instigated their murder, 
was afterwards exiled by Kerim Khan's brother, who succeeded him as 
governor of Merv, but Shah Murad exacted further revenge. He levied 
an army and again inarched on Merv. The river was crossed close to 
the town by a fine weir made of stones, cemented with bitumen and 
hydraulic cement, the work of Sultan Sanjar, which was guarded by a 
fort. The governor of this fort had MLtn desperately in love with a 
courtesan. Hussein Khan, the governor of Merv, having heard of her 
attractions, sent a body of men who carried her off fordUy and treated 
the governor of the fort with contumely. He accordingly, ''like a falcon 
but half gorged," appealed to Shah Murad, offering to surrender the fort 
to him.| The latter, who had been ravaging the environs of Merv and 
had returned home, made a forced march of fotu: days with four thousand 
men, and the citadel was duly surrendered to him. He thereupon trans- 
ported its garrison to Bukhara, and ordered the weir to be cut« The 
town was derived of water for irrigation, and the crops could not of 
course grow, so that a famine was Impending. The A%han Timur Shan 
now sent an army and provisions to the rescue. The commander of this 
force was an Afghan called Leshkery Khan, whose son Khanjer Khan 

•/4^XS3.134. t Id., t^i, i$2. Note. I/^|235>I9€. 

i id., W, tsS. 


fell in lore with a sister of the governor of Menr. The amofous 
pair seem to have committed themsehres, and were surprised by 
Hussein Khan under ambiguoiis drcumstanoes. He stm^ the young 
prince a blow from which he died, and then ordered his sister to be also 
put to death. Leshkery Khan was outraged by all this, and withdrew 
with his forces and two thousand families from Merv to Herat Matters 
were in a serioiks position in the former town, and Hussein deemed 
it prudent to send envoys to Bukhara with a submissive message. 
These were received with great satisfaction by Shah Murad, who 
showered presents on them. Thereupon Hussein with some of his 
principal .notables went in person to Bukhara, which they entered m 
state, and he was assigned suitable quarters at the Cheharbagh. Soon 
alter his brother Muhammed Kerim Khan, who had retired to Meshed, 
also went to Bukhara. Hussein now sent messengers to summon his 
family to go to him, while Shah Murad ordered a division of troops 
to occupy the place and to transport some of the inhabitants of Merv 
to his own capital The families of Bairam Ali, of Hussein Khan, and of 
his brother Kerim were accordingly removed, as well as a large number 
of the inhabitants* There only remained behind in' fact three thousand 
Sunni and two thousand Shia families, while seventeen thousand others 
were transported.* Merv has since rapidly decayed, and now nothing 
remains of it but a few mounds, the camping place of the Turkomans 
who have occupied the wasted site. 

The Uzbeg possessions south of the Oxus had been ruled by the 
Afghans since they were conquered by them in 1751-2, as I have 
described. Shah Murad viewed this with impatience^ and when the 
Afghan ruler Timur, the son of Shah Ahmed, in 1786 was embarrassed 
by a campaign in Scmde, a revolt broke out at Balkh and Akhshi, 
instigated by the Uzbeg chief.. He sent a force to their assistance, and 
these towns drove out the governors that ruled them.t Timur 
thereupon wrote a letter to Shah Murad, complaining of his constant 
aggressions under the cloak of humility, of his attack <m Merv, 
\rhich he had defended on the plea not recognised in the laws of 
nations, that he wished to convert its Shia inhabitanU to the true faith, 
and contrasting his jieal on this occasion with the impediments he threw 
in the way of the Afghans, who wished to clear India of Hindoos, Jews, 
Christians, and other unbeUevers, and with his wars against the people of 
Shehr i Sebz, Khojend, and the Turkomans, who were Sunnis. Having 
been appealed to by these peoples, he said he had determined to march to 
Turkestan, and ordered Shah Musad to go and meet him to arrange 
their differences. In the spring of 1789 he accordingly lefl Kabul with 
an army reckoned by some at one hundred thousand men, and by others 

at one hundred and fifty thousand4 He first went towards Kunduz, and 

— I — ^ 

*/A,X4a. • t Ferrier, op. cit, 100. ; Elphinatone, H. 308. Schdi^r.aa. 


then to AkhshL Meanwhile Shah Mnrad summoned his people end 
crossed the Oxns at KUit His anny« according to Abdul Kerim, 
numbered about thirty thousand men. He despatched his brother Omar 
Kuahb^ with a li^ armed force towards Akhshi, and another officer 
was ordered to molest the communications of the A^hans. But he 
speedily saw that his force was too weak to resist them, and at 
once adopted a policy of humility. He professed to give Timur the 
credit of the yictory, and a battle was avoided by the intervention of the 
tnollahsi who did not care to see two orthodox sovereigns destroying one 
another while the Persian Shias looked on. Shah Murad sent his son to 
the A^han camp, and there was peace between the two countries till 
Timur's death.* Murad had appointed his brothers Omar bi and 
FazQ hi governors of Merv, where, incited by the Turkomans, they soon 
rebelled, but as they leaned on the truculent nomads the citizens 
bdeagured them in the dtadd, and compelled them to sue for terms, and 
tiiey were allowed to retire to Shehr i Sebz. Three hundred of their 
foDowers, who had been locked up as a precautionary measure, seem to 
have been placed in a kind of Black Hole of Calcutta, for on the doors 
being opened only one was found alive. The citizens again submitted 
to Shah Murad, who forgave the action last mentioned as one which was 
necesntated by the place being in revoltt 

In 1796 the famous Turkoman chief Aga Muhammed, who was a 
eunuch and the real founder of the dynasty of the Kajars, captured Meshed 
from Shah Rukh the Blind, the grandson of Nadir. Shah Rukh^s eldest 
son Nadir went to Kabul, and sent his brothers Imanm Kuli Murza and 
Haidar Murza and some other chiefs to Bukhara with a letter, reminding 
Shah Murad how through his marriage with a daughter of AbuUaiz he 
was related to him, reminding him also of their common Sunni faith, and 
of the obHgations that Rahim Khan had been under to Nadir. They 
ended up^by asking him for a contingent of troops with which to recover 
Meshed, and promising that the Khutbeh there should be read in his 
name.t The princes were lodged in a palace in the Pai Menar, and 
treated with courtesy, but they waited in vain for twelve months in hope 
of getting some help, and at last obtained permission to return to Herat ; 
but meanwhile Shah Murad had commissioned Muhammed Amin 
Topchi with five thousand men to waylay them on their way and to 
drown them in the Oxus. He caused them to be ferried over the river 
in a rotten boat by two old men, who had received due orders. When 
the boat was halfway over it was accordingly EUed with water. The 
yodng princes succeeded, however, in reaching daijuL 

When Shah Murad heard of this, not to be baffled of his prey, he 
summoned Tureh Kazak, the grandson of Ilbars Khan of Khiva, who had 

• BIphSaitOM, tf. Schtte,^ t Schtlir, 143. 144* 

I //., 145-Ml. 


been killed by Nadir.* He remiiided him that he had his graadfiither't 
blood to avenge, and that he might now do it on Na^s gnmdaoas. 
He also promised to give him a part of their property. The Kazak went 
to Charjui, where he put up at the house of Baita Koli Bek, governor of 
the town. There the princes were summoned to a feast They speedily 
learnt what their fate was to be. In vain they pleaded that they were 
Sunnisy and moreover guests. Their prayers for mercy were not listened to, 
but the Kazak proceeded to decapitate them.t There seems no adequate 
motive for this brutal crime on the part of Shah Mnrad, and we are told 
the people and the Ulemas of Bukhara were disgusted with it, and com- 
pared it to the murder of Siavash^ the son of Kaikaus, who^ having gone 
to Turkestan in all confidence, was put to. death there by Afrasiab.^ The 
assigned reason was that the/ were accused of being addicted to wine and 
other debauchery.{ Perhaps it was done in some way to conciliate Aga 
Muhammed. The intercourse between the latter and Bukhara is differ* 
ently tokl by two Persian writers. One of Aga Muhammed's letters, as 
reported in the Rauzat es Sefa, is thus translated by Vambery. ... ''It 
is unnecessary to recapitulate the history of the Sefids and of the contem* 
poraries of Muhammed Sheibani Khan down to Afshar Nadir Shah. I 
well know, and it is sufliciendy well known to thee also, that Balkh, Menr, 
Zemindaver, Seistan, Kandahar, and Kabul were from the earliest timei 
integral portions of the Iranian empire. Well, then, how has it occurred 
to thee to conquer Balkh and Merv, and in the last-named place to slay 
Bairam Ali Khan, the kinsman oi his illustrious house? Dost thou 
perchance wish to renew the old wars between Iran and Turan? For 
such a usk thou art verily not sufficient To play with the tail of the 
Hon, to tickle the tiger in the ear, is not the part of a prudent man* Yet 
all men are descended from Adam and Eve, and if thou art proud of thy 
relationship to Turanian princes, know that my descent is also the same. 
The* orighi and the derivation of Kajar Noyan is not only nobler and 
more distinguished than that of the £unily of Mangut and Kungrat, 
but even surpasses in glory the renowned houses of Sulduz and Jelair. 
We all of us owe thanks to God the Almighty that he hath given the 
dominion over Turan and Iran, over Rum, Ros, China, and India to the 
exalted family of Turk. Let each be content with the position which 
hath fallen to him> and not stretch out his hand over the frontier of his 
own kingdom. I also will dwell in peace within the ancient boundaries 
of Iran, and none of us will pass over the Oxus.^ 

Another account, which was followed by Malcolm, makes the letter^ 
written not to Shah Murad but to Abulghazi, proving that the latter was still 
living. In it the writer says he had heard of the usurpation of Daaial bi's son, 
and how in consequence true bdievers, who were made prisoaeif in Persia, 

• 8m otst dMptar. t Schafsr, 149, t j». I/4.»iso. iU^tS^, 


774 Hifiofty or ths momools. 

woe told §ke cattk in the nuaHut-pbuce of BuUuDa. He cifled uptm 
Abwlffiaia to at once lestoie aD cartes, and to beware bow he b e ha te d 
in firtme. The Denrish Khan wrote to hit Ennodi bcother in equaDy 
peremptory phiatet. ** 1 hare heard," be tayt in a dxcolar letter whidi 
he addreited to the cfaie£i of Khorasan, ''that Adrta Khan* it come 
among yon : tetxe him if you can : if not inform me and I shall proceed 
to your qoaxter to ponith him.*t The two chiefs, however, never met, for 
Aga Mohammed wat now tummoned weshvards. 

The letter above quoted contains the last notice I can find of 
Abolgbazi, who continued to be a mere nominal ruler, his £aunily being 
kept in sednsion and supported from the produce of the Royal estates.} 
Coins struck by him are known as late as 1200 hcj. (/>., I785-6).S Until 
his death it is probable the Khutbeh was said in his name, and Shah 
Morad apparently contented himself with the style of Naib and the 
honourable appellation Vali-n-niam, and never took the tide of Khan.! 

No coins with Shah Mtnrad's name on them are known, nor do we 
know the year when Abulghazi died. It is singular that certain coins 
struck in 1791-2 and 1793-4, at Bukhara, have the name of Murad's dead 
father Danial bi upon IzzetuUa says that Murad applied for 
a sened to the Sultan of Rum, probably as the successor of the Khalif, 
who nominated him his viceroy, and gave hm the title of Vali Niamat 
with the style of Kurshi Bashi.** 

In the latter part of his life he lived on bad terms with his son, the 
Amir Haidar Tura, who was governor of Karshi. He died in rejeb 1214 
(i./., 1799), at the age of sixty-three. tt 

Shah Murad was one of the most remarkable characters in Asiatic 
history, and was the hero of msmy stories. When he held an open durbar 
with the doctors of the law, &c., the party sat on goatskins, which were 
ranged round the room, and ,the Shah took any seat, to show he did not 
esteem himsdf above his fellows. He performed the most menial offices. 
Hit kitchen establishment consisted of a wooden bowl, an iron cauldron, 
and tome earthen pott. He made his own market, cooked his own /^/ 
au/iu, and when he had guests, went round himself to pour water* on 
their hands, and ate from the same bowl with then). He had a donkey 
of no price which he would ride without saddle through the streets of 
Bukhara.}} Among oth^r stories of him, we are to]d he wa9 one day 
riding on his att through the bazaar, followed by a cortege of Uxb^ 
Afghan, and Kizilbath nobles, when he stopped at a coppersmith's shop, 
and thus addressed him: '^Saiaam Alekuni," "Akkum Salaam." 
** Your health is good.** By your condescension and favour I am concem«i 

* llftltftai M/t My Lord Euanch it a vtry delicatt tnuislatioa of thit phtait. 

t llatoAtn, ii. 291, 191. I Id,, 950. 

I Frshn ltia.i 44S* Vtl. Ztnai, Conm of Bokhara, fte., 413. 

I QriitrtaC citai by 8ehaylis» •». cit., i. 385. % Vol. Zoraaf, Catoa of Bakhafa. ftc.. 4t> 

•• Joata. Asiat Soc., vU. ^. tt Schtfir, 130, 131. U CoaoHy, L 139. 


to see you, bom a genUemany toiling in an occupation that is ben o th 
you, rather abandon this profession and conte and live in the town as 
befits a man of your birth : fear not to write to your friends all diat goes 
on here : God be thanked, our actions are not such as we are ashamed 
should be known, but what you d0 write, write truly^ and send- it openly 
and worthily.'^ The explanation of this was, that the suf^osed copper- 
smith was really an A%han spy, and Shah Murad. thus obtained credit 
both for mildness and for knowing all that was going on.* He used to 
style himsdf the fekir, though he alk>wed himself to be addressed by the 
title Huzsumt i Vah Naiami (His Excellency the Lord of Beneficence). 
One day he came into the court with the lower part of his upper garment 
loppedi and explained that he had cut it off to make stockings for a poor 
man» He was very methodical in his punishments, and, although he 
sekiom forgave an offence against his sovereign power, he generally 
managed to bring it within the Muhammedan code. This was made 
tolerably elastic, however, to suit his friends. Thus, a man taken as a slave 
to Bukhara and professing himself a Sunni had to prove himself so by 
four witnesses, whom he was hardly likely to find among strangers. As 
some of the more scrupulous Bukharians were averse to buying orthodox 
slaves, the Turkomans were in the habit of pricking their tongues till 
they could not articulate, or beating them so unmercifully that they were 
willing to deny thdr faith as the lesser of two evils, and to be sold as 

He carried out on the throne the rigid and austere virtues of a 
religious recluse. He replaced the magnificent court of Bukhara by one 
of a very sordid nature. He himself drew from the Imperial treasury but 
a tenga, f./., ^"W pence (being the fee allowed to the poorest student), a 
day each, for himself his cook, his servant, and his tutor ; and his wife, 
ho was of Royal blood, only took three tengas. ^ Learn, lady," he 
used to say, " to be content with Uttle that thy God may be content with 
thee.** His joy at the birth of a son so overcame his penuriousness 
that he actually allotted five gold pieces daily for the subsistence of the 
mother and child, and a similar amount was allotted for two other sons 
directly they were bom. While his family lived in comparative affluence 
he himself occupied a small unfurnished room, where persons of all classes 
were admitted at all hours. He was generally clad in a coarse garment, 
like that of a mendicant, which was seldom changed, but when he went 
to see his £unily he threw over it a skin of a deer. He sat reguUrly as 
president of his court of justice, and was assisted by forty moUahs. All 
who had any complaints could come there, but the prosecutor might not 
speak unless the accused was present No one could refose a summons 
to attend, and even a slave might cite his master there. Shah Mund 
listened carefuUy to both sides. If it was not a criminal offence he gene- 

• hL, x«o. i6i. t Id,^ iSi-rtf. 


r^^Y •^^•^ •« a«ir>{i»a^i^ ffttkmffit. If this TTSS uDDCictlcable. he toolc 
notes of the evidence^ which were given with his opinion to the moUahs, 
who were directed to ptepere a ktn, or decision according to holy law. 
After this proceeding tlie parties had a week's recite to arrange the 
matter when senteooe was passed, which was irrevocable. Criminal justice 
was administered according to the Koran. Robbers were pmiiihed with 
death, thieves with the loss of their ris^ hands; dronkards were poblidy 
irtiipped, and the smoldng of tobacco was forbidden under severe penalties. 
The police officers were coblittaally employed driving the inhabitants to 
the mosques to hear the prescribed prayers. They carried small bo^ 
by whidi they*could catechise liiom they met and see if they were 
ignorant of the prayers, when they might punish them with the whips thify 
carried, which were also used to awaken the devoti<m of the negligent* 
Anyone who wished to improve himself could enter the coU^^es, and 
received daily sustenance, and we are told the number of students at one 
time was thirty thousand.* Shah Murad abolished all duties ezcq^ 
upon foreign goods. No monopohes were aUowed, and revenue was ctdy 
collected fnm the Crown lands. "But the Jixiat or ^regulated tax upon 
infidels' was r^gubuly exacted, and the Zukator 'established charity' 
was levied upon all believers, even upon the soldiers who had been 
exempted formerly. This, with one-fifth of the captured booty, went 
into the State excheqoer.t His rigid conduct and asceticism made him 
an ol^ect of superstitious veneration on the part of the Uzb^^ and 
enabled him to grasp in his strong hand the hitherto dishevelled reins 
of power among that sturdy race. As Malcolm says, '' they were easily 
persuaded that a leader who contemned the worldly pleasures which they 
prized, and who preferred the patched mantle and crooked staff of a 
mendicant priest to a Royal robe and sceptre, must act under the 
immediate direction of the Divine beiog.'^t 

His army is said to have numbered sbcty thousand, but he was seldom 
attended by more than half that number. In his barantas or plundering 
raids into Khorasan he left his heavy baggage with a part of the army 
several marches in rear, while the advance, consisting entirely of cavalry, 
spread over the country. Every man took seven days' provisions with 
him for himself and his horse, and they woitld pounce suddenly on forts 
or walled villages, or carry off all travellers, and those working in the 
fields who if not ransomed were reduced to slavery. They usually 
exacted black-mail from places they did not take, for as their invasions 
took place before harvest, a refusal involved the destruction of all the 
crops around. A fifth part oi the plunder went to the exchequer. Shah 
Murad always led his men. He generally went in front c^ the army, 
dresied 1^ a mendicant and mounted on a small pony. He exacted 
stiid obedience and disdpUne, and the duties of religion weiv duly 


a ttea dcd to, even when on a camiMugn, a nnmber of moUahs attending 
with everf division. They abo acted as envoys. Ahhonghhimsdfvery 
tputf he liked to be soRoitnded with magnificenoe, and his nobles and 
pffindpal officers weio prolbse enoogfa.* Malcolm has translated a notice 
of the Khan and his sui io ua dings, given by an envoy cf Biameish iChani 
dnef of Oiinnaran, iHio ristted Shah Mttiad's camp on one of his 
invasions of Khorasan. He was intrusted with letters both for the Khan 
and for his nephew Ishan Nuldb^ the son of Ishan Mukdum, chief of 
Jitakhf who had married a daughter of Denial bL This notice is so 
cmnhic and iaterettiBff that I shall abstract it 

* I was introduced,* he observes^ ^ to Ishan Nokib, who was seated at 
the lorther end of a magnificent tent He was a man of handsome 
^>peaiaac^ uncommonly hk, but had a thin beard. He asked after my 
healthy and tiien after that of Mameish Khan, addingy * Why has he not 
come himself?' On my making some excuse, he added, ' 1 understand 
the reason ; had I been alone he would have paid me a visit, but he is 
afiraid cf Beggi Jan.' After these observations he arose and retired to 
another tent, dosfaing me to rqxMomysdfvdiere I was. A rich sleeping 
dress was bfous^ and every peison went away ; but I had hardly laid 
down when I was seat for to attend Ishan Nukib, who very graciously 
insisted upon my dining widi him. The repast was luxurious, and an 
hour after dinner tea was brouj^ The favourite drank his in a cup of 
pure gold, ornamented with jewels. The cup given me was of silver, 
inlaid with gold. Three hours after noon he carried me to a laige tent 
with five pole% where a number of persons were saying their prayers. 
We did the same, and afterwards returned to his tent, which he had 
hardly entered when a servant in waiting announced Utkhur Sufi. This 
religioQS person, ftir such he was, from the moment he entered occupied 
all the attentioa of Ishan Nuldb^ who appeared to treat him with the 
pcoftmndest respect, and when tea and cofiee was served, he hekl the 
cup while Utkhur Sufi drank. Wo had not sat long when an officer came 
into the tent and toki Ishan Nukib that fieggi Jan desired that he would 
wait upon him and bring his guest. The moment this intimation was 
made we arose^ mounted our horses, and proceeded with him. After 
riding a short distance we came to a one-pole tent, which 1 judged from 
its mm and uttered appearance to belong to some cooks or water- 
cairieis. An oki man was seated on the grass so near it as to be 
protected from the sun by its shade. Here all dismounted and advanced 
towards the old man, who was clothed in green, but very dirty. When 
near him Uiey stood with then: hands crossed in a respectful posture, and 
made their salutation. He returned that of each person, and desired us 
to sit down opposite to him. He appeared to show great kindness to 
Ishan Nukib, but chiefly addressed his conversation to Utkhur Sufi. 



After tome time the sabject of my mission was introditoed. I gave my 
letter to Ishan Nukib ; he p re s e nted it to the old man in green, who I 
now discovered was Beggi Jan. That roler q^cned, read it, and pot it 
in his pocket After a short pause he said, * No doubt Mameish Khan 
has sent me a good hcnrse/ and denred him to be brought After looking 
attentively at the animal, he b^:an to whisper and langh with those near 
him, then addressii^ himself to me, said, * Why has not your master 
sent the horse Kara Goz (!>., Black Eye), as I deshed?' 'That horse 
has defects,' I replied, 'or he woold have been sent' 'With all his 
defects,' said Beggi Jan, smiling, 'he is twenty timet better than the one 
yon have brought' 

"While we were conversing a great number of nobles came in, and I 
could not help observing the extrauMndinary richness and splendour of 
their aims and dresses. Beggi Jan returned the salute to every one of 
these in a kind and afiable manner, and bade them be seated ; but the 
shade of this small tent did not protect one half of them from the rays 
of the sun. Soon after their arrival their chief fell into a deep reverie^ 
and till evening prayers were announced he appeared wholly absorbed in 
religious contemplation. At the time of prayer all arose and retired. I 
slept that night at the tent of Ishan Nukib. At daylight the army 
marched, and passed within a few miles of the fort of Ounnaian. After 
Beggi Jan had reached his encampment he sent for me, and honoured 
me with a private audience, at which he was very affitble. ' Your master 
Mameish Khan is, I hear, always drinking wine.' ' I have not seen him 
drink,' I replied, 'and cannot speak to that point' 'You are right,' said 
he^ 'not to state what you have not seen. Tell Mameish Khan,' he 
continued, ' I have a regard for him ; but as for Na^r Murza (the ruler 
of Meshed) he is a fooL Bid Mameish Khan,' he added, 'write to 
Jaafler Khan of Nishapur, and advise that chief to solicit my friendship 
if he wishes to save his country from destruction.' After tUs observation 
a handsome dress was brought for me, with a present of money. Every 
article of the dress was good except the turban, which was of litde or no 
rahie. This, however, Beggi Jan took to himself, giving me his own k 
exchange, which was a great deal worse than the one brought for me I 
took my leave and returned to the tent of Ishan Nukib^ to whom I 
repeated all that had passed. He laughed very heartUy at the account, 
made me a handsome present, and I was on the point of retiring 
when two men came at ftill gallop widi a letter from Mameish Khan, 
statmg that, notwithstanding the protection he had received, some of his 
followers had been taken by the Uzbegs. Ishan Nukib took me agak 
to B^g^ Jan, whom we found seated in a small tent upon a goafs skin. 
He directed the captives to be brought, and made them over to me. He 
had before written a letter to Mamdsh Khan, which he reopened, wrole 
what he had done, and again committed it to my charge. Astidsaffiur 
was set^ng, his cook,a dhninutive person widi weak eyes, came into the 

fiSyiX) ABULGilAA KHAN. 779 

tent. ^Why do not you think of dinner?' said B^Q^ Jan. 4t will soon 
be time for prayer.' The little code immediately brought a laiig:e black 
pot, and, making a fire-piJK:e with stones, put four or five kinds of grains 
and a little dried meat into it He then nearly filled it with water, and 
having kinflled a fire, left it to boil while he prqaaied the dishes ; these 
were wooden platters of the same kind as are used by the lowest orders. 
He put down three and poured out the mess. Beggi Jan watched him, 
and the cook evidently understood from his lockg when more or less was 
to be put into a dish. After all was ready he spread a dirty doth, and 
laid down a piece of stale barley bread (about which the author ejaculates, 
^God knows in what year of the hejirah it had been baked),' and which 
Beggi Jan put into a cup of water to moisten. The first dish was given 
to the ruler of the Uzbegs, the second was placed between Ishan Nukib 
and me, and the cook took the third for himself, sitting down to eat it 
opposite to his master. As I had dined I merely tasted what was put 
before me. It was very nauseous, the meat in it beii^ ahnost putrid, yet 
several nobles who came in ate the whole of our unfinished shar^ and 
widi an apparent relish that could only have been derived from the 
pleasure they had in partakmg of the same fare with their holy leader. 

** After dinner I obtained leave to depart on my return to Chinnasan. 
Mameish Khan was pleased with the result of my mission, but he after- 
wards informed me that, notwithstanding the faur promises of Beggi Ian,. 
eigfaty-two of his people were during the season carried away by the 

On the seal which he generally used the inscription, ''Amir Maassum, 
the son of Amir Danial,* was written in the centre^ and round it ^ Power 
and dignity, when founded on justice, are from God ; when not, from the 

We may here give from Vambery a short account of iSbt state of cuKure 

at Bukhara during the rule of the Astxakhanids. He justly remarks that 

while the fortunes of Bukhara were then at a very low ebb, the courts of 

Constantinople, Lahore, and Ispahan had been brought into contact with 

the West by the visits of £un^>eans, in the gaib of the diplomatist, iht 

merchant, or the missionary. Shut ont from intercourse with the outer 

world by the deserts and nomads which bounded It, Mavera un Nehr 

retained chiefly its fanatidsm and religious zeal. The chief culture that 

survived there was devoted to the exegesis of the Koran and dogmatic 

theology. The ideal of human perfection was the life of a sufi spent in 

contempt of human exertion, and the confession of the worthlessness of 

aO huma^D objects. A few poets and writers of chronograms survived, 

and tmaum Kuli Khan, Kasim Muhanuned Sultan, and Subhan Kuli 

Khan have left proofs, of considerable culture. Half-ruined canals still 

bear the name of the ibrst, a divan that of the second, and a book on 

t • 

• Malcolm, op^icit., U. 256-360. t Id., 261 . 


medidne that of the third ; but the best proof that pietism and reUgioos 
extravagance predominated is to be found in the hct of three saccestive 
Khans abdicating the throne for the pilgrim's sta£ Among the buildings 
dating from this period is the cdlege of Yelenktosh, built in 1611, 
opposite the already mined coU^^es of Ulugh beg; a mosque and coUege 
at Bukhara, raised by the wealdiy Nezr Diranbegi in 1029 (i6ao); and 
two konmush khani or reception rooms, which Baki Mnhammed built 
at Bukhara and Samarkand in 1014 (160$).* 

The Haidarids or Manguts. 


On the death of Shah Muiad, the dynasty of the Astrakhanids was 
finally displaced, in name as well as in fact, and was replaced by anodm 
dynasty, namely, that of the Manguts. The revolution, as in the case of 
die former dynasty, was not, however, so great as many suppose, and 
Haidar, who succeeded to the throne^ had throu^ his mother the 
Imperial blood of Jingis Khan in his veins. The dd family was not 
extinct, and Bomes reports that when he was at Bukhara some members 
of it were still living there in obscurity. 

According to IzzetuUa, Haidar was descended from Khudayar, a 
funous warrior, who fint got the title of Atalik He was the fiuher of 
Danial bi, the fadier of Shah Murad. Shah Murad married Sbems-ban- 
aim, the widow of Rahim Khan and the daughter of Abul£uz, who was 
the mother (tf his eldest son Haidar.t Besides him he had two other son^ 
Seyid Muhammed Hussein and Nasr ud din Turek.} On Shah Murad's 
death the Kushbegi Utkhur, who governed Bukhara, sent to fetch Haidar 
from KarshL Meanwhile Shah Munufs brothers, Omar bi, Mahmud 
1m, and Fazil bi, who had claims to the throne, collected some troops, 
entered Bukhara, and posted themselves in the open square of Righistan, 
opposite the great gate of the dtadel, where several suspected amirs were 
put under arrest, and the citadel itsdf was prepared for a si^;e. The 
citizens having been ordered to fall upon Omar's people and to pillage 
their property, did so^ and he was constrained to escape by the gate of 
Samarkand, and to retire towards MiankaL The houses of himself and 
his brothers were pillaged, the wooden pillars supporting the upper 
chambers being brdcen. Some of those found inside, according to Abdnl 
Kerim, ''had their souls intrusted to the hands of the master of hell," while 
the wives and children of Omar bi were stripped of their clothes and left 
naked. The corpse of the Khan remained for three days in the palace. 
Haidar now entered the town with a brilliant corUgi^ and having said 

VambM]r,344iMS- t Jo«d. Sofd Aaiit. Soc., vU. 541- : Fraitr* Svpfin 7»> 


the customary ptayers over his hOko^s body, retamed to the pdace and 
received the oath of fealty from his retainers. UtUmr Kashbegi retained 
the post of vizier, the latter's sob Mohammed Hakim hi was appointad 
governor of Karslu, while Haidar's brothers, Nasr ud din and Muhammed 
Hussein lu, were nominated governors of Merv and Samarkand respec- 

Meanwhile Omar bi and his brothers occupied MJankal, Penjenbeh, 
and Ketteh Knigan, and were joined Uy the Khoja Key% the governor 
ofKermindi. Amir Haidar mardMd against them and dispersed their 
fiirces. Wh are told his people killed or made prisoners about one 
thousand men of Shdir i Sebz, and orders wese given to pot the 
prisoners to death. Omar bi and Faxil bi, with thdr children, were soon 
after captured in a village^ and were both e aecut ed. Their brodier 
Mahmud bi escaped to Khokand, and Khoja Keyn to Shehr i Sebs. 
After crushing this rebellion Haidar returned once more to Bukhara. 
Soon after, his brother Muhammed Hussein was accus e d ef being in 
league with die rebds of Shehr i Sebz and Khokand, and was dq w ved 
of Samarkand, which was given to a Persian named Devlet Kush 
b^ Haidar gave hhn a pension, and apparently kept him under 

The next victims of his su^don were the sons of Hi^ Muhammed 
Khan, the former ruler of Merv, and of his relatives Kerim Khan and 
Baiiam Ali Khan. ** Twdve of these princes were seised and kified like 
dieep," says Abdul Kerim. '' Their wives and little ones were given away 
as presents, and no one ever knew what crime they had oommittad.* 

This succession of executions frif^tened Nasr ud din, Haider's other 
brother, who deemed it prudent to withdraw from Merv, and to go with 
his £unily to Meshed. The Shah assigned him an annual stipend, and gave 
him the title of Amir Din Nasr Mur»,and he visited Teheran annually.} 
He seems to have afterwards become somewhat needy,| and we are told 
he went to Constantinople in 1839^ and the next year to Russia, where 
he lived when Abdul Kerim wrote. He describes him as an able archer, 
who couU send a beechwood arrow through an iron piateii 

Haidar now marched against Uratippa. Althou^ its governor was 
submissive and came out with rich pre s e nts , he was handed over to some 
one who had a bfeod feud against him, and was put to death. Kabiflwk, 
son of Utkhur Kush begi was nominated governor of Uiatippa, and the 
country as ftur as Khojend and Tashkend was put under the authority of 
Bukhara.! The same year (^., 1804) Haidar married the daiq;hter of 
the Prince of Shehr i Sebz. At this time Haidar sent an embassy to St. 
Petersburg, which was accompanied by Abdul Kerim, who tells us he 
taw many wonders there, and returned by way of Moscow, Astrakhan, 

;aMK«ria.iS4.sS5- tM.,ts0»tS7- WhSSMS)- f Ptutr. S«ppL, S*. 

I Schditf tS7. 


Khaaupcxm, Khiva, and Uigcnj. While on his way he karnt that the KMvan 
Khan was w edifating a xaid upon Bukhara. This was carried <mi, and 
we shall say more about it in the ntxt chapter. Here it will suffice that 
he carried off fifty thousand sheep and several thousands of camels* 
Muhammed Nias bi was ordered to take the troops of Bukhara and 
to march against him. After some doubtful sldrmishes the Khivan army 
was routed, and Utazer, the' Khan <^ Khuarezm, vras drowned in crossing 
the Oxus. The Bukharians c^tUred a laige treasure, inter alia a tuk or 
tugh (i>., a hoise-tail standard), whose shaft was plated with gold, and 
had cost one thousand miskals.* The man who carried the news of the 
victory to Bukhara was rewarded with one thousand tillas. The army 
now returned with iu prisoners to Bukhara. The latter were stripped 
of their irons, pardoned, and set at liberty, while their officers were 
presented with robes of honour. Kutli Murad Bek, the Khivan Khan's 
brother, was nominated governor of Khiva, with the title of Inak. Befme 
hb arrival at home^ however, the people had raised his younger brother 
to the position <^ Khan. He acquiesced in this, and wrote to the Khan 
of Bukhara to say it had been done by force, and that he was obl^^ed to 
agree, and could not therefore carry out his promise to hicAd the place as 
his (Haidar's) deputy.! A cold and platonic truce continued to subsist 
for some time between the two cotmtries, varied by Turkoman raids 
upon the Bukharian caravans. 

Fraser describes Haidar as of a mild, pacific, unambitious character, 
charitable, just, and religious even to bigotry. He was in hxx more of a 
dervish or devotee than a king, and although not so austere as his iuher, 
his mode of life was very simple. His dress was generally of white or buff 
colour, and his food mainly vq^bles and bread. His privy purse, it is 
said, was suppUftd by the money raised by the conversion of Jews to 
Muhammedanistti, which was surely no mean test of his economy. He 
spent many hours and even days in seclusion, and it was remarked that 
at his court it was far better to be a dervish or a moUah than a soklier 
or a noble. He held open assemblies, like his £Mher, for the administra- 
tion of justice, but chiefly delighted in haranguing his pe<^ from the 
pulpit on rel^ous subjects. In person he was taO and han^<»ne, with a 
fair and florid complexion, somewhat tinged with yellow, and having a 
fun round beard* He wore an Uzbeg cap on his head with an Uzbeg 
tniban wrapt round it like an Arab imaum, a short jacket on his body, 
and above it a jauch or robe, a knife at his waist, and Uzbeg boots on 

his iset. 

Rising at midnight he repeated supernumerary prayers for scmie time. 
>^er the morning prayers he read and lectured to forty or fifty scholars 
on the T^ifeoer and iraditioRSi after ii^ch he knelt on his knees on a 
green vdvti mnsnud, while the various chiefs came in turn, made 


oWMttce and greeted hkn with the woids, Saham Aldntm, or ^ Peace 
be with you,'' which greeting was dtdy returned by the naib er deputy. 
The Seyids and Ulemas then sat down on the ris^t, and the civil diicfii 
and dignftaries on die left^ all bcmg dressed in uniform hOtim and 
ooloar. Everyone presented to the Khan for the first time had to don 
the Utbeg dress.* A stnmger on being presented was conducted to his 
presence, and sa^ed him with the Salaam Aldtum ; he then advanced 
again, a ieiVant holding up each of his arms, and either kissed die 
Khan*^ hand or seated himself as the Khan directed la the ktter case 
he -iMed his hands with the al khyr or blesring. He then stated his 
bttsmess or presented his petition. If he was an envoy a fixed allowaiice 
was made him from that day, if a holy person or the descendant of a saint 
he received two hundred tengas on taking leave. These introdnctioiis 
over, those who had complaints were summoned, and die Khan decided 
their cases according to the Koran. At noon five or rix eminent 
expositors engaged in literary contr o v e rsy before him, the Khan joining 
with them, and then as pebh imanm said the noon-day prayer. •Sknilar 
budness filb up the afternoon untfl withm an hour of sunset, vdien he 
decided affiurs of State and justice. He then again recited the altemoon 
prayers and what belongs to penitence and fests until evenii^. After this 
he broke fast with some sweetmeats and Hght food, then recited evening 
prayers, then topk his principal meal, again redted prayers, and then only 
went for a short repose to his palacct It will thus be seen that his position 
was anything but a sinecure. On Wednesday mornings he went to visit 
die tomb of Hazrat Khqfa Beha ud din Nagsbaud, where he repeated the 
due form of prayer, distributed alms, and again returned to spend die 
evening with his mother. When anyone died he went to his house as 
imaum to recite the funeral prayers. He always, as peish imanm, recited 
the Khutbeh on the Friday in the Great Mosque himself, hfo retuni' from 
the mosque being made with great state. Among the holy people who 
were so influential at the Bokharian court we are told that the Khojas of 
Juibaur, who daimed to descend from the KhaHfAbubekhr, were the most 
powerful, and had great possessions. They were not, however, the first 
in official rank. Thb post was filled by the nukib or head of the Seyids, 
who sat on the Khan^s right hand on a musnud or elevated seat. The 
highest dvil official was the hakim beg or vizier, who acted as viceroy 
in the Khan's absence, and had charge of the collection of the taxes.} 
The court was splendid in its surroundings, the amirs wearing rich gold 
brocade and embroidered broaddoth dresses, but no jewds. The 
Ulemas and Seyids wore gowns with hanging sleeves, made chiefly 
firom a doth brought from Benares, called nohri-khab and sal i abreshim» 
(me kind being blue^ the other very white^ like sUver, whence its name. 
The chief men wore tmbans and slippers, die common people often 

^Fnftr,^cit.,Afp.,SObSi* t/il^it|te* t/(l,8t,Q|. 


boots. Som^ instead of a. tttrban, had a Kaman or Herat ahani wrapt 
roand the head. 

The distrkt nrand Bokhara was divided into seven tumans, each 
governed by a nakim, assisted by a vixier, both appointed by the crown. 
A tuman contained many vilhiges. Each of which was governed by an 
aksakal, wliite-beard, or dder, elected by the villagers, whose office was 
permanent, and even hereditary, eicept when charged with miscondwrf. 
He settled diqmtcs, collected revenne, and levied the militia. Every 
man in the village on marrying made die ak sakala present or khdo^ 
and at harvest-time each one gave him a portion of grain. The revenue 
he collected consisted of the deh-yek or tithe of the produce of the land 
and the zikhaut or fortieth of flocks and herds, with the fortieth oi 
merchandise. The land belonging to charities paid no tax. Customs 
duty was collected on the entiy and exit of goods from the village. In 
making levies for the militia, iJ^ kara mairgfaan, each man in the village 
paid a sum ci money or a quantity of grain pn^rtioned to the number 
of hit family, and with this the ak sakal paid a stipendiary body of men, 
who were generally hanging about him. Conjointly with the ak sakals 
there were also in the villages Imperial officers, mho acted as deputies of 
the nakim, and were known as naibs. They were always mollahs. The 
richer and more influential Uzb^ were styled begs. A force of 60m 
thirty to forty thousand cavalry was apparently kept in constant pay, 
which could be increased very largely by a body of the country militia. 
The troops were armed with lances, swords and shields, and some with 
matchlocks. All wore long knives or daggers, some individuals having 
two or three at their waist* 

In 1S20 Bukhara was visited by a famous mission from Rusna, headed 
by the envoy Negri, and accompanied by Baron Meyendorf, who has kf^ 
us an account of hb journey. The embassy was sent in answer to 
requests made in 1816 and 1820, on the part of some Bukharians who 
visited St Petersburg as representatives of the Khan. 

The mission was escorted by a small force of Cossacks, and took with 
it several hundred cameb carryii^ provisions and presents. They left 
Orenburgh on the loth of October, 1820^ and duly crossed the Kaxak 
steppes and reached Aghatma. After they ehtered the Bukharian 
territory they found themselves welcomed at the various villages by great 
crowds, who turned out on foot and horseback in gala style to see them, 
and among the white-turbaned Bukharians they noticed several oki 
Russians who had long been slaves. The Kushbegi went to meet them, 
and the Russians visited him at his camp of gaily-coloured tents, 
bright also with ricUy-caparisoned horses, which were picketed about 
At the interview the Kushbe^ suggested that they should present the 
Khan with the two cannons or the carriage which they had with them. 


a new thing they did not accept* He was a statdy-looking person, with 
a long beaidy and spoke Persian mih Polity. Continimig their advance, 
they stiil had to make theur way through the crowd, and their Cossacks 
marched in full uniform. Other officers came to welcome them, dressed 
in red' and blue silks, bordered with gold. At length they entered 
Bukhara. This was on the 20th of December. A thirty-six hours* 
discussion had aheady uken place on that most critical matter in 
Eastern di|rtomacy) the ceremony to be gone through on presentation. 
The Russian presents consisted of fiirs, porcdain, cut glass, watches, and 
guns. 'They entered through one of the dty gates in military order, and, 
having traversed a narrow street, reached a wide square surrounded with 
mosques and colleges, and also containing the palace. Having disr 
mounted, they passed through a vaulted passage, lined with about four 
hundred soldiers carrying guns, then into a small court, through a second 
passage, past a number of unlimbered guns, and into a court-yard, where 
three or four hundred Bukharians in white turbans were collected, and 
eventually reached the hall of reception, where the Khan was seated on 
some red cushions, bordered with gold. Beside him, on his left, sat two 
of his sons, the eldest being about fifteen years old; on his right was 
the Kushbegii and on each side of the door five grandees. After the 
presentation of the envoy's credentials in due form, some of the soldiers 
(who first left their arms behind), were called in, as the Khan wished to see 
them. He laughed childishly when they entered. Meyendorf describes 
him as about forty-five years old, with black eyes and a fine beard, but 
enervated by the pleasures of the harem* He wore a khalat of black 
velvet, decorated with gems, and a muslin turban surmounted by an 
aigrette of herons^ feathers. The turban was crossed diagonally by a 
gold braid like those of the chief officers of the Ottoman court. The 
Kushbegi and three other grandees did not wear turbans, but cylindrical 
caps made of sable. The master of the ceremonies carried a kind of 
halbard having a silver axe at the top. The audience lasted about 
twenty minutes, after which the envoys and their escort returned. The 
former lodged at Bukhara itself, in a large house belonging to the 
Kushbegi, but the latter encamped at BazarchLt 

Meyendorf describes the Bukharian villages as half hidden by orchards 
and sometimes protected by crenellated walls. Each of them consisted 
generally of about a hundred houses made of earth, clustering round a tank, 
and they were genet ally situated on a canal, so that the gardens might be 
watered. He assigns to Haidar the final removal of the inhabitants of 
Merv when it became deserted, and attributes it to his Jealousy for 
his brother Nasr ud din, who governed it It was afterwards treated 
as a penal settlement, and contained a garrison of dve hundred soldiers 
and a population of about the same number. To prevent its becoming 



again peopled, ihe Khan forbade the irrigada^ canals beinf used.* 
The Jews at Bukhara were numerous. They wert cmly allowed to live 
in three streets, and were chiefly artisans, manufactmeny dyers, and silk 
merchants. About eighty thousand roubles a year were drawn from thorn 
in taxes. They were not allowed to ride on lunrseback in die cky nor to 
wear silk robes, and had to have a border of black lambskin nmrnA their 
caps, which was of a prescribed width. They could not build a aev 
synagogue, and were only allowed to repair the old one. Their ^ief 
rabbi had come from Algeria. The trade between Russia and Bokhara 
is of long standing. The great Eastern Russian marke in former dtfys was 
Makarief, whence the famous annual fair was removed in 1818 to Nijni 
Novgorod. This Orenburgh and Troitsk were the main goals of the 
Bukharian traders, who were the continual victims of the Kazaiks. 

The details of this trade are described in grq>hic £uhion by 
Meyendorf. In speaking of the despotism of the Government, he 
remarks how it was qualified by the ease with which the population of 
Bukhara could migrate and transfer its allegiance to Khiva or Khokand. 
The smallness of the country made it easy also to contrd the haldma or 
provincial governors, and prevented them becoming satraps.t Never- 
theless the tyranny was terrible. The grandees were not ashamed of 
styling themselves slaves of the Khan, which really meant of his 
favourites for the time being.t Gross venality prevailed everywhere, and 
it was dangerous for any person to display his wealth, as it was a 
temptation to plunder him. This again prevented \'ery hixurioos living. 
The Khan was a libertine in his private life, and was imitated by those 
about hinL Fear and distrust were the necessary compliments of tyranny. 
The dishes prepared for the Khan's dinner were tasted by the cook and 
Kushbegi, and then duly covered and sealed by the latter, and we are 
told that every time the Khan left the city he made his son do so 
also. The Khan had about two hundred women in his harem, but, as a 
good Mussulman, only four wives, one a daughter of the Khan of Hissar, 
a second of a Khoja at Samarkand, and a third of Zenum the Afghan 

The rigid ceremonial which was exacted at state intei views was dis- 
pensed with at other times, and the Khan spoke to Meyendorf and others 
in a friendly fashion on meeting them in the street Anyone meeting 
the Khan stopped and made the salaam, which was answered by one of 
the Khan's ofificerst When he went to the mosque on Friday he alone was 
mounted, his companions walked. Although the dergy were so powerful, 
we are told that no man of position became a moUah. Meyendorf has 
collected a great mass of reliable infomuuion about the internal economy 
of the Khanate and the manners and customs <^ iu people, to which I 
must refer my readers, and again pass on to the history of Mir Haidar. 

*/W;siS. t/iUiM,sss. lI4nV5» |/#^s8t. 

MIR Husssm. 787 

His duuractar, as before described, was clearly not Ukdy to 
tm|>ress bis torlMilent dependentSy and we find in fact that the greater 
feudatories became more or less independent, and the Khanate was 
greatly disbttegrated during bis reign. We are told by IzzetuUa that 
on bis accession be applied to the Sultan of Constantinople for a 
confirmation of bis antbority, and was given the title of Mir Akhor 
Bashi^ bat at the end of two years he imitated the unpretending style of 
bis father, and assumed the title of Amir al Mumin.* The Murza 
Shems tells us that in the year 1242 (ix, 1826) Mir Haidar went to 
Karshi, where his son NairuUa was liring. On his return home- 
wards, he fell ill on the way, and died on reachmg Bukhara. His 
death took place on the 6th of October, i826.t Many of his coins are 
known, on wUch be styles himself Padishah Mir Haidar and Seyid 
Mir Haidar. On some of them the name of his father Maasum and 
of his grand£itber Denial also occur.} 

Vambery sums up bis character in* some graphic phrases. Having 
spoken of his ascetic life, he continues : ** When his western neigh- 
bour Muhammed Rahim of Khiva would avenge -the death of his 
&ther lltazar Khan and, plundering and burning, advanced by way 
of Cbaijui and K tkul to the very gates of Bukhara, even then 
Amir Said did not aUow himself to be disturbed in his pious mode of 
life, as he exclaimed, ' Akhir Rigistan amandur,' t\e., The Righisun (the 
place where the palace is situated) is still safe. In the absence of any 
great or glorious achievements, the Bukharians praise highly the strict 
clerical character of their prince. The servile herd of the capital on the 
Zere£shan are said to have wept with joy when the Amir passed through 
the streets with his head bowed low and supported on a stick, not from 
any weakness but by way of acting the mollah. Nay, they even attributed 
to him miraculons powers, although it is known of this living saint that 
he violated in the most flagrant manner the holiest of Asiatic law^ to 
wit, those of hospitality, by violently carrying off the beauti&l daughter 
of the blind fugitive at his court. Shah Zeman, and when the blind father 
broke out in just complaii^ts, would have had him put to death.^J The 
high pressure at which morality was enforced produced iu natural effects. 
Wme and tobacco, being fbrbkUkn by the letter of the law, were 
replaced by opium, aikl the draconic laws about the separation of the 
sexes led to the most revolting immorality. 


While Mir Haidar lay ill the Hakim Kusbbegi^ who was a partisan of 
NasruBa, sent to Karshi to teQ him the news, and on the Amir's death 

* Jgnn. Ariftt. Soct vU* 34i* 
IiDp. Areh. 80c. of St. ^ttenbvg, Orient 8«c, rU. ssS. MtUaget AtUtiqaet, UL 64a. 
IVd.ltmoCC«iMo(B«]tban,ftc.,4i9%«J4. fOp.cit.3ffs. 


he even secured the oath of allegiaiice from seventy or eighty chieftains 
for his ^otegL His brother Hussein, who was living at Bukhara, was 
the people's favourite however. He had not been on good terms with 
his father, who had intrusted him successively with the government of 
Kennineh and Samarkand, and had afterwards removed him to Bukhara, 
and he was now living there with only a few dq>endent8. Having been 
informed of the Kushb^'s doings, and fearing for his personal safety, 
he determined to brave matters out, abd rode up to the gates of the 
dudd with barely a dozen followers. He asked the guard for per* 
mission to pass in, the latter said Mir Haidar was still living. '' If he 
still lives,** he said, ^ I have come to visit him, while if he is dead I wish to 
possess myself of the inheritance." ^ The garrison," says Murza Shems, 
who was one of the party, ''began to stone us, but we knocked a panel 
out of the gate and crept in, whereupon those in charge fled." Hussein 
made his way to hb Other's bedroom, followed by the people. He then 
summoned the Kush\>egi, who wa^ penitent, and pardoned him. In the 
morning a circular letter was despatched to the various surrounding 
towns, including Karshi, with the news of his accession. When 
NasruOa heard of his father's death he set off with seven or eight 
hundred followers and rode towards Bukhara, and received his brothei^s 
letter on the road. He thereupon returned crest-faljen to KarshL Great 
festivities took place at Bukhara, and congratularions poured in upon 
Hussein, induding those of the Persian Shah.* 

Meanwhile NasruUa intrigued with the grandees to create himsdf a 
party to enable him to displace his brother. The chief of those he won 
over was Mumin bey Dodkha, who had been named chief of Hissar by 
Amir Hussein, but he had scarcdy begun preparations in earnest when 
he heard that the latter had died. It was suspected that the Kushb^ 
had poisoned him. He only reigned seventy-five days. A gold coin of 
his is extant, struck at Bukhara in 1342 (/.#., i825).t 


The throne was now sebed by Hussein's brother Omar, who was 
younger than NasruUa, and whose mother had been a slave of the 
mother of Hussein. The latter, who dreaded that the accession of 
MasruUa would be the signal for the destruction of his own adherents, 
summoned Omar from Kermineh, to be near Bukhara in case his iUness 
should prove fatal He accordingly set out with five or six thousand 
followers, and on Hussein's death encamped at Sherbudineh; hear the 

* INmi. of Muia Shtmtt 0^ cU., SS7-34O' 
t SmiAoC Hkt of Bikhan,sg6-i98. Vol. Ztraot; MeltnfM Aiktiq«M, St. PtttiibBri 
Acateaqr. UL CaSi At. 

mm ouAiL 789 

dty.* Amoiig his chief fqppoiters were IsnieC UDa H Ta|^ Khtt 
Kanl^ and Khudai Nastr the Shagfaaul (m., the chambeilaia). On the 
death of Hnieein he entered the capital and teiied the throne. NasmUa 
pcfsnaded the Kaxi Kalen of Karthi to addiets a letter to the dersy and 
people of Samafkandi inviting them to xecognise hfan as hmM Khany 
and he also sent envoys to the Prince of Shehr i Sebs to secore his 
aOiancct At length, having mustered a small force, he left Karshi and 
marched ever the snowi-covered desert towards Samaikand, by whose 
governor he was admitted with the concunence of the ddiens, and was 
seated on die fiunoos blue stone. Notwithstanding this firiendlx act, the 
governor was deposed and replaced by Mnhammed Alim bey. NasmDa 
continued his advance towards Ketta Ktnngan. Omar Khan thereupon 
marched to Kermineh with fifteen thousand men, and sent troops to 
secure Ketta Kurgan and the adjacent towns. These troops, on hearing 
of Nasmlla'k success at Samarkand, submitted to him, and this was 
foOowed by the surrender of Ketta Kurgan, PenJ Shanibdi, Chelek^ 
Yanghi Kurgan, and Nurat% whose g ove rnor s were displaced and had 
to accompany the victofs ; other troops also deserted, and die Mursa 
Shems confesses dnt he behaved like die rest Omar now shut himself 
up in Bukhara, and put Kermineh in charge of AbdoHa Khan, son of 
Hakim Kndb^ who by his Other's advice also surrendered his ^aife. 
NasmUa marched on, and planted ramparts about die capital and 
beleagured it, one account says for fifty-one days, anodier ferforty-fiHm 
Food speedily became scarce^ meat was sokl at four, or as others 
affirmed, at seven tengas a pound, and fiourwas introdnocd into die dty 
in coffins under pretence that they contained dead bodies, whUs die 
drinking water became very foetid. The KudAegi and Ayas the 
Topchibashi now sent to die Amir ofiering to surrender the pbioe if he 
would spare the inhabitants^ and on his askfaig for some proof of thehr 
sincerity, he offinod to blew up a hqge cannon, whid^ accor^&ig to the 
native accounts, weighed one hundred batmans, and he kfigt his word. 
Nasndk at lengdi entered die town by ^e Imanm and Saldi-Khan 
gates, Ayas not resisting his entrance.^ Izmet Ulla bi the Kalmuk, 
To^iai Khan the Kasak, and some odiers, as wdi as the astre l og er Gul 
Makhdnm and Mum Ashn, son ef Rahman Kul, were pnt to death. 
The houses of Omar Khan were ordered to be plundered. One account 
says he went on a pUgrimage to Mekka, anodier that having, been 
im prisoned ho escaped, and went fint to Meshed and then to Balkh, and 
that he ended by dying of cholera at Khdkand, whence his body was 
taken to Bokhara to be buried.1 The capture of Bukhara took place on 
die 24di Apri^ itey. 

dttHl. XXhnftiC9«i*S«s> jMiliaiM ftiki„ai.S4i. 



The eaxly port of Namilla's reign was nuurlnd by prudence and 
justice and alter he had put aaide hb immediate rivala he teems to have 
been a tderably exemplary ruler. He styled hhnself Amir ul Mumin, 
and was caUed Hazret by his subjects, a name used by the Turkestan 
Muhammedans when speaking of their prophets. He was proud also 
of holding the official position of bowbearer to the Sultan of Rum.*^ He 
devoted htmsdf very strictly to his religious observances, and Bumes 
tells us that when he wrote he was drifting into the bigoted attitude of 
his father, which the nature of his government made it difficult to avoid. 
On his accession he divested himself of all his own and his father's 
wealthy which gained him great reputaticm. He guided his condua 
strictly by law, and it was reported that his privy purse was supported 
entirely by the capitation tax levied on Jews, Hindoos, and other 
unbelievers. He was ambitious and wariike, and conciliated his army 
by profuse largess. Meanwhile the laws were very draconic and rigidly 
executed. Thechiefadviserof the Amir was the Kushbegi, and Bumes 
says he never quitted the citadel till the Kushbe^ was ready to take 
his i^ace, nor would he receive food from other hands than his. This 
officer was a Mangut and about sixty years of age, and was unremitting to 
business. His fiither had held the office before him, and his two brotben 
and thirteen sons were all employed in the Government He was a 
crafty penon and conciliated the priesthood. He was also attached to 

Dr. Wdif confirms tiris account, and adds that so long as NaaruUa 
was under the inflnence of Hiddm beg as his Kushbegi he ruled very 
wisely, was on good terms irith his neigbboars, and BuUiara was 
adorned widi beantiftil mosques and its environs with gardens and 
country houses.! 

The change in his duuracter which afterwards came ooi he affirms, was 
the woric of Abdul Samut Khan, who arrived at Bukhara about 1833, and 
b^an to intrigue against the Kushbegi (triio had introduced him to the 
Amir), and to accuse him of having a correspondence iHth England. 

Abdul Samut was bom at Tabris in 1784, and having learnt something 
of military science from General Court, was employed for some time by 
Muliammed Ali Mursa at Kermanshah. There his ears were cut off 
for smne offinoe. He then went to India, thence to Peshawur, where he 
joined the service of Dost Muhammed Khan, whence he repaired to 
Bukhara with a bitter hatred for the English. Patronised by the 
Kushbegi Hakfan bag, he was employed in organising the Bukharian 
army, and was appointed his naib or lieulibnant by his patron. He lived 

•B«nM.U.9S4* t M. S6|. ac I WoU; op. dL. 394. 


outside Bnkhant in great pomp^ and acconwilated a fettone of sixty 
thousand tiHas. He visited the Amfar every Sunday, and liked to pass 
himself off as a European by birth and a disciple of English o£kers.* 
At this time a nnnoiir reached the Amir that Lieutenant Wyburt was on 
hb way to Khiva. He ordered him to be waylaidi and he was imprisoned 
m the Siah chah, tj^ black hole, of which more presently. Wyburt was 
treated iHth contumely by Abdul Samut, and on the Amir biddfaig him 
become a Mussulman and enter his service he relusedi anH was 
according^ beheaded and his body thrown into a wdLt This was about 
a year before the arrival of StoddartI 

The Kushbegi now began to lose &vour. He warned the Anur of die 
danger of quarrelling with such a powerful nation as England when he 
had so many dangerous nations round him. This was probably 
ungrateful advices Presently die Chief Mollab> with a sycophancy not 
often to be found among the proud priests of Islam, proclaimed to the 
people that the Amir was a shepherd and that they were his sheep, and 
that he could use any man's wife as he pleased. He then, according to 
Dr. Wolfi^ became the greatest profligate in Bukhara, and the Kushbegi 
having reproved him, again incurred his displeasure. 

At length, about 1837, he determined to crush the latter.f He had 
amassed great riches. Vambery says he was reported to have a thousand 
slaves, and camels, horses, and sheep innumerable. He is also said to 
have trafficked with caravans of his own to Russia.! He was banished 
first to Karshi and then to Nurata, whence he was recalled to Bukhara and 
imprisoned. Meanwhile the Topchibashi Ayaz, who was fiuher-in-law 
of the Kushbegi, was given the command of Samarkand, but this was 
only to quiet his suspicions. He too was rich, and his wealth would 
be useful The pantomime went on for a while. Being at Iragth 
summoned to Bukhara, he was presented by the Amhr with a khalat 
or dress of honour of gdd brocade and a turban of the same stu0^ 
while a beautiful arghamak, richly caparisoned, was furnished him 
to ride upon. The Amir himself came out and helped him to 
mount Ayaz was frightened at this suspicious condescension, and asked 
to be punished at once, but Nasrulla embraced him, as Kbanikof sayS| 
^ with the subtle caresses of the snake,*" and lulled his suspicion. He 
returned accordingly to Samarkand, where he began to think all danger 
was over^ when he was once more summoned back again and thrown into 
the same prison with the Kushb^, where they were both put to death in 
the wpnog of iZ^f^^ The Khan then banished several of the Kushbd's 
relatives and put others to death, and proceeded to stamp with a heavy 
loot on the sipahis or'feudal soldiery, whose turbulence was perhaps a 
miBdtnf excuse for his ruthless policy. His most efficient instrument 

<H.*S4^S4i. tWMi;sa0. IVUkinfnk 

iKhMiMsojA I Vaiab«7, 167. 5 KhMikof, SM*SOi* 


in die woik wis the Tnrkoattn Rahim Biidi Maasma, who bad alreadr 
befriended him sixteen years before at Shehr i Sebi, and who bated and 
despised the Bokharians. ''The common people weie beaten witb sticks 
to indttce tbem to say their prayers^ the sipabis were botcbered or forced 
to seek safety in flighti and the people execrated the Keis or chief of 

The latter ended bb days in iS^ and the Amir determined to 
dispense in future with any chief functionaries^ but as it was necessary 
to have some one to fill the office of vizier, be oonfened that dignity 
dunng the short space of three or four years on the favourites of his 
male harem, after which they were replaced by others, and themselves 
striped of their wealth, and as they might prove dangerous or not^ were 
made away with or consigned to wantt 

Vambery reports how the city, its bazaars^ schools, mosques, and baths 
became tenanted with spies, who sometimes used to sit with their arms 
crossed before them, and took advantage of their loose wide sleeves to 
write unseen what they heard. Whoever sought to protect bis pr opert y , 
slaves, or children from the tyrant, was accused of rebellion against the 
^ Prince of True Believers,'' the ''Shadow of God upon Earth,* and was 
confined in the foul prison, known as the Slab cbah or black bol^ or the 
kenne khane or house of ticks, firom its swarming with the latter animal% 
which in lieu of human victims were fed on the offid of slaughtered 
animals. Into this place the victims were placed bound; others were 
flayed alive, roasted in ovens, thrown down from high towers, &ct 

At this tim^ the Amir introduced a revolution in the military organ- 
isation of Bukhara, which enabled him to fight his neighbours on more 
than equal terms. With the assistance of Abdul Samut he organised a 
body of regular troops or Sarbasis, and bad a number of new cannons 
cast. NasniUa first used his new army against the stiff-necked people 
of Shehr i Sebz, who had long been practically indq>endent of Bukhara. 
This invasion led to an intermittent strug^e, in which the little seduded 
district continued more or less to secure its liberty. I shall refor to it 
again presently. 

NasruUa now turned upon Khokand. The chief pretext for this war was 
that the Khan of Khokand had in 1839 built the fort of Pishagar so close 
to the land of Bukhara that the Amir declared it was actually bnih on 
his ground, and insisted on having it dismantled, and as his request was 
refused he inarched against Pishagar. The Khan of Khokand, having 
united his forces with those of the Begleibeg of Khojend, marched to 
meet the Amir, but, intimidated by a sharp attack from some Bokharians 
who made a sortie from a fort, he withdrew and left the besieged town to 
its &te. The Amir's army of Uzbegs had a contiiigent of three hundred 
Saibasis with it, and also some cannons cast by the Naib Abdul Samot 

Unm^ Md.,m' I0^c^.•sSl^J6f. 

laH MA8RULLA. 793 

The latter, afttr a Tigoroas c imn o iM i d e, competttd the place to im i nto> 
This was oi Augvat, 1840. The Khokandians were not cowed iMwerer. 
The very same whiter they pjundewdscytwl frontier iffl^ 
The Amir meanwhile bosied hhaseif hi hwreaahig te mmber of Ua 
iTafbailn^ attd hi the im tu ron of 1841 found h l mt rf^ master of one 
thonsand of them, as wdl as of deven camons and twotoottaxa. With 
tfab anny he agahn advanced, and cayUued Yom on the sist September 
of the same year. After pottfaig his mid^ who had some time befoie 
sQii|^ refiige at Kbokand and been nomhiated governor of this tet^ 
to death, he marched to Zamin, whidi smtendered on the aytih of die 
same month. He tiien captured and phindered Uratippa, and eotaaed 
Khojend as a conqueror on die 8th of Octoberp On readiing Mahram 
he received proposals from the Khan of Khdcand, who otfaed to 
snrrander to him all the country as teas Khojend, pay a laigr sum, 
to admowkdge the Amir as his liege lord, and to have his name 
introduced into the Khuibeh and on the coins. As his UdMgs were 
growii^ discon t en t ed, NasruUa i^adly accepted this offnr, and after 
appointing Sultan Mahnaid, the brother and rival of the Khokand Khan, 
govemor of Khojend, he once, more returned to Bukhara. 

The two brothen havii^ been reconciled, now united their forces and 
recaptured all the coontxy taken by the Bukharians, as for as Untqipa* 
To revenge this, die Anur once more set out on die3ndof^pri],it4a, 
and, altho^s^ fifteen diousand Khokandians were dose by, be qieedily 
conquered Khojend, and was equally succesifol when he leadwd 
Khokand, which also fdl into his handi.* Muhammed AH, the Khan of 
Khokand, was overtaken at Maiig^liilan, and bdng accused of having 
committed incest with his own mother, was ten days afterput to deadi, 
widr his brother and two sons. Even his wifo and her unborn ddld 
were not glared. Havuig caused his prindpal adherents to be esecnted, 
and also confiscated their property, he returned to Bokhara, leaving 
Ibcahhn hi, a nadve of Merv, with two th o usand men to gatrison die 
capitaLt It was not long before there was an outbreak at Khokand, 
whidi once more recovered its liberty, and defied all the efforts of die 
Amir to annex it I shall have more to say of this struggle preaentfy. 
* We have now reached a time when the mutual rivalries of England 
and Russia in Asia give the affiurs of Bukhara n nwch wider pd^ical 
interest Russia, for purposes of trade and to secure nusefiil ally agafaist 
its persistent enemies of Khiva and the Kazak stsf^ei^ had carrM on 
an intermittent mtercourse with Bukhara sfaice the seventeendl centoiyi 
and had sent sevend missbns there^ as weU as more confidential 
agentst One of these, Dr. Demaisons, went in 1S34 in the guise of 
n moOah, and a second, "N^tkovitch, di^;uised as a Kazak, in 18554 
The first Etti^shman who vinted Bukhara in the last centmy waa 

•mweitoCsiS'lM* tVaflibef7ir4«S73. lUkwfUf,lt/l^, 



CapUiaBumes, whote jooraey was more that <^ a pioneer and to gain 
information about Central Asia than with any political motive. It 
created considerable feeling in Rnssiay however, and the two travellers 
jnst named probably went to kam what he had been about In 1836 we 
find the Rnasian governor of Orenburgh addressing a long letter to the 
Amir, who is styled ^ the esteemed, all perfect, glorious, and Great Amir, 
descendant of the benignant Hakim, the centre ui learning, order, and 
glory, and the disseminator of glory.** It calls attention to the persistent 
ill-conduct of the Khivans. How they kept in bondage a great number 
of Russians and interfered with the Kazaks, who were their subjects, and 
t^ing him how the Emperor had determined to detain all Khivans in 
his dominions until his subjects were released* The letter asked for the 
firlendship (^ the Bukharians, and also that if any Russian prisoners 
should exist at Bukhara, they might be released.* In 1836 Kurban 
beg Ashurbek arrived at the fortress of Orsk as an envoy from the Amir. 
He went on to St Petersburg, and reported his masters wish to be on 
frieadly terms with the Russians. That the Eng^sh had sent agedts to 
try and open trade with Bukhara, and that the ruler of Kabul, threatened 
by Runjeet Singh, had also sent to ask for his alliance.t The English 
and Russians had for some time been intriguing at (he Persian court, and 
the ambassador of the former at Teheran deemed it a prudent thing to 
send an envoy in the person of Colonel Stoddart to Bukhara. This was 
in 1838. Hb proud and austere demeanour irritated the Amir, who two 
days after his interview with him put him in prison. There can be small 
doubt that whatever the Naib Abdul Samut could do to incite him 
against the English, who had virtually expelled him from India for his 
crimes, would be done. 

In August of the same year another envoy from Bukhara appeared at 
Orsk, escorting an elephant and some arghamaks, and taking some Cash* 
mere shaii^ with him, as well as some Russian prisoners. His retinue 
consisted of twenty men. Two silver roubles a day, or about six shillings, 
were aQowed him by the Russian authorities for his maintenance, others 
€i his retinue had about one shilling and sixpence a day allowed them, 
and die rest ninepence. The envoy went on to St Petersburg, where 
he made devoted pnnnises of friendship and goodwill, and asked the 
Russians to send art engineer officer to explore his territory for gold 
and precious metals. He returned home with some handsome presents 
of brocade, doth, crystal, ftc. The cost of maintaining and conveying 
this embassy, exclusive of presents, was about nine thousand silver 
roubles, while the charge for the elephant was three thousand more.) 

In April, 1839, ^^ accordance with the Amir's invitation. Captain 
Kovalefrki, of the mining engineers, with Captain Hermgros, an 
interpreter, a head miner, two viewers, and four Cossacks^ set out for 

• MiehtfTi Ada, 4fi7^h t Id,, 4x4. 4«5. I /*• op. dt.* iiS^4^' 


Bukhara, with instnictioiis to inquire into its mineral wealth, product 
of precious metals, method of mannfmuring Khoraaan steel, Ac ; to git 
infonnation as to Asiatic trade, and to endeaTOur to procure a reduction 
of the duties on Russian goods ; to inquire how &r English articles 
competed with them, to obtain the release of Russian prisoners, and to 
try and secure that a Russian consul should reside at Bukhara. Being 
threatened on the way by the Kazaks, the Russian officers abandoned 
the cararan on the way, and returned home in great haste. The caravan, 
notwithstanding, reached Bukhara in safety, and the abandoned aitides 
were afterwards given up to the Russians.* 

At this time the English were engaged in that strug^e in A%hanislan 
which ended so disastrously. The real cause of diis war was the rivalry 
between Russia and England. Dost Muhammed, the ruler of the 
A^hans, was accused of carrying on secret intrigues with the Russians, 
whose ^^t Vitkovitch arrived in Kabul in December, iSjy.t Doet 
Muhammed was at this time the ruler <rf A^hanistan, and the English 
supported a claimant to the throne in the person of Shah Shuja, and also 
encouraged the Sikhs in their campaign against theA^hans. In the 
spring of 1859 they entered Afghanistan, and Kabul on the 7th of 
August of that year, when they put Shah Sh^ja on the throne. Dost 
Muhammed, vrith his fomily and three hundred and fifty devoted 
followers, retired and took reluge with NasruUa at Bukhara.} He at first 
received them hospitably, but presently behaved in his usual fiuhion, 
and is accused of having committed the grossest indecencies upon Dost 
Muhammed'k beautiful son Sultan Jan. NasruUa, who wished to 
conciliate the English, now b^gan to act in a very threatening manner 
towards his guesti and entered into a plot with his brother. Shah Shuja, 
to undo him. The Shah of Persia, who was Dost Muhammed*s patron, 
warned the Amir that he would hold him reqxmsible for any harm that 
might befall \iA%proUgis he also ordered hhn to set hhn and his fiunily at 
liberty, so that he might go on a pilgrimage to Mekka, and threatened 
war if he refused to comply. As NasruUa did not care to opeply beard the 
Shah, be released the A^han chie^ but, with characteristic dupUdty, he 
ordered the Herryman who was to take him over the Oxus to upset the 
boat midway, and to take care he did not reach the other bank ; but 
haviiq^ been warned in time, be disguised himself as a woman and 
escaped in a Utter, making his way to Shehr i Sebi, by whose ruler he 
was weU received. Thence he passed on to Khulm, and after a while 
returned to Kabul, where he made a hoUow peace, and where he was 
joined by several of his sons.} 

Meanwhile Colonel Stoddart continued in durance at Bukhara. 
As 1 have said, he was a proud soldier, attached to the habits 
and reUgion of his childhood and his country, and inflexible to 

*M.4t*-#o. tP«rrkt^iai;|liiM.96). tld^ist. l/i-iSS^tSM* 

796 HinatT or thx monools. 

evei ' ^ th ing ])at nulitafjr ^sc^pline. He enteved Bnkhsa two daft 
bofim the feast d Ramasan, when Mahanunedan fanatkkm is at its 
height, and he bore a lettec of inttodnction fiDOtt the filler of Herat, w 
proved to be a tfeacheroos document The Amtr gytw 8aq^klou% and 
•01^ every means to hnmiltate hhn, irbkk itfm haa^finStf tesented hf 
Stoddart One day when the raier Blahsam BenU Rets eoleted his 
room with the vioknt a postrophe " Do yon know I have destroyed all 
the Amir's enemies?* he replied ironically, * I refdce to hear the Andr 
has no more enemies.'^ On being told to go on foot to meet the Amir 
in the Great Square of Bukhara, he replied tiiat he woidd ride on 
honeback as if he was in London. This was really an affinnt Neither 
}ew nor Christian mi^^t appear on horsebadc in BvUiara, and no one at 
idl but te Amir in the Righistan or Great Square. Stoddart was told to 
do as he pleased, and, much to the scandal of Um populace he in M 
European costume caracolled his horse <m tiirforMden ground, and 
more so when at the approach of ibid Ambr himsdf he did not dismount, 
but received him with a mere* nolitary salule. The Amir, who lelt 
hhnsdf defied, ga:ve hun a long look and passed on in silence He was 
then summoned to the palace. The diainberlafai was about to use the 
ordinary phrase of presenution at Bukhanw in iemUgmani^ the 
^ supplication of his slave^" but Stoddart objected. As Ferrier says^ 
he might as well have been ofiended at the words, ^Your Majesty,* 
vdiich scarcely bdongs to anyone but God, or have olijected to the 
ordinary phrase, ^Yonr very humble servant,* which means nodiing.t 
Stoddart refosed, however, to comply. Nor would he aflow himself to be 
s up por t ed on either hand by two officials, in the Eastern custom derived 
irom a diftonatk fiction, that ^ a stranger before the sovereign b so over- 
come by Uieefiolgence of his rays that he caimot stand without support** 
The master ol the ceremonies having presumed to fool tf be had any 
concealed arms, was knodnd down by a blow £rom the Cdond's fist 
Instead of rqteatmg, as was customary, a silent invocation to die 
severe^ on entering, he began reciting a kmd prayer to God in Persian, 
upon which the Amir, seated in his royal chair, ^stroked his beard, 
Ml of hatted for this arrogant stranger, and disgusted by fab coarse 
and domineering behaviour.*} The Amir havmg asked for his cre- 
dentials^ he cookl produce none save a letter from Sir John M^eil, 
the ambassador to Peraa, and on his offering vMt voce^ on bdiatf of the 
East India Company, to pay him a subsidy if he would resist the 
eacreachmettts of Russia, he replied ironically, ^ Very good, I see tint it 
is your intention to make me your shnre ; it is weD, I win serve you. In 
themeantimewithdraw.'S Being snounoned two days later to the vixier^ 
houses he was seised 1^ a body of men, thrown down, and tied hand and 
fest» The Ttxier then approached him, put a sword to 

*P^flte»«^cit,44l»44S. Mi^m^ IM,444- l««445* 


'' Miserable spf, infidel dog ! You come herei do yoOi from yoar Engliafli 
employers to bay Bukhara as you have bou^t Kabul ? You will not 
succeed. I will kill you^'^ and he pressed his sabre on the grim old 
Colonel, whose eye did not flinch. Soon after the men irere ordered to 
remove him, and he was carried like a corpse, still bound, through the 
driving rain, with his bearers carrying torches, amidst profound sileno^ 
through the deserted streets of the dty. ^ Sometimes they let him foil 
on the ground, or drew tighter the cords that confined his bruised limb% 
and sometimes they stopped and insulted him with savage gestures and 
laughter.*' When he asked them to kill him and end his miseryi they 
said he was dther a devil or a sorcerer, since he seemed to have no fear. 
Having confined him in a dark room and barred the door, presently the 
latter was opened, some lights appearedi and some servants entered, 
preceded by a man enveloped in woollen drapery, which allowed his eyes 
only to be seen. This figure, which from the deference paid to it, was 
clearly a person of consequence, having sat itself on a divan, Stoddart 
reproached it vdth the indignities he had sufiered, and said he should not 
have been allowed to enter Bukhara if it was intended to treat him thus^ 
and he asked leave to be allowed to depart The figure* who was the 
Mir Cheb or Prince of the Night (/.^., the chief of police), promised to 
communicate his wishes to the Amtr. He seized and burnt aH his 
papers, and sold his effects and horses, and then removed him to the 
Siah chah or black well, a dungeon pit, twenty-one feet deep, where the 
worst malefactors were confined. He was let down into it by a rope, and 
there found himself with two thieves and a murderer for his companions. 
There he remained for two months, covered with vermin and surrounded 
by reptiles. His food was passed down to him by a rope, anj} he 
spent the most of his time in smoking. He was then taken out and 
offered his life on condition of his becoming a Mussulman. To this 
altemativej says Ferrier, ^ borne down by the dreadful sufferings he had 
endured, and the exhaustion of his mental and bodily powers, he gave a 
reluctant consent, repeating the Muhammedan Confession of Faith, after 
which he was taken to the public square and circumcised, in the 
presence of an immense crowd, who had been attracted there by the 
novelty of the event"* 

The Russian officials endeavoured to get his release^ and this was 
apparently secured, ^x^xereupon he resumed his intrepidity. The Amir 
was so struck by it, that he took off his own fur cloak and gave it to him, 
and ordered him to be led hi triumph through the streets of Bukhara. 
He now renounced Muhanmiedanlsm, to which he had only conformed 
through force. 

The Amir and his officials had quite altered their conduct to hint The 
British successes in Afghanistan had perhaps frightened them, but 

* Ptnier, op, dt., 447. 


this^he hoped,'' says Ferrier, ^tbat he should attach him to his interests, 
as Runjeet Singh had done other Englishmen.* ''Those Feringhis,* 
said the Amiri ''so powerful and clever in the arts and diplomacy, so 
talented in organising an army, bring everywhere success in their train.'' 
Stoddart was next offered the chance of accompanying an embassy to 
St Petersburg, where he might have been free again, but, with a singular 
perversity in his devotion to his duty, he declared that he would not do 
so, as he had not yet received orders from his Government to withdraw 
from Bukhara. This devotion was misunderstood, and only increased 
the suspicions that he was a spy. The Amir issued orders that he should 
be poisoned, but he saved his life by exciting the cupidity of Samut 
Khan, who hoped to get a large ransom for him. At other times the 
Amir was better disposed towards him, and sent him tobacco and other 
presents, requesting him in turn to replace the quicksilver on his nurrors, 
and to make him a thermometer, and candles that would burn without 
smoke, and if he had had as much tact as courage, he might have availed 
himself of these circumstances. Some letters he wrote at this time, which 
were intrusted to Khorassinis, Kurds, Persians, and Jews, who sewed them 
in the hems of their robes, reached their destination. They breathe the 
spirit of the Puritans of Cromwell's days, and in them, says our guide 
Ferrier, " diplomatic interests and the feelings of the soldier take their 
place hi below the religious sen tment which governed the mind and 
destiny of Stoddart, whose character they invest with real grandeur.^ 
The Sultan of Turkey, the Tzar, and the Khan of Khiva in turn pleaded 
for his release. To the two former the Amir retume4 ambiguous 
answers. To the latter he used these whimsical words, " You have an 
Englishman and so have I. Why do you wish to take mine P't This 
Englishman at Khiva was Captain Conolly. 

The rivalries of England and Russia in Central Asia at this time 
brought about strange combinations. Thus we find that in 1Z40 several 
English officers reached Khiva.| One of these, Captain ConoQy, was 
ordered to visit Khokand, to eiqtlore that*district, and apparently also to 
attempt to checkmate the Russian advance thither. Khiva and 
Khokand, and especially the latter, were looked upon by the Amir of 
Bukhara as in some measure dependent on him, and as Captain ConoUy's 
visit was coincident with the obduracy of the Khokand Khan, which led 
to a fierce campaign I have already mentioned, he was deemed Its 
Instigator. At this time he received a letter from Stoddart, inviting him 
to go to Bukhara, and he determined, notwithstanding the advice ^f his 
Khivan and Khokandian friends, to go to Nasrulla's camp, and to try 
and persuade him to join with the other Vihtg princes In a league 
against Russia, and having applied for a firman speedily received one, 
the Amir wishing to gain possession of him. He reached the camp at 

•Xi,490. 1U. I Sm aot chapter. 


Jiakhf and having brought about a parity between the Amir and his 
vassal^ he went on to Bokhara under escort, and took up his residence 
in the house of Abdul Samutf akeady so often mentioned,* and who now 
worioed on the capricious mind of Nasmlla, and persuaded him to 
fodbid the two officers from communicating with one another. Stoddart 
was at this time lodging with the Russian envoy Butenief. In order to 
be able to see his friend, he consented to move his quarters to the 
house of the notorious Abdul Samnt On his return to his capital th^ 
Amir, irbo had grown very hostile to the English, began to show marked 
incivility to the two officers. Although three tiUas, or forty shillings, a 
day were ais%ned for their maintenance, they were kept under restraint 
At an interview he had with them, he told them Bukhara would not be 
so easily conquered as Afehanistan, and said he intended putting them 
both in prison, and the English Government m^;ht go and take them 
out if it liked. They had similar interviews with him on three snccesnve 

The last time they were taken to the citadal with seven of their picb 
Idietmets or ui^l^er servants. Their house was ransacked, and their other 
servants, fotyHthree in number, were thrown into the Siah chah. 
Conolly had been accompanied to BuUiara by Allah Dad Khan, the 
envoy of the-recent ruler of Af^^ianistan. The Amir hated the Afghans 
bitteriy, but he did not care to arouse the rooUahs by inqprisoning the 
envoy of an orthodox sovereign. He therefore let him leave the city, 
but he was arrested at Karihi and ser bade to Bukhara, and taken to 
a place called Ab Khaneh or the water-house, so cold that no person 
could be left in it two nights in succesnon and live. After a few hours 
he was removed and confined in a dungeon a^oining that of the English 
officers. The Rusnan envoy interceded for the latter, but was met by 
sodi a rebuf in omsequence, that, afraid he might suffer their &te, he 
determined to withdraw. 

Meamdiile Akhud Zadek, the son of Hassan Muhammed, the former 
Kazi of Herat, who had accompanied Conolly to Khiva, and had thence 
been sent to Kabul, having received a letter from that English officer 
whose fiUe he did not know, went to him at Bukhara. Having said 
openly he waus in the service of the Englbh, he was arrested and 
inqMrisoned in the same prison as Allah Dad Khan. At this time 
tiie disastrous campaign in Afghanistan had reached its dismal 
dimax in the massacre of Kabul. No longer afraid of the Englishi 
hating the officers who had gone to him empty*handed, and who 
were a source of embarrassment to him, their release being urged from 
Pen^ Khhra, Constantinople, Kabul, and Herat, as well as by the 
Russians, he determined to put an end to them. When the Grand 
MoUah of Heialt pleaded for Colonel Stoddart, he d eno unced him as a 

• Fifritr» op* dti S9§» $4S» 


ditgimoe to Islam for interceding for the infidels, whik the p res s oie pot 
Qpon him by the European Governments made hhn exaggerate the 
iB^H>rtance of his prisoners. 

Thdr servants, after remaining forty-^ur days in the Siah chah, bound 
hand and foot to each other, with only a smaO rati<m of bad bread, were 
taken out, chained by the neck| deren to a chain, in (bur parties, and 
marched at daybreak to the public square, where they remained all night, 
exposed to ^ deep snow and piercing cM. One who died remained 
diained to the rest The greater nmnber of his comrades had their feet 
and hands frost-bitten, and were awaiting their fate impatiently, when they 
were suddenly set at liberty* This was at the intercession of the moQahs, 
who declared them to be Mussulmans like themselves, and threatened 
die Amir with the wrath of Allah if he shed their blood.* They thereupon 
returned to Kabul, and soeie of them were afterwards in Ferrier's 
service, and it was from them he learnt the graphic details he reports* 
The release of the servants was followed by the incarceration of Allah 
Dad Khan aad Akhud Zadek in tiie Siah chah, where diere still 
remained a Greek from C<mstantinople in Gmdiy's service, named 
Joseph, and iho seven pich khetmets already named. The moUahs 
succeeded in getting the rdease of the latter, as well as of Allah Dad 
Khan and Akhud Zadek, and die former made his way to Kabul, while 
the latter went to join his fether at Meshed in Khorasan. Joseph 
claimed to be a subject of the Sultan, but as he was not drcurndsed he 
was not believed, and was remitted back to his loathsome prison. He 
now became a renegade^ but this did not save him, for on the 17th of 
June, 1843, he was duly executed with the three malefactors who had 
been Colonel Stoddart*8 companions. Three days after, the two 
officers having been stripped and searched, there were found, sewn up in 
the sleeve of Cotond Stoddart's cboka or Bukharian robe, a pencil, some 
steel pens, a small phial filled with ink, and some sheets of papei^ which 
wd» taken to the Amir.t A few days before the police had seised on 
the frontier a letter which the Colonel had written to the English 
embassy at Teheran. This the Amir wished him to translate^ as w^ as 
to explain the use of the articles that had been found on him. The 
obstmate Cok>nel refused to translate the letter, although beaten with 
rods on the soles of his feet far three days in succession. He simply 
declared that it contained nothing hostile to himsel£ The suspicious 
Amir would not believe him, and insisted it was meant to incite the 
Khivan Khan to make war on him, and he condemned the two officers 
to death* ''Not a word of weakness," says Ferrier, ''escaped Colond 
Stoddart when he was infonned of the fate that awaited hfan, bot he 
completdy gave way to the violence of his disposidoD, exhausting the 
whole vocabulary of personal abuse, in Peniaiii against the Amir and his 


ODficatiaiMn* ind CMMd not to inoiftiODliiio rimwt but in vifildiiur hii 
litoit fafOttth. Ha was imt to d6i^ likft n ihecD in 100110 niinsftt dm 
bode of hit nriioB. snd in tho ixBMnco oi a tow DOMon^br. fHio bad 
been attnded to tbo gpU by bit cries and bis i n ^ e c tiv o s ." The officer 
chatgedwiAtbofMcotion offered ConoDy bis life if be would become a 
Mnssolman, but tiiis be finnly refused to do, and was accordiiv^ also put 
to deatby and die two Knglisbmeo were laid in the same gimn^ wbich bad 
been dug before tbeir eyes.* This tragedy tock place on June 24tb, 
184:1^'* some days after the first apricots^" says AkhudZaddtt It created 
a gnat seneatkm in Europe when it became knowiv which it did diieAy 
duom^ the indefotigabie and brave journey of the fiunous traveller Dr. 
Wolff and the nanatiTe of General Ferrier. 

Let us now revert again to the intercourse between BuUiara and 
Russia. The advance of the English in A^hanistan naturally made the 
Bnkharian ruler look out for allies ^wwbere. MuUn In|^ a dis- 
tinguished person^ together with his two sons and otiierpersonsi set out 
accordingly on a mission to Russia, bearing a letter and a present of 
six shawls and two aighamaks or horses for the Emperor. The 
pr ofess ed motive of the embassy was to complain of Khivan treacheiyi 
to obtain protection for Bnkharian merchants, and for pilgrims who 
wished to pass through Russia to Mekka; but there were dearly 
more potent reasons for the journey. It reached St PiBtersburg on 
the 30th of October, 1840^ and returned again a few months later, but 
Mukin beg died of dropsy of the chest at Nijni Novgorod on his 
his way home. His body was embalmed at the eqienw of the 
Russians^ and was sent to Bukhara. It was determined to send a 
missibn in return, and Major Butenef was charged with its conduct 
He was told to make inquiries about the Khanate of Bokhara and the 
neighbouring counties^ to endeavour to strengdien Russian jnflusnce, and 
to devdope Russian trade there. He was fortber to try and dbtain the 
Amir's consent to certain defimte proposals, i. Neither openly nor 
secretly to show hostility agahist Russia. 2. Not to keep in davery or 
in any way to obtain Russian prisoners, and to guarantee the personal 
safety and pro per ty of every Rusdan travdiing in his territory. 3. The 
property of Russians dying at Bukhara to be returned intact 4. To 
prohibit Bnkharians fd)faing and imposing arbitrary laws on Russians 
and to punish those who ^ so. $• To fanpore a sbgle doty, not 
exceeding 5 per cent on all Rusdan goods. 61 To protect Russian 
traden at Bukhare as Bnkharians were pro t ected in Russia. In return 
for there privil^^es, safety of person and property were aocorded to the 
Amir's subjects in Russia; they were to be allowed similar prhrflcges as 
other Adatics trading there ; the Kasaks and Tnrlramans subject to 
Russia were to be punished wlMn they phmdered Bukharian caravans; 



and pilgrims to Mekka were to have permissioii to traverse Russia on 
conforming to its police r^folations.* The envoy was also to try and 
arrange that a Russian agent should either be allowed to pay an annual 
visit or to reside at Bukhara, to obtain the rdease of all Russians held in 
bondage^ and also to secure, if possible^ the release of Stoddart, and to 
forward him to Russia. 

Butenef was accompanied by the mining engineer Captain Bogos- 
h^ki, the naturalist Lehmann, the archaeologist and Eastern scholar 
Khanikof, an interpreter, a biographer, three miners, two stiiffers of 
animals, ten Cossacks, and five Kazaks. They were ordered to secrete 
the gold pieces necessary for their expenses in their sword cases or 
leathern belts, so as not to excite the cupidity of the Bukharians, who 
would examine their luggage. The party was transported by fifty-five 
camels,! and entered Bukhara on the 17th of August, 1S41, dressed in 
their uniforms« and were granted the unusual privilege, enjoyed only by 
the vizier, of riding into the palace on horseback.t They then passed 
on through a row of officials into a court-yard in which, wearing a white 
turban and robes (khalat), and seated on cushions, was the Amir himsel£ 
Having surveyed them a long time, he bade the vizier take the Emperor's 
letter from Butenefs hands, and then dismissed them. They were 
assig^ned the former palace of the Amir's brothejr Mir Hussein, the best 
residence in Bukhara, to live in. A large retinue of servants and one 
hundred and four tengas a month were also set aside for their main- 
tenance, &c Exchanges of presents took place, and Butenef was 
ordered to go weekly to the palace on Fridays for prayers. Some of the 
party went to Samarkand and Karshi for mineralogical explorations, &c. 
Butenef visited Stoddart at the house of the naib Abdul Samut, and 
delivered to him a letter from Lord Ganricarde.{ At this time, having 
had a successful campaign in Khokand, and having ceased to fear the 
English, the Amir had become much inflated. '* He was a thorough 
Asiatic; his concessions and fiiendships were governed by fear and 
cupidity,** and there was now no necessity for showing any warmth 
towards Russia,! nor would he give Butenef an audience before he left 
for a second campaign against Khokand, As I have said, Stoddart at 
this time lodged with the Russian envoy, who describes him as a very 
clever, well educated, and agreeable man.^ On his return from his 
campaign, the Amir continued to treat the Russian envoy with great 
coldness. He refused to release the Russian prisoners without 
compensation, and Butenef was convinced he avoided him on 
purpose. At length, early in April, he was sunmioned to hear ^/^ 
graci&Hs words of tJu Amir^ but he only received a curt answer. 
Nasnilla told him he had instructed his Dostrakhanshi or vizier to tell 

*ICiclMU,op.dt,4*4-i»o« t/i^414. li^nm- f/^44<. 

|/i.,44S. n/<.*444. 


him whal his views mtn, and then rode off for Kh gka n d, The end of 
the matter was, that he promised to ratify a treaty oi peace with Russia 
if sudi a treaty was sent him. When this treaty was ratified the Russian 
daves would be sent home. The customs duties would be reduced 
when the Russians reduced theirs on Bukharian articles. As to the 
F*nglishmen> he had written to the Qoeen of Eni^and, who wished to be 
on friendly terms with Bukhara, and on receiving her answer he would 
send them both dsnct to EftgUmd. 

These unsatisfactory and dilatoiy answers were naturally very irri- 
tating to Uie Russian envoy, who returned home again, after securing a 
vakaUe collection o£ topographical and other £»cts about the Khanate, 
but hi regard to political matters the result was practically nothing. 
Butenef had scarcdy left the Khanate fHien he was followed by a fresh 
envoy from the Amir, named Khadayar Karaulb^ fHio duly arrived at 
Orenbung^ with pcesents of shawls and aighamaks, and large expecta- 
tioos of presents in return. He was not allowed, however, to go on to 
St. Petersbuig. The authorities pointedly told him they wanted some 
thing more than assurances of friendship, nor was Russia going to 
submit to such treatment as the Amir had served out to her envoy 
Butenet Thus ended for many years the intercourse between Russia 
and BuUianu* 

Meanwhile the Amir did not alter his character, and Bukhara con* 
tinned to be a most dangerous residence fon Europeansr In 1843 a 
young Neapolitan named Nassdi Flores loolishly ventured there. He 
met Akhud Zadek at Quujui on the Oxus, who tried in vain to persuade 
him not to go, speaking to him by signs, as the Italian understood no 
Eastern language. He had scarcely been an hour in Bukhara vdien 
he was seised, stripped, and committed to the Siah chah. At a 
subsequent interview with the Amir, Giovanni Oriandi, a renq;ade from 
his own country, acted as interpreter, vdiile Abdul Samut was present 
The latter was jealons of Nassdi's supposed military knowledge, and 
determined to compass his death. He was accordingly executedt 

We must now turn to Dr. Wolff's frunous journey to Bukhara in 1844, 
to ascertain the faite of the English officers. He went supported by 
letters frmn the Stdtan of Turkey and others. The Russian envoy 
in Persiai wrote mi his behalf to the Amir, and introduced him as a 
Qiristian priest of great cdebrity, a dervish exclusively occupied with 
religious and sdenUfic meditations, and completely indifierent to worldly 
affurs, and explahied his object as being to obtain the rdease of 
Stoddart, Conolly, and Nasseli.| The Shah also wrote a letter, phrased 
hi most inflated language, commendmg Dr. Wolff and his ofasject, and 
asking for a renewal of the oki intercourse between the two courts. 
Neariy ten lines are occupied by the fulsome titles found in this note 

•M,494i45^ tF«rrier,4fl!fH^. Z WoUTt Bokhv*, i. sxa. 


to the notorious Amir»* At Shalv lalam, Uie Aoiir^ chambariain 
(Ifakhram) went to meet hfan, and took him swoetmaatt and a kind 
message from NatrnUa. Wolff was dressed as a moUah, carried the Bible 
in his hand| and was Tiewed by the pqmlaoe as a sacred being. Thejr 
greeted him as* he went along with the words, '^ Peace be wito youi^t 
and he describes his entry into Bokhara through the modey crowd as a 
triumphant march. He had to dismovnt before enterfaig tlie pahcei for 
only the grandees of the empire and the enroys of the Sultan and the 
Shah, and no Giristians, heathens, or others are allowed to ride 
in. He was asked if he would snbmit to do the salaam three times in 
regular order, widi the Shaganl hdldii^ his shonldefs and meanidiile to 
stroke his beard five times, saying, " AUah Akbar,'' /.A, ^Peaoe to the 
lOng.*' He replied he would do it tidrty times if necessary* Having 
sent in his letter of introducdon, he and his people were then admitted. 
The Amir was seated in the balcony of the palace looking down upon 
diem, thousands of peopkf in the distance. ''The Western denridi'' not 
only made the salaam three times^ but, as he tells us, exclaimed 
unceashigty ^ Peace to the King," until the Amir burst out langhingi as 
wdl as those about Mm, and cried ''enough." He was duly informed the 
terrible rulet had smiled on him. He tells us he was about fife foet six 
inches hij^ rather stout, with small Uack eyes^ had a dark complexion 
with a convuldfe twitching of the muscles of his face. He had a rapid 
Intonation and a forced smile, and the looks of a ^n vivant. His dress 
was without pomp or decoration, and like that <tf a mollah4 Hehadfour 
wives, by one oi whom he had an only son, who had a siddy disposition. 
His wives were Persian slaves, and creatures of Abdul Sanmt Hismother 
had also been a Persian, whence the caustic remark of a Turkoman, "As a 
horse paired widi a donkey produces a mule, so an Uzbeg married to a Per- 
sianmust produce a monster.*) HehadbeennursedbyaKaiakwoman,and 
this it was therefore said accounted for hb bdng such a bloodhound since 
he had drunk the milk of a nuuheater, the Kazaks being accused of eating 
the bodies of dead men.| His brutal cruelty was easily excused, however, 
in the Bukharian at mo sphe re of rigid divine right, and the pe<^le eageriy 
went near him to touch hb clothes or hands and to be cured of their 
diseases, as they did in Western Europe in mediaeval times.f Asacurious 
instance of the modes of thought in Bukhara, it may be mentioned that 
the Amir sent expressly to ask Dr. Wolff two questions, "Are you able 
to awake the dead? When will the day of resurrection be ?" TheDoctor 
gave answers as judicious, and as lacking in information, as those of 
the Delphic oracle.** In an interview with the fomous naib Abdtd 
Samnt, the latter described the latter days of Stoddart and ConoUy, and 
tried to evade any responsibility for their death, and when he got the 

•W.,ai7. tA£,3U,si3. I/4.i3aa.3SS. f '/<<•. SPi SJt* 

|/^38t> YA^nSSX* ** M.» 339, 339. 


Doctor bf hinudf lie doMmnced hit master whhoot i tfait, accusing him 
o£ the tntentioii of putting an end to him, and said he wished the English 
tosenid an oflioer to KliokandyKhofany and Khira to incite them against 
BoUian^ and promised to jdn tliem Umself if they granted hhn twenty or 
ddrty thousand tUlasy while lie undertook to invite the Amir to sit down 
on an undermined seat and to blow him up. In the evening Dr. Wolff was 
surprised to hear ^ God save the Qoeen'' played by some Hindoos from 
Lahore, formeilT in Runjeet Singh's sendee.* Among odier cnrioos 
a d ve ntm e si the missiottary was asked to write a Hie of Mwhammed as 
reported among the Europeans. Thb he did, and he tdls us the 
document was remitted to the library of the Gieat Mosque^ and that 
copies of it were sent to Baikh, Khuhn, and Maaur, to Samarkand and 
Uratippa, to Kabd and Cashmere. The Doctor had to answer many 
questions about the customs of the English. He ttfs us all the letters 
that went in and out of Bukhara, except tiiosewritten bythediief of 
Merv, were opened and read by the authorities. Eve^rbody was 
encouniged to be a wpy upon his neighbour fo the lidificatien of Uie 
Amir, whQe Abdul Samnt was in turn diily informed of what took place 
in NasniUa's private apartments. 

Every preteit was pot forward for delaying, the Doctor's departure. 
When he oAesed to redeem some Russian slaves he found they were 
unwilling to go bad[, many of them having been deserters, and eyorbifant 
sums were asked fi«n him by the naib on various pretences. The 
huteri who wns a most treacherous villaiUf was evkiently wishfol to do 
for him what he had done for Stoddart and ConoUy. Of this he was 
wamedbymany. He was most avaridouSf like the greater part of Eastern 
officials^ and with his creatures, was constantly askii^ the missionary 
for money. The following ismarks made to him by two of these human 
limpets is very characteristic: ^ Mollah Yusuf Wolff, tillas (i>., ducats) 
are sweet We dream of tillas day and night, and we dreamt last night 
that you, on your return to England, sat near your monarch, and all the 
grandees of your country kissed the heni <tf your garment The most 
beautifol women crowded around you and desired to become your wives, 
and you took the daughter of the Queen as your lawful wife. You will 
live in the finest palace^ except the Queen^ and fonned by dancing girls; 
and if you shall say to her, 'Oh my Qiieen, cut off the head of this or 
that person,' she sbaU immediately follow your advice. Both of us, 
Kahir Kuli and I, Amir Saroj, dreamt this at one and the same time, and 
therefMe it will become true.'t The naiby who had disse mbl ed greatly 
in his interoouTM with Dr. Wol£^ now htguk to show himself in his true 
colours. He acknoidedged that he had been the cause of Stoddart's and 
ConoQy's dealhi and he was evidently prepared to go any length with the 
missionary. On one occasion as he sat in his room a beautiful girl unveiled 


enteiedit lliiswatatthenaib'ssQggQstioi^toentiapliimiite 
aredon.* The Amir having said he wookLiead an Usbq(«iv«qrbtdswidi 
him as his representative to the English Qneen, the naib oodUy SH gg imlcd 
that his English guest should poison him m fwUi.f On his retnm 
from his second eiqpedition to Khokandi Nasnilla sent a mollah to ask 
him if he would become a Mussulman. He replied ''Never.* He then 
sent his executioner, the one who had put Stoddart and ConoDy to 
deathi threatening him with the same fate. Meanwhile the Persian 
ambassador* at the instance of his master, seems to have interested 
himself greatly in the English missionaiyi and he now obtained pe^ 
mission for him to accompany him on his retnmt and the Amfir actually 
sent him a present of ninety tOlaSi a horse with a silver saddle, a shaiH, 
and also a Persian MS. of the Tavarikh Tabad, on which the Amir put 
his tamgha or seal Before he set out Abdul Samut extofted a 
pranissory note for six thousand tiUas from him, and he tells he wrote 

'^ In the garddi of the infomous Naib Abdul Samut Khaa, sunouaded 
by his banditti and compdled by him, I write that he forced from ne a 
note of hand for six thousand tOlas. 

** Joseph Woltp, Prisoner.^ 

He at length left Bukhara, taking with him four slaves whom he had 
redeemed, while Abbas Kuli, the Persian envoy, took twenty v^iom he 
had bought with his own money, and a thousand who had redeemed 
themselves.| He was also accompanied by Amir Abul Kasim, i^io was 
sent as an envoy from the Amir to the Queen, and a large number of 
persons, merdiants, dervishes, frildrs, &c, altogether a caravan of quite 
two thousand camels. Crowds turned out to see their departure. A 
veiled woman as he passed exclaimed, '^ What joy your wife will have ! 
How win she sing I You have been ivm a^mn. Such a fitvour has not 
been shown far a long time by the Padishah.^ This anecdote proves 
well what a tiger's den Bukhara then was. Cnid and dissohtte as the 
Amir was, however, Dr.Wdlff says he had 8<»ne good pobts. He did not 
tyranmse over the poor, but protected them; he was not avaricious, wfaOe 
he hated bribery. His great model was Tfmur, and he adopted a 
simihur motto on his seal, ^ Hakan Adaht,* ''Trudi and Equity,* as his 
own.f Although very passionate^ he was singularly inquisitive and 
anxious for information and knovdedge. *'Heputdown,'*saysDr.Woiii( 
^ by the simple word * Hukum' (order) the most ancient customs, and 
overthrew entirdy the power of the moDahs«* He liked to hear that 
people were frightened of him, and was Jeafoua of the reputation of the 
frunous Muhammed Ali of Egypt, of whose exploits he had heard.** 
Abdul Samut had organised a ]flot for Dr. WoUPs assassination en rouU^ 

•/i.«So,ei. tA(.,79- XA^ns. f/i^ttS. |/<l^i5S»isl 

^ Mn IS9, U4« ** /i., ns-uj. 


but this was happilf frnstratedi and he reached home in safety. I wiQ 
condnde my extracts from his narrative with a curions discussion on the 
rivahy between £n|^d and Russia, he reports as having taken place 
at Merv. It was started by a dervish, who having related the exploits 
of TbnuTi suddenly broke o£^ and turning to Dr. Wolff, said, ^The 
English people are now Timur, for they are the descendants of Jin^s 
Khan. The Inglees will be the conquerors of the world. On my 
pilgrimage to Mekka I came to Aden, where they keep a strong force, 
and from whence they may march to Mekka whenever they please, and 
walk towards Mekka they shaU." 

A Turkoman thereupon said, " The Russians shall be the conquerors of 
the world. They have now built a strong castle in the midst of the sea, 
not far from Khiva. The people of Khiva have once burnt it down, but 
they soon buih it up again. All is over with Islam." 

A dervish sitting among them confirmed this with the following obser- 
vation: ^The great moQahs of .Samarkand assert that Russia is the 
Jaj Majaj (ii^ Gog and Magog}, and this has been ahready predicted 
by Amir Sultan, the great dervish of Rum.'' 

We must now return once more to our immediate subject. A few 
years after Dr. Wolff's visit the infomous Abdul Samut met with a fitting 
punishment* Knowing his master well, he determined to tend the 
money he had accumulated by foul and lair means, and which in 1847 
amounted to £40,000, to his brother, a merchant at Meshed. He 
himself wished to return to Persia, but found it difficult to leave, 
hampered as he was with heavy baggage and a large frunily, whom he 
darednotsendawayfor^Hu: of arousing the suspicions <tf the Amir, who 
he knew hated him, although he found him too useful to put him away. 
At length he determined to try treachery. When in 1S47 NasruUa was 
at war with Shdir i Sebz, he sent the ruler of the Utter notice that he 
might charge the artillery without any anxiety, as he wouUl have the 
guns loaded with powder only, and when once he had broken the lines, 
he promised to turn the same guns upon his master, and thus crush 
him. The letter, having been confided to a Persian artilleryman, was 
conveyed to the Amir himself, whereupon '' the naib was immediately 
sent for and put to death in his presence," and his wives and children 
were surrendered to the merciless soldiery, under whose cruelties many 
of them lost their lives.* 

Somewhat later we read of another European who fell a victim to the 
Amir's temper. This was the Giovanni Oilandi ahready mentioned. He 
had been by trade a watchmaker, and was living at Teheran in 1839. 
Thence he found his way to Khokandf and from Kludond was carried 
off a prisoner by the Amir,t who spared his life on his promising to make 
him a machine for measuring time. He accordhigly made the dock 

•Id,,4/^,^ tFerritr,4<l. 


with Arabic nomends placed in tbe Umtr abova tte palace gateway tt 
Bukhaza. This gained for him the appojntment of artificer^ and alao bia 
fiberty. He afterwards made a tdetoope for the Amir, who onfor- 
tunatdy one day let it M from the top of a minaret Being sent 
for to repair it| he went s<Hnewhat intoxicated, when he was again 
imprisoned and ordered to become a Mussulman. This he refiised 
to do. The executioner, to frighten him, cut the skin of ^ throat, 
promising to complete the work the following day, and as he still 
remained obdurate, he was duly executed. This was in 1851.* We 
know little of the later years of NasruUa beyond his campaigns in Shehr 
i Sebs and Khokand, wbidk wiU occupy us presently, and a long quarrel 
he had with Dost Muhammed, the Afghan ruler. He at length died 
in i86a His sobriquet of ^' The Butcher' well befits him. He was one 
of the most brutal and utteiiy bad characters who ever disgraced a 
throne; All who came in contact with him seem to agree in this, and 
Ferrier has summed up his character in graphic lines. He says : 

^The Amir of Bukhara, Nasrulla Khan Behadur, Malik el Mumin, 
is a monster of ferocity. The titles he bears are thus translated : 
Nasrulla Khan, the Victory of God ; Behadur, the Victorious ; Malik el 
Mumin, Prince of Believers. He raised himself to the throne by a 
series of fri^^itfiil murders amongst his kindred, and other crimes from 
which even Bukharians recoiled with horror; his bad frdth became 
proreibial amongst them, and his name was pronounced with terror by 
the people. The Bukharians, however, are now apparently indifierent 
to the atrocities committed by the Amir, or the disgusting character of 
his vices, the extent of which is beyond all that can be imagined, and 
they consider that he is justified by his position in gratifying every 
passion in any way that he pleases. An increase in the taxation is the 
only thing upon which they are at all sendtive; but as on that point 
Nasrulla keeps strictly within the commands of the Koran, and generaDy 
speaUng the duties are rardy above a} per cent, which is fixed by the 
Zddat, the Bukharians are satisfied, and do not think the virtue of their 
wives and daughters of any importance so frur as the sovereign is con- 
cerned. Besides, the moUahs were the first to set the eiample of base 
submissiQC^ and the Kazi of Bukhara issued tL/Ova prodaimii^ that 
HasruBa was by the wiU of God the absolute master of all the women in 
Ua territory, that he had a right to do what he liked with tiiem, and that 
it would be a crime to oppose his wishes; singularly enough, the Kasi 
was the first person to feel the efifects of the doctrine he preached, for 
his dan^ter kXL a victim to the Amir's brutal passions. One must, 
therefore, condudn from all this that the inhabitants, though so perfidious 
and cruel, are in regard to their prince the most easy-gdng peof^ in 
existence; of this he seems so pafectly convinced, that when he leaves 

* Sdngricr, U. 901, 91. 



his palace he never has any escort to attend him, and two or three times 
a week the Amir may be seen walking through the bazaars in the dress 
of a dervish, accompanied oidy by one servant The shopkeepers are 
aware of the ordet he has given that no one shall pay him the least 
respect, or treat him otherwise than as one of the public, and lor this 
reason nobody moves away at his approach : he walks from one shop to 
another inquiring the price of grain or other merchandise for sale; makes 
here and there a purchase ; and, if he finds a tradesman playing tricks, 
he never offers a remark at the time, but on tho following day tends for 
the delinquent at his pubKc audience, and inflicts the punishment that he 
thiftks he merits.'^ 


Nasrulla was succeeded by his son Muzaffar ud din, who had spent his 
eariy youth at Karshi, the metropolis of the Mangut possessions. 
Vambery says he was early remarkable for his industry and capacity, 
and that he was a thoroughly cultivated Muhammedan in the Turkestan 
sense of the word.t His father was jealous of him, and to keep him 
more under supervision, reitioved him to Kermineh, of which he was 
appoiited governor, and where he lived from 1842 till his father's death. 
One of his first ventures after his accession was an attempt to subdue 
the obstinate distriet of Shehr i Sebz, where he gained a very transient 
success.^ He was engaged in besieging Chirakchi, one of the fortresses 
of that little state, when he was summoned away to Khokand by a 
pit^sing invitation from Khudayar Khan, who had been recently hard 
pressed by other claimants for the throne.} Khudayar had sent Sultan 
Murad Bek to solicit assistance from the Amir of Bukhara, who marched 
accordingly at the head of a large army. Ah'm Kut was at this time the 
most potent person at Khokand. On the approach of the Bukharians 
he withdrew to the defiles of Kara Kuija, where he was besieged for a 
long time. Growing weary with the want of success the Amir showed 
his anger towaids Khudayar by sending his rival a golden staff, a belt, 
and a fine Koran, and withdrew to Bukhara, where he was speedily 
followed as a fugitive by Khudayar hhnself.| For some time AUm Kul 
rdgned supreme in Khokand, but his foot was heavy on the people there 
and they once naore invited Khudayar to go to them. He again appealed 
to the Amir for help. The latter was not loath to go, and in 1865, the 
very same year when the Russians made their first attack upon Taskend 
he captured Khojend and thence went to Khokand, where he 
reinstated Khndayar as Khan. ^ Inflated by his success, aod doubtless 
afraid of the menacing encroachments of the Russians, BiCuzaffiur now 
sent them a letter ordering them to evacuate the portion of Khokand 

•4ie,46g. ♦Op.dt.SfS. 

] Schuyltr, •p. cit, 35%, 353- 


1 /<*.. 353. 354- 



which thejr hftd appropriated,* and threatening them if they refiised with 
a hdy war. He also confiscated the property of the Russian merchants 
at Bukhara, an act followed hy reprisals at Ose^imigh. His hands were 
tied however by the hostilities in Shehr i Sebs which still continued, and 
he determined to send an embassy to St Petapborg, The Khoja 
Ncjm ud din was chosen to lead the mission, and )ts professed object 
was to announce the Amir's accession to the £mperoi^ This envoy was 
detained at Ozenburgh. Thereupon the Amir complained to General 
Chemaief and requested him to send some one to Bul^iara, to confer 
about and settle the disputed boundaries between the two countries. An 
officer named Struve with a number of engineers were accordin|^ 
despatched. On thehr arrival they were arrested, a stroke an>arently 
meant as a counterblast to the Russians' detention of the Bukharian 
envoy. Thereupon General Chemaief on the i ith of Februaiy, 1866^ 
crossed the Jaxartes with about 3|00o men, and marched straighl upon 
Samairkand, with the intention of releasing his imprisoned co un ti y neiL 
After seven forced marches across the arid desert he reached Jiaakh. 
There he found himself confronted by a very superior Ibrce^ and having 
apparently tried in vain to obtain hu way by a pariey, he had to retbe 
once more across the desert assailed by the hordes of the encm|;i 
The retreat was conducted in an orderiy fashion, and whenever thf 
Uzbegs ventured to join arms they sufiered severdy.t This somewhat 
untoward champaign, which had not apparently been sanctioned by the 
authorities, and was apparently carried out entirdy at the instance of 
General Chemaief, was followed by his supersession by Major-General 
Dimitri llyich Romanofski. The Bukharians encouraged by the Russian 
retreat now crossed the Jaxartes. On the 5th of April, Romanoftki 
encountered and defeated a large body of them cowards Khojend, 
and captured from them their cannons and the booty they had made^ 
together with 14,000 she^p. The Russian commander then sent two 
steamers up the river provisioned for ten day% which advanced as far as 
Chinas. Muzaffar had' meanwhile collected an army of 40^000 men, 
consisting of Sfioo drillefd Bukharians and 95,000 Kasak% with twenty 
cannons, aivi had set out to attack Tashkend. The Russian Genead 
although he only had abotft 3,600 men with hun determined to risk a 
battle, and after ft^liceliminary skirmish a fierce fight took pkoe on fkt 
aoth Bfay, at Iijar, on fM Jaxartes, a fisw mOes N.W. of Khojendt 

Hdhrald has given a detailed account of tills batde, in which 
the Bukharians were coifletely de f ea t ed. Musalbr with 1,000 sarbasia 
and two cannons escaped to Jizakh, but his camp, where we are 
told ^the food and tea were steaming; and the pipes already lit !! for die 
the begs," wi^ sacked. The Amir's tent and park of artillery were 

•Vii$imfr: tHdlwald«Di».RiiMeoiiiC«trtIAd«a,9Ssi. 


eapttnedy with a large qnanthy d provisions and monitkms of war. Of 
die Bukharians about i^ooo perished^ while the Russians lost bot about 
fifty wounded) proving as on many other occasions what havoc modem 
wd^Kins make when opposed to the rude ones wldch preceded theoL* 
Van^bery well calls this the Cannae of Central Asia^ whidi broke the 
power and prestige of Bukhara. The Russians mi^ easOy have 
mardied upon Samaikandi but contented themsehres with occupying 
the fort of Nau which intercepted the road from Bukhara to 
Khojend. Khojend firom its trade and strategical position b one of the 
most important sites in Central Asia. It was garrisoned by a Bukharian 
army commanded by a dependent of Muxaffiv, and surrounded by a 
&mous wan except towards the river. On the aQth of May^the Russians 
appeared before the phce with two dividons. The dykes had iqppaientfy 
been cut and the surrounding districts laid under wateri the woods had 
been levelled, and the people <tf the environs been accommodated in the 
town. The latter was at length beteagured, and on the ist of June the 
Russans began to bombard it, when a deputation of merdiants went out 
to ofier to surrender ; meanwhile, however, the more fiuiatical part of 
the citizens having got the upper hand determined to resist The 
bombardment recommenced, and on the 5th of June orders were given 
for the assault It was bravely carried out The Russians lost fimn 100 
to 150 men, while that of the Bukharians was about 3,500 IdDed and 
woundedt' The fortunes of the VibtgB were indeed growing desperate, 
and it was a foriom hope that induced MuzaiEu: to send an embassy to 
the Great Sultan of the West, Abdul Axis the Ottoman ruler, (who was 
deemed in Central Asia to be the suzerain of the Christian kings of 
Europe), to implore his help.t Muzaffiur we are told was openly accused 
at Bukhara of cowardice before the enemy, and ofhavingpredpitattd the 
catastrophe by his flight from the battle-fidd of Iijar. * He was also 
accused of replenishing the treasury by the questionable means of 
lowering the standard value of com and confiscating the secular property 
of the deigy. He was also charged with selling Bukhara itself, and 
could only go out at night, or in disguise, for fear of the insults of thei 
people^ who were egged on by the moQahs, and amidst the cursei and 
abuses of the women.| Nothing could apparently crush the vanity and 
sdtomceit of the citizens,a Jihad or Holy War was prodakned, old and 
youngs mqjPahs and iK>Wo joined in it, and the Amir was forced to 
complyj Romanofrld was succeeded as Russian commander by Prince 
Dashko^ who was^net sorry to find this spirit at Buldiara. On the snd 
of October, 1866, he captured Uradppa, where he secured sixteen 
cannons, dx standards, and many prisoners, the Russian loss being 
three officers and 200 soldiers lolled and wounded.^ 

* HtBusId, 101. tl^ lot, 10a. : //., lot, X03. I VMDbory, 407- 

|M,4oS. n HiOvirid, X09. 


On the i8th of October the Russians o^Auxed the fortress of Jizakh, 
which vas garrisoned by the Ainu's best troops, and where they obtaine4 
t!¥enty-six standards and fif^-three cannons. This was the last foot- 
hold of the Amir in the valley of the Sir Daria. He now tamed hither and 
thither for help. He proposed an alliance with the ruler of Kabul agsdnst 
England and Russia. Then he sent his envoy Belisar to Calcutta 
and another named Muhanuned to Constantinople for help, but all 
in vain. The stubborn people <^ Shehr i Sebz meanwhile secured a 
greater degree of independence, while he was worried by the outbreaks of 
the Kitai Kipchaks, an Uzbeg tribe which pastured the lands on the 
Zara£shan, between Samarkand and Kermineh.* 

After the capture of Jizakh a kind of armed truce subsisted between 
Bukhara and Russia for some months, but both sides prepared for a final 
struggle. At length a Russian officer, named Slushenko, and three 
privates having been carried ofi^ General Kaufmann attacked the village 
of Ummy, which was apparently the nest of the robbers, and destroyed 
it. This was on the 12th of October, i867.t Two months later a 
Bttkharian envoy appeared at Tashkend, but no m4>dus vivi$tdi between 
the rival powers was discovered. The Amir, however, released Sludienko 
and his three companions. We are told that while a prisoner he had been 
put in a grave, near which were some gallows, and was given the option 
of becoming a Mussulman and marrying two Bukharian damsels, or of 
remaining a Christian and being executed. He gave way to these threats- 
According to the report of the Bukharians, he was circumcised, married, 
and given command of a regiment of Sarabasis.; General Kaufmann 
was too ambitious to be restrained by any peaceful overtures. Whatever 
the Russian authorities might desire he had his reputation to make with 
his sword, and he was a Proconsul too far removed from the capital to 
be easily controlled thence. He, therefore, continued to advance. On 
the 13th of May, 1868, he set out from Tash Kupruk, half way between 
Yanghi Kuigan and Samarkand. Near the Zarafshan, Petrudiefjiki, 
who commanded the advance guard, was met by the Amir's envoy, 
Mecym ud din, proposing peace, and asking, meanwhile, that the 
Russians would not advance any further. The two annies were separated 
by the Zarafshan, and General Kaufmann insisted that before he couki 
listen to the Amir's proposals the latter must withdraw his forces, and 
threatened that unless they were so withdrawn in three hours he should 
order their positions to be stonned. His army consisted of about eight 
thotisand men. That of thei Bukharians outtmmbered it four or fivefokL 
The truce having f^lipiid, the Russians proceeded with their attadc 
They forded the tinWififi (which reached up to their breasu) in the face 
of the enemy, made their way through the swampy ground beyond^ 
and stormed their positions. They speedily Aed, leaving twenty-one 

*HeUwtM,op.ciUioa»io4. t/^io0. It4^ic$. lf«l«. 


giifts in the luaidt of Hht Yictors, whose lots wtm incredibly smiM, 
only tkcee officers and mder fifty men being injured.* More afinid of 
their retunhig countrymen than of the Russian^ the cttisens of Samar- 
kand, which was situated near the hattle-fidd, dosed their gates to the 
fugitives^ iHule ihey sent a depotadon of iht duef MoDahs and AVsahals 
to invite the latter into the town, and professing their devotibn to 
the £mpenv« Some of the deputation were retained, while otiMa weii 
told to return and tdl the inhabitants to open the gates, and to let the 
txoepspassin. General Kanfinann was leoeifed with at least an outward 
appeattAce of cordiality. He took possession of the town in die name of 
die Emperor, and ordered the cititens to resume their oocupations, open 
their shops, aa^ to recidl any fugitives who had gene away, and he then 
secured the citadeLt Thus, as Vambery says^ did an Alexander of the 
nineteenth century ajx (Alexander IL of Russia) rival the feat of another 
and more fiunous Alexander of the fourth century ac, who also captured 
^Maracanda,* and thus did the capital of TImur, the metropolie of 
Mussuhnan culture, fall into the hands of the hated Franks. 

Meanwhile Muzafiar ud din had ibund shdter at Kermtneh, and lus 
eldest son, Abdul Malik Murxa, i9ho had escaped firom the battle re- 
turned to Bukhara. The Amir was more penitott, but had to receive 
another blow before he submitted finally. 

General Kaufmann having left Major Baron von Stsmpd with a 
garrison of under a thousand men to guard SasMileandyhimsdf advanced 
on the road to Bukhara. Samarkand was well provided, and contained 
twenty-lbur cannons captured from the enemy, ninety pods of powder and 
a laige quantity of ammunition with provisions for two months. It was 
wefll that it was so furnished for it was now assailed by a great force of 
25,000 from Shehr i Sebz, under Jura Beg and Baba Beg^ i5i00O Kitai 
Kipchaks uhder Abdul Taj, and 15,00a Samarlouiders under Hassan 
Bcg^ Abdul Gitfda Beg, and Omar Beg. Through the treachery of some 
Aksakab, a body of the enemy forced its way into the town, but the 
Russians occufHed the citadel and bravely resisted all efforts to capture it 
K1|^ and day the attadcs were renewed, and when the gates were forcd, 
a rampart of sacks of earth was made. For six days the terrible 
struggle was kept up> the sick men leaving their beds to fi^t, 
and all acting heroically. It was fortunate for the garrison that 
General Kaufinann having heard of what had taken place retraced his 
steps and at length rescued his people, but not until they had lost forty- 
I in IdUed and 172 in wounded out of their small numbers. This hermc 
brought the Amu: to his knees. He agreed to pay a sum of 
125,000 tilas or 500^000 thalers, to surrender the country on the Middle 
y«fifywmj including Samarkand and Xatti Kurgan to the Russians, and 
to aBow them to put cantonments at Kermineh, Karshi, and Chaijui. 

*iil. iit,ii3. tW.,n3, VamWf7,4io. 


The district thus ceded forms the province of Sir Daria, the eastern 
province of Turkestan. Besides this the Amir agreed to allow Russians 
of all creeds to trade freely in all parts of Bul±aray to have agents in 
the Bukharian towns to protect them and their property, to charge a 
maximum customs duty of ai per cent, on Russian products, and to 
allow Russian merchants a free transit across Bukharian soil to the 
neighbouring districts.* 

This peace was very distasteful to the Mussulmans of Bukhara. 
*' All their defeats," says Vambery, ^all their disasters, the loss of so 
many fortresses, and of so many lives, all had foiled to bring the vain 
fonatical, half insane mollahs of the capital on the Zarafohan to a true 
understanding of the state of things.'* They could not realise how their 
fompus army and proud foith should have to stoop to a few infidels, and 
in their chagrin they readily charged their ruler with treachery, and a 
party rapidly gathered round his ddest son Abdul Malik, called Ketti 
Tureh, or the Great Pripce.t He was supported by the begs of Shehr i 
Sebz and the steppe nomades under their confoderate Sadik. ' He 
went to Karshi where he had himsidf proclaimed Khan of Bukhara, and 
began a vigorous war against his father. The latter who was bdng 
driven into a comer BpptaM to the Russians for help. They determined 
to protect their proUgk^ and sent a strong contingent under General 
Abramof to attack Karshi. In October, 1868, he defeated the army of 
the young prince, which was eight thousand strong, and a fow days later 
captured Karshi, and handed it over to the Amir, after which he returned 
once more to Jam. Abdul Malik fled to the b^^ of Shehr i Sebt and 
thence to Hissar. 

In 1870 the Russians conquered Shehr i Sebi, and made it over, mudi 
against the will of the inhabitants, to the Amir,t and in 1S73 <1^ *^ 
made over to him a strip of territory on the right bank of the Oxus, from 
Kukertli to Meshekli, and thence to the Russian boundary, whidi was 
taken from Khiva, and a new treaty was made, securing their rights 
to navigate the Oxus, aibd to build piers and warehouses on tiie 
Bukharian bank, and opening all the towns of the Khanate to 
Russian traders and travellers; fodng a maximum duty of 3f per 
cent on Russian merchandise, and that no transit dues should be 
charged for goods which were to pass throus^ the Khanate; that 
Russians should be allowed to found caravanserais and agents there, to 
practice any trade allowed by the Shariat^ and to buy real property. 
No one was to be allowed to enter the country from Russia without a 
proper passport, while the Amir was to have a resident agent at Tash* 
kend, and the Russians one at Bukhara.! The Khanate had, in foct, 
become a Russian dependency, as much as Cashmere is a British one. 

S SdMvlir* ii., yi* 


As to the httaxtf Mr. Schuyler has some very just remarks. He 
saysy " The conquest of Bukhara, except for the purpose of getting control 
over the greatest market in Central Asia, and of putting an end to an in* 
dependent and sometimes tioublesome Mohammedan state, will probably 
not have for the Russians the same advantages as that of Khokand. 
The agriculture of the country is in poor conditiont and M. Sobolef brings 
up weighty reasons to prove that the area of cultivable land is bdng 
gradually and ra^udly diminished by the encroachments of the desert 
There is probably no reason to look for the occupation of Bukhara by 
Russia before the death of the Amir, whom the Russians, in spite ci the 
complaints of his people, will probably continue to maintain upon the 

Muzaffer ud din was visited both by Mr. Schuyler and Vambery, the 
former describes him as a tall stout roan, with sallow complexion, and 
small dark uneasy eyes, which he moved in all directions ; his flesh 
looked flabby and unhealthy, and his hands trembled constantly from a 
too frequent use of aphrodisiacs ; his beard was very dark and thin, and 
he wore a plain grey silk gown, and a white turban, f Vambery describes 
him as a rigid Mussulman, and in his capacity as MoUah as the declared 
enemy of every innovation, even when convinced of its utility ; his love of 
strict justice was proverbial, and he was especially severe against the 
grandees while he was lenient towards the poor— hence, why his people 
reported that " he is a killer of elephants and a protector of mice." 
Luxury of all kinds was rigidly suppressed. Thus we read that his 
serdari kul, or commander-in-chief, Shahkukh Khan, ordered a grand 
house to be built for himself at Bukhara like those at Teheran, in which, 
besides other articles of luxury, glass windows were introduced, and the 
place is said to have cost 15,000 tillas. The Amir waited till it was 
furnished when he had him apprehended and exiled, and the house 
confiscated, and although an offer was made to purchase it at twice iu 
cost price he ordered it to be demolished. The ruins themselves 
looking too ornamental were further destroyed, except the timber, which 
was sold to a baker for 200 tillas. 

The Amir, when Vambeiy was at Bukhara, had four wives and about 
twenty concubines ; he had sixteen daughters and ten sons; the two 
eldest daughters were married to the governors of Serpul and Akshi, but 
as these two towns had been conquered by the Afghans his two sons-in- 
law lived as the Amir's guests at Bukhara. His mother and grandmother 
presided over the harem, and it bore a high character for chastity and 
orderly training, only pious sheikhs were allowed to enter, or throw a 
glance, thither, and our traveller mentions how one of these, named Haji 
Salih, was allowed access to it, to administer a dose of the khaki 
. shifa, or health powder, from Medina. The cost <^ the haxon was very 

* Op. dt, ii., 51S. t Op. dt., iL, ^ 84. 


smally tke kdios nuJdng their own clothes, and often 9ho those of the 
Anir) hk kHchen eipenses wete said to be only from sixteen to twenty 
teagas daSy, chief dish consistinir of pilaf boiled with mutton £aiL* 

We will now turn to the history of the district north of the Jaxartes, 
whidi had lor more than a century been indqMftdent of Bukhara, 


At the b^:inning of the last century, when the power of the Astra- 
khanids was growing feeble, the greater part of the ralley of the Jaxartes 
passed out of their control The Kazaks planted themselves firmly, as 1 
har^ diowo, in the western part of the comitry, and until the year 1740 
were vixtual masters of Tashkend and Tuikestan, owning a certain 
aUegianoe to the Sungar Kalmuks. In the eastern part of the country, 
known as Fei!i^uma, we have a state of things very like that in Kashgar, 
Ibrther east The heads of the Khoja or Seyid families were apparently 
appointed rulers of the various towns, and thus acquired an independent 
aftatos^ and the conmranity was broken up into a number of fragments. 
The eariy l^story of this movement is obscure. In the case of Khokand 
we are remitted ter certain traditions preserved by Mahsum Khoja, which 
kft wtvcr unsatisfectory are the only materials available. According to 
him a cettahi Shah Rukh bek, who was of noble but not royal birth, 
went, at the beginning of the last century, from the neighbourhood of the 
Volga and settled in Ferghana, where he married the daughter of Yadigar 
Khoja, the ruler of the town of Khurram Serai, and then settled with his 
people in Kurkan, twelve miles west of the present Khokand, and pro- 
bably the Khnakend of Ibn Hauknl. If this be rdiable Shah Rukh bek 
was probably a Mangut prinoe, and it may be that the tribe of Miog, 
ndiich dominated over Khokand, was in effect of the same race as the 
Maxtguts. We are tokl that Shah Rukh, who is mentioned by an inde- 
pendent authority, as a descendant of Jingis Khan,t murdered his father- 
in-law, made himself master of the district, and soon extended his suray. 
He was succeeded by his eldest son Rahim bek, and he by his brother 
Abdul Kerim bek, who built the present city of Khokand, to which he 

moved his lesidence^t 

This is the account of the origin of the Khanate as given by Mahsum 
Khoja; while Vamberyf makes its chief descend from Kaidu, the 
ftmous rital of Khubilai Khan, who occupied us in the former vohime,| 
and whose family he elsewhere strangely confuses with that of the 
Jagatai rulers of Kashgar. We will now resume our story. 

* Vaakcrjr, Travels, 187*190. t Wathta. Jo«m. Aitot. 80c, Bmc*. iU., 37a« 

2 Ritter^ WtH A«i«o, vii., 77%. i Op. cit.» 371. 1 Antt, vol. I., 173, ttc. 

1I4UOTIB BL 817 

Abchd Kerin VM Mccaedtd lyyEideni Atk, idM it made hit ton by 
tooM^ tad Uit ttti of lUhim 1>y odmt : I |»rdtor the fonntr vi^^ The 
gran auMte Gecinplqr» madattd by Klapioth,* tayt that the Bekt 
ofalltlieoilMrtofVAtQCFeighMia wore tobject tohin^and obeyed his 
octet. Ill 1759 the Chfaiete 9mmn\, Chaohod wat in pgisttit of Khori« 
jaB» and detached tome offioert to tobdne the Bonitt. They were enter- 
tamed by Erdeni at Khokaad with mutton and wine, and when they 
dtpaited he tent back one of hit officials to tender hit tnbmittionto the 
Empttm Kien Lan|^ The other Bdn MOkr iUics Toktn Muhammed of 
Andyanaad DatPinglitof Maii^iilan ako tent officert with tribute* 
and in 1760 the fixmer went to Pddng in penoo. Amoog the pcetentt 
tent to tbe Eaqperor weie aifhamaVii great ea|^ £dcoat for 
hmtini^aiid^Iilatetofthefbontain of the dragon "(?). Tathkend had 
tabmitted to China in 1758. In I7te Erdeni invaded the country of Ush, 
which bdoDged to Adsi hi, but wat ordered to withdraw by the Chinese 
general In 1763 there wat another invation of the Burnt country, 
which wat blamed by an Imperial decree. Erdeni died in lyyal 


Mahtnm Khcja maket Erdeni be tucceeded by Snlhnan b^ and he 
by Shah Rnkh beg, the test of whom only reigned three mondit. He 
wat tiien followed by Narbutdi hi, the grandson of Abdul Kerim.S Nar- 
btttehy accocding to load tradition, wat the ton of Abdor Rahman Batir, 
an Uibq^ of the Ming trib^ who ruled over the town and dittrict of 
Isfiua, and tHio married Eideni bd[ft ntter.| Khanikof and others 
can hfan Yamchi bi or Jamdii bi, and tell us he was descended from the 

fiuooMMt Baber.T 

Abdur Rahman wat treadMioutly killed by Erdeni, who withed 
to potsess himtelf of Itfinra, but hit ton Naibuteh who wat then but 
a ^ihl wat tpared, and when on ErdenFt death hit heh:t were killed or 
diqiened he wat choten by the Khokandians to succeed hhn.** By 
Watfieut NaAvtrii it made a grandson of Shah Rnkh He ruled 
Ofver Khokand during the domination of the Andr Shah Murad, at 
BuUiafa, and wat donbtlett more or less subonUnate to him, for 
he neither strud^ coins nor had die Khutbeh said in his own name4} 
He had an army of fifty thousand men, lived at Khokandi and 
wat tt]^ hit son by ^ Emperor of China, to whom he tent 
envoys every one or two years^ with pretentt of hortety sable skins, &&, 
and received in ratum rod gold^ &c, amounting in value to several 

«lfaC.Aaitt,L,as. t(IKriL) |lkc.Ailit,L,as. tdNqrlir. L, uS. 

f tiftK C^km ^ rittisi, litai> hup. Aich. Sockt^ St, Ptlw^,JL, n§^im, AmMm 


Si8 HisTORT or nil monqols. 

laks of rupees.* The Alglun ruler, Zeman Shih, sent an ambtssador 
in 1794 to Khokaad, who describes one of these embassies to China. 
The represenuUre of Khokand uras met at the Oiinfie frontier 
by a carriage, shaped like a boi^ drawn by two horses, and as it was 
wintry-cold they put a hot stone before him to warm him, while the 
carriage itself contained all necessary food and drink. He dined ta rvMte, 
while he stayed to sleep at some post station. These were garrisoned by 
500 men. He saw nowhere on the way any well peopled district. It took 
him a month and a few days to reach Pddngfirom the frontier. He was 
admitted to an aodience hi the palace, iHiose grandeur greatly sorprised 
him ; the waUs and cdling befaig coated with gcM and glass, and in 
the midst was a kiosk, also richly gilded and glased. He prostrated 
himself in the prescribed way, and then saw a hand issne from the top 
of the kiosk and heard a voice speaking in ^the Turkish of Kitai,* whidi 
said, ^ The Emperor deigns to ask, does my 8<m Narbuteh bi eBJoy good 
health and contentment ? ^ The envoy prostrated himself again, and 
replied, as he was told, ^Narbuteh has no other wish than to satisfy the 
bdiests of his majesty." Afterwards the EmpercMr gave him praseots for 
the Khan to the value of ten laks of rupees, which were put into the 
carriage in which he once more returned to Khcdcandt 

The A%han envoy speaks in high terms of ^ qualities of Narbotdi bi, 
he says, '* He had built hhnself a palace of singular beauty, whose walls 
were covered with encrusted glass (? porcdain). No one was allowed to 
approach him ; and fifty or sixty soldiers mounted guard at his gate, who 
carried the requests of suppliants into the palace^ and returned widi written 
answers. Every Friday he went to the Mosque^ escorted by about lo^ooo 
soldiers^ There he met the Ulemas and Seyids, and heard dispitles. 
The easier matters he decided himself, remitting the more difficult ones 
to the Muftis. He then went to his palace, which held a vast crowd of 
people, where he gave a feast His food was the same as that of the other 
Usbegs, but he ate little rice. Envoys were received by him with the usual 
ceremonies practised by sovereign rulers, and he had by him, re^esen- 
tatives of the different Uzbeg states.*^ Mahsum Khoja says NariMdi 
conquered all Ferghana except Khojend, and we elsewhere read that he 
subdued Andijan, Namangan, Ush, and other places. His latter days 
were spoit in a struggle for Khojend with Faril bi and his son Khudayar, 
the governor of Uratippa. It seems that, in idliance with the Amir 
of Bukhara, he tried to take Uratippa, but was completdy routed by 
Khudayar, who is said to have killed twenty thousand men, and miide a 
pyramid of their heads.f In 1799 he undertook an expedition against 
Tashkend, which was governed by Yunus Khoja. 

Here we must divert a little. Soon after YoJbars, Khan of the Kasaks, 
was killed at TaAkend to 1740^ as I have described , Tashkend passed 


imdertliedomtiwHon of the Stng«r Katattukiy and wai nM for tome 
timebylCtttlakbiy wbowatpfolMdilsrfittk wpoBt Upm the deputy of the 
Simgarian soirereigii.* He etffl geweieeil the tewn in ij^f A few 
years kiter the Stmgariaii eofiife was a f tilhi wr a by the Chinese* who 
in 1750 occupied Tashkead Lflce Fsq^haaa sMs dislnct seems to have 
passed under die coniral of vaiietts Kho^eachof whom ruled over a 
town and its suvrounding distykt We do not read of Tasldiend again 
till the end of the century when wo ted it subject to Yunus Kboja^ 
who is caMed a descendant of the todous KhaM Abubdchr, by Abdul 
KeriuLt He reduced tiw sumunding districu to oider,and in 1798 
seveiely punished tiie Kasaks of the Great Horde, who had io long 
harassed his borders, and at length completdy subdued them-S Yunus 
Khoja was now master of Tashkend, Turkestan, and of a wide district in 
the neighbouiliood, and in 1797 came into conflict with Narbuteh bi, of 
Khokand, as I have mentioned. The ktter was defeated and captured, 
and was put to deaA at Tasl^cend in iSoal He left three sons, Alim, 
Omar, and Shahrukh. 


Naibutdi bi was succeeded by his ddest son Alim Khan, who 
on his accession put his brother Rustem B^ and several of hisotfaer 
rdations who had opposed him to death. He had the Khutbeh said in 
his own name, and also struck money.f Meanwhik, Yunus Khoja of 
Tashkend marched with the Kasaks who were subject to him ^^st 
Khokand> and attied himself with Bek Murad, the son of Khudayar Beic, 
who was then ruling at Khojend. The armies of Khokand and 
Tadkkend fiied at one another across the Sir Daria but they did not 
come together, and afterwards retb:ed. Subsequently we find Yunus 
Khoja and his ally trying in vain to capture Uratippa, which was 
governed by Khudayar's brother Baba Bek. The latter thcieupon went 
^nst Khojend, whence he drove away Bdc Murad bdc Baba was 
subsequently murdered by his nephew Bek Murad, in return for which 
Bek Murad was himself IdUed by the children of Baba Bdt in Samarkand, 
whither he had been invited by Ae Bukharian Amir, Haidar. Yunus 
Khoja was finally unsuccessful and obliged to retreat to Tashkend, which 
was captured by Alim Khan in 1803 or 1805,** but it was apparently not 
finally conquered till the reign of Omar Khan his brother, who we are 
told took it from the sons of Yunus Alim then subjected the 
Kasaks, turned his arms against Buldiara, and tried unsuccessfully to 

♦^•l#.«75.«7«. 1UtAIii%x» IScheltr.fir. ^l**)^ 

|T»tfdtorPwpWol.aoMMm.Qtof.a<».«ISwP«»«ini^-4».*c. Notts. 

t SdMfcr't Abd«l XMifli,«ix. ** ScbvylerJ., 340^ S4X- 

tt WilktBt Jonra. Aaltt Soc, BMf ., iU., s^i. 


atpbu» Ufatippty wbidi fcfl lioMifw in a teooad cuapaigB.* It was 

Khan seonf to have been a aelMifflad obatfnate peitoa, and he paid no 
heed to the Shiiflrht and Sofia. OneneoocaaonaSheildiQCKhokandwho 
had a gieat nnniber of dJicipieiy pvelended thai he poaaeaaed the power 
of doing miiadea. He was aoBunonedhyAttm Khan wIki was aeated near 
> pond ofer which he h ad s uspend e d a iope> and who Attsadd i awa A hia^ 
O Sheikh, on the day of rssarraction yoo will no doubt csndact yov 
dIsdplesoverthegidfQfhaabrthebiMfeofSiiatk InowwiahToato 
cross over the pond by this rope^ tiiat I Biay intness one of Toerminides. 
The Sheikh began to nuke cxcittes and to dte the Koran, but the 
Khan was inflexible. Hardly had he set foot on the rope when he £b11 
into the pond, wharanpon they beat him with sticks till ho died. He 
had all the dervishes and p r o fe ss ed religiotts arrested and co n vert e d into 
camd drtvers>t When the Chi n ea e oonqaered Altishehr or Eastern 
Ttailcestan, the eons of die fiunoos Kbqja Serim Sak fled to Bokhanu 
Thence f orw ard it seems the Imperial Court of China paid an annual smn 
of money to the governor of Khokandyin consideration of his looking 
after the yoong princes, and preventing tiiem from letnming to 
Kashgar,and an envoy accordin^y went every two or three years from 
Khokand to China. This pension having on one occasion friled to go, 
AHm Khan forbade the caravans of Bokhara and Khdcand visiting 
Kashgar, which qpeedOy brought the Chinese to terms and theyiendtled 
the arrears of pension in one sum.| 

Latterly AHm Khan became very tyrannical and cnid. He disposed of 
the daqghten of hb m^tGtM as he liked, and put to death many innooent 
people, and Us sabfects prayed for his death. On one oocasioa, dnrii^ 
the Khokand fob,he went to Tashkend with a laige army, which was 
comrnandud by his brother, Omar bd^ and his maternal onds^ and he 
ordered them to lay waste the country of the Kaiaks. Notwithstanding 
the rigour of the aeason this order was carried out The Kaiaks sub- 
mitted, and Omar thereupon returned to Tashkend» and reported how he 
had slain some of the nomades, and secured the submission of the rest 
Attm abused him for having shown any mercy, and ordered him to 
retnm, and slani^iter tliem without mercy. Omar went outside the dty, 
where hb troops to the number of ten diousand lay, and he reported to 
nghal and the other officers what had taken place. They all agreed that 
dMir horses could not then march, that the season was too severe^ and 
that ^ Kasaki^ beskles being Mussufanans and innocent, were scattered 
over the desert, and that it would be impossible to find them* Omar 
thereupon asked what was to be done. Taghai, his uncle, replied, 
'^ Omar Bek must be Khan; we cannot obey a tyrant like Alim Khan," 
and he swore the oath of foahy to him. The army then m^f^^^ 

su. t8dnqrtor,i.,94i. I feh t ftr, aii, sn. flA,«i7,tiS. 


tft KfcniTMMl, when Omir Khan wm diilf procfafaned. AOm tocm 
fomd Minif.lf witk only tiutc lumdred UtowtxM^ awniig wiMii bo 
libcnlly dteOwted lafgM* He maidiad tomdi Kholaaid wMi Mi 
tfeMuxeSy kis hMeBi, and his son. Shah RnUi MnrMf whoit motfMr 
wa$ a Kaak. £n nrnte he came to a fbct, wfaidi leAiied to tiineaderf 
and havbg halted for the ni|^ eren hit tfuee handled ftUow^n deserted 
him and went into Khdcand. He theneopony with tears hi his eyes, snm- 
mmedhis son, gave him one thousand tiOas^ and bade hto go to the 
Amir Haidar, at Bukhara. Then leering his irives and tieasuies bi a 
village^ to whose chief men he intrusted tteniy he set e«t with twenty 
h o r s emen and his Divan beg^ Mohammed Zohmr, for DerehVnhp whence 
he could see Khokand. The Divan b^ asked hhn not to trust 
himself further, but to go to Khojendi where there were four thousand 
men who would probably support him. He insisted upon gomg near the 
town, and was abandoned by his remaining followers^ except iSvee 
only. When the patrols, who were outside the wall% saw him th^r gave 
chase, whereupon the Khan'k horse became bogged in a marsh. Hetheo 
asked the Divan begi to give him his, hot the Utter replied that he iMd 
not heeded his counsel, and he was not prepared to sacrifice his life lipr 
him. Hethereupon pot his horse to the gaUop, and went towards ^ 
town. The soldiers of Omar Khan having now come up one of them tfho| 
him in the back, and they buried him at night This was in 1M4 of tkf 
hej, l0^ 1809. Mohammed Zuhur was at first well received by Omar 
Khan, but was afterwards stripped of his wealth, and eventu4ly devoted 
himsdf to a religious life.* Mahsum Khoja says Ahm Kbsn was tiie 
first of the Khokand rulers to strike money in his own name, and that 
these coins, wiiich were of bronze silvered over, were made from old 
cumons left by Nadir Shah at the time of his conquestt One of his 
corns has been published by Savilie£ It was struck in iaj6 hq, i>., 
1801-a, and on it he styles himself Alim bek.| 


The young prince, Shah Rukh Muna, instead of going to Bukhara m 
his fether had counselled him went to Tashkend, where he was wsW 
received, but news having arrived there of the death of Alim Khsmy Ibe 
Knsh b^ seized him, and had him conveyed towards Khohmd, jHe 
was killdl en route. Omar Khan seated Umsdf on the thions^ end 
confided the admbistration of the i$pnntry to his maternal unde, 
Muhammed Riza bek.| The rule of Omar Khan was ^ beneficent on^ 
and Khokand became a great resort of jooerchants. 

* 8cfa«fv, sig-dtt)* t MuxjliT, t., 34^ 

IlfcaM.fiif,Aish»Soe.,Bftst0ni8oGtioOfiI.«z2x. ^Scli0fBr,a^CM.. 


We are told he captured Mahmud Khan, of Uratippa, and sent him 
pris<Hier to Khokand, replacing htm by one of his adherents, and although 
the latter was soon after driven away, Uratippa, in fact, remained subject 
to Khokand. Omar also conquered Turkestan and several surroumUng 
towns, and Tozai Khan, who, Schuyto says, was the last descendant of 
the Kazak Khans, fled to Bukhara, where he was afterwards killed.* 

A dependent of Alim Khan, named Muhammed Rejeb Karajeh, who had 
been a ftigitive at Bukhara, having repaired to Khokand, secured the 
hatred of Muhammed Riza bek, and of his friend Kitaki, who was a 
Karakalpak and a famous commander. The two latter plotted toge- 
ther to seize the throne. Their scheme having been disclosed by a slave, 
Omar Khan and Muhammed Rejeb ccmcerted measures for defeating it 
They were invited to a feast at the palace, where Muhammed Riza was 
arrested, put in prison, and then strangled, his ftiend Kitaki was cut 
in pieces, their property was confiscated, and Rejeb Karajeh was 
appointed governor of Khojend. Omar Khan sent an envoy to Russia 
to arrange for the visits of caravans to Khokand, and he proposed that 
when they were pillaged on his side of the half-way line, he would recom- 
pense the merchants, if the Emperor did the same on his side. This was 
accepted, Abdul Kerim says, that when he wrote, many such caravans 
passed to and fro. He reports how an envoy from Khokand having been 
killed by a Russian soldier at Kiziljar, the Russians paid a fine of i,ooo 

This intercourse with Russia led to the famous visit to Khokand, of 
Colonel Nazarof, in 1 813-14. He went to explain the death of the Kho- 
kandian envoys on the Russian frontier, one of whom had been killed by 
an outlaw on the frontier, which was doubtless the event referred to by 
Abdul Kerim. He took an escort of Cossacks, and merchandise to the 
value of 20^000 roubles. On arriving at Khokand they were assigned a 
place to camp in, in the garden of the palace, and were there kept strictly 
guarded, but themselves and cattle were supplied freely with food, their 
own consisting of white bread, rice, tea, and melons.} Twelve days after 
his arrival Nazarof had an interview with the Khan, whom he calls 
Amir Vali Niami. They were escorted by some of his guards riding 
arghamaks, who were richly dressed, and wore red turbans. The 
envoy rode, and his Cossacks followed on foot. On approaching the 
palace all dismounted. The streets and roofs were crowded with people. 
The Khan sat at a window, and Nazarof was told to salute him as he 
did his sovereign, whereupon he uncovered himself which was deemed 
a solecism. The Khan was about twenty-five years old, he was seated 
on his throng and richly dressed ; at the audience there were also envoys 
from Bukhara, Khiva, the Sarsans (?), and China— the last, probably, 
frcmi the Chinese governor of III After the presentation, at which 

*Op.dt.,i.,54iiS4S* t Schefer* s«S-M9> t Mttar, WmC Ad«i,vU.,7^ 


Nasarof i^aced die impedAi letters on hit own head ; they were feasted 
with hdrseflesb, and rice stained of a rose colour ; Naiarof refhsed to eat 
this as contrary to his religion. Several of the Cossack officers were 
presented with state robes, and allowed to return home^ but Nasarof 
himself was detsuned ; he was closely confined, and told he must either 
pay the blood penalty for the lives of the two envoys, turn Mussulman, or 
be hanged on a gallows ; but this wasa barren threat, and he was,in £act, 
kindly treated and taken to many festivals, musical entertainments, &c. 
In order that he might not try to escape he was invited by the Khan to 
go with him on a hunting excursion to Marghilan, where he stayed for 
some time^ aBd where the devoted Mussulmans thiew stones at him as a 
Kaffir ; he afterwards returned home again.* 

Izzetulla also visited Khokand ; he tells us Omar Khan maintained 
a standing anny of lo^ooo horse, which he paid by grants of villages 
and lands. The troops could not keep the field for longer than 
two months as their provisions then became exhausted ; besides them 
the tribes could raise 3o/xx> men, who served for a month, and that once 
a year. The services of these last were not paid for by the Khan ; most 
of them were armed with spears, but some had matchlocks.! Omar 
Khan died in 1822 ; according to aonie he was killed by his brother, 
Muhammed All ;t on his coins he is styled Seyid Muhammed Omar 
Sultan, and Muhammed Khan Seyid Omar.l 


Muhanmied Ali, who now succeeded, was also called Madali, which is 
a contraction of the former name. On his accession he exiled several of 
hb relatives, and among them his brother Mahmud Sultatr, who went to 
Shehr i Sebz, where he married the daughter of the ruler. He was after- 
wards patronised by Nasrulla of Bukhara, by whom he was appointed 
saccessively governor of Urmitan and Khojend. | Schuyler reports that 
s disagreement with Bukhara, which broke out at the beginning of 
Madali Khan's reign ended peaceably in 1825.^ This probably arose out of 
the shdter winch Madali offered to NasruUa's brother Omar Khan. Some 
time after the Bukharian Khan seems to have conquered Jixakh, which was 
his when Bumes wrote. In 1826 Yehanghir Khoja, a descendant of the 
fonner rulers of Kadigar, rose in revolt against the Chinese, but having 
been defeated by them he fell into the hands of the Kirghises, and 
eventuaDy into those of Madali, who kept him in restraint for a while^ 
when he again took shelter with the Kiighises, and persuaded them to 

march with him against the Chinese. 

■ — ' — iiiiiiiii ' — 

* /i., 7^ Uairvn Phtoretqiie, Aua, vi^ xxx, 1x2. t Jour. Roy. AiUt. Soc* Til., pts» 

t Sckiyltr, I., S4S. I SavUtof, op. cit., MS. tSehttfUt,U,m, Y Op. ci|«, I., 54S> 

$24 HXtXOBV or TBS iKmoo 

UtAaU, ute was iiritatcid at tbe trMtmeat fht Muttolmaits had 
ttcdftd, alio flMadied aa iiniiy ^mt, and tnrpriaed and cut up tiie 
Oiinine Tbe Khoja aeciiied poaaettioii <tf Kashgtf, and the Khan^ 
GKnkf ovtsnuL the whole <tf Chmete Tartary, and got postetskm 
ofYaifcaiidyAkaayaad KhoteD,wfaidi victories seamed Ibr MadaMthe 
title of GfaasL Pieseady the Khoja grew jeakms of Bfadali, and 
drew cH bb people^ and, as tbe Oiinese advanced in fbite^ tbe latter 
withdrew. Ydiangfabr blmsdf was captured, and was sent to Pddng to 
be eieciited. Tbe Chinese now sent an eavof to Khokand to negotiate 
ior peaos^ which was agreed upon on condition of the Khan retaining a 
dqmty at Kasbgar to superintend tbe religion of tbe Mnbanunedans 
diere. He was granted a share in tbe transit dnes, and Madali agreed to 
restrain the Kiighises, and to assist the Giinese in maintaining order in 
Chinese Tartarf.* 

In 1828-9^ while Mnrza Shems was living at Khokand, Yosuf Khcja, 
the brother of Yebanghir, who was also fiving there, asked permission 
fromMadalitoreconqiierhis&theriand. Tbe Khan gave him some royal 
robes, and a contingent of twenty-five thousand men, which he accomr 
panied himsdf as far as Ush. Twenty days after leaving Ush they 
readied one of the Chinese frontier stations, garrisoned by about one 
hundred and fifty men, which they assaulted for some time, when the 
garrison blew the place up* Murza Shems teUs us how when they 
deq;iaired of success and thus committed ''the happy despatch'^ wholesale 
te Chinese dressed themsdves in their best dotbes, drank much wine^ 
and then fired the powder magaxine. When the Khokandians entered 
the fort they found the bodies of fifty or sixty Chinamen charred and 
swollen, and others who had shot themsdves. Fourteen were found alive 
in a well, and were sent back as trophies to Madali Khan. TheKhokan- 
dians then went on about fifteen varsts ftuther, and came to another for^ 
with a garrison of about five hundred Chinese^ where the neighbouring 
heights were covered with a laiger force. One report making it seven 
thousand dght hundred and anotherthirteen thousand strong. After a ter- 
rible struggle the Khokandians won the day, and most of the Chinese were 
dther killed or committed suidde. Leaving the fort to be invested they 
continued their advance by way of Mushi and Liangar, about ten versts 
from Kasbgar. There the feud was still in progress between tbe Blade 
and White Khojas, of whom the latter were the partisans of Yusuf, while 
the Black Khojas were the partisans of the Chinese. The former now 
came out with great joy to wdcome thdr diampion, who entered Kasbgar 
to the sound of trumpets and drums. Meanwhile Ishak beg^ who belonged 
to the other faction, withdrew with his supporteis to another Chinese fort, 
apparently called Gul bagh, with a garrison of some thirteen hundred 
men. This was bdeagured by the Khokandians, while Yusuf himsdf 

*VlftllMa» or. cit., ITS* 

1UDAX.I &RAN. $2$ 

west to Yans^ Hissar, om himctred and fifty venU oSf and tlwnce to 
Yafkmd, leaving his son at Kashgar in diaige of the Mvna Shems* 
Four nu»|]is after Ynaaf had left the capital, news anhred that a huge 
Chhiese anny one handled thousand stroi^ was maidung to the lescney 
and had aheady veadied Faisabad. Mima Shems at once padftd up 
the YahiablMlie had chaige of in sixty boxesi and prtpaied to depart, 
bat this baggage was phmdeied by the BkdcKhojas. The Khokandians 
xetfaed in all haste, and were accompanied by a great crowd of 
Xashgarians of the Whito Khoja fiurtion; one accoant says twehre 
thoasand, and another ftem fifty to sixty thowsand. It was a rq;akr 
migratiofi of meoi women, and ddldrsn on Ibot^ on horses and 
donheysb and the weadier being very cold mai^ of them perished on the 
way. Yusof himself died at Khokand, about five montiu Uter.* The 
ftqiitives from Kashgar were settled in the dty of Shehri iChana, bailt by 
Omar Khan, and on the Sir Daria, bdow Khojend. 

In 1831 a treaty was condaded at Peking between the empire and 
Khokand, by whk^ the nder of the ktter country was ^to receive the 
doties on a& faeign goods imported into Akso, Ush T^rfan, Kashgar, 
Yanghl HIssar, Yadooid, and Kholen, and was allowed to mahitahi 
aksakabiaanthose towns to collect the doties, and to protect the Mo- 
haamedans, while he bound hfansdf to prevent the Khcjas leaving his 
domlnlens, and to punlrii them if they did so. In this way Khokand 
aoquirsd great Inftusnee In Kashgar.t 

On another side k began to have more rsgnlar intercourse with its 
mors aangerDus nstsnoour JCttSwa* 

At tfus time a faage nund>er of Kasi^ netaUy those of the Great 
Horde werc^ as wo have seen, subject to Khokand, and much dilBoalty 
arose in conseqnencc of the nnceitafai fimitsof the Isiritocy over iHddi 
rights were dafaned by Russia and Khokand rs^pfctivdy. About 
1827 or 183^ envoys were sent from Orenbuigh to settle the matter, who 
took with them as presents firom the Tsar several mirrors of very huge 
rise^ a musical dodc, and guns and pistols. It was finally agreed that 
the river Kuk Su should be the boundary of the two countries, the sub* 
Jects of Russia keepii^ to the north, and those of Khdcand to the south 
of it Beacons were also erected along the frontier, but it would seem 

the Russians were not long in encroadiing on these limits, and built some 
forts south of the river; whereupon Che Khan sent another envoy to 
St Petersbuig with an elephant, and some Chinese slaves, as a present 
lor the £nqpetor4 

Madali Khan was a martial penon in his young days, and itiUr alim^ 
c onq ueied Kaiategin, and compelled Kulab, Darwai, and Shqgnan to 
recognise his aothority.S 

*IC««t.«fMana8hnM,«p.cil^SM.S9tb t acli«]rl«»i.|o* 



I have described how at this time the £n|^ish and Rwtsiant wave 
trying to checkmate one another in Central Asia, and each endeavouring 
to secure the assistance of the Vtheg Khanates. Vfhm. Colond 
Sioddart went to Bokhara, Captain ConoUy, who had had coaaideiaUe 
experience, was seat on a mission to Khiva, and told to go on from 
thence to Khokand, and to explore the road between the two Khanatei, 
leading by way of Altun Kiddi, Ak Mnsjid, and Achkian* Ha was six 
weeks on this journey and ii^^tiafecd himself into the iavoor of Madali 
IQian and his supporters by the rich presents of expensive firearms, 
inlaid and ornamented, and Cashmere shawls which he lavishly 
dlstribnted. He travelled we are told with a train of eighty servants 
and an immense quantity of baggage, and the chief people of die 
country he passed through shared his hlierality as wdl as the 
Government officials, however tow or high might be their rank.* 
This created him many partisans. It seems that at this time the feud 
between Khokand and Bukhara had recommenced, for although Madali 
had in 1839 submitted to the Amir of the latter country, the presence and 
attentions of ConoUy seem to have made him more arrogant^ and the 
Amir had once more to mardi against him. Meanwhile Nasnilla, who 
knew of Conolly*s visit, attributed this altered conduct of his dependent 
to his instigation. Having been pnnnised a safe conduct by the Amir, 
ConoUy determined to trust himself at Bukhara, notwithstanding the 
advice of his friends at Khokand. He was received in a cold and 
haughty manner by -the Amir at Jizakh. There he brought about 
negotiations between the two rulers which ended in a short peacct 
He then went on to Bukhara where he joined Stoddart, and where he 
was put to death as I have mentioned.} 

Let us now revert to Madali Khan. About 1840 a great change came 
over him, and from being a vigorous warrior he degenerated into a 
debauchee. The change was attributed to the remorse he fdt at the 
execution of Hak Kuli, by whose counseb he had generaUy been guided. 
Weakness at head-quarters had its usual effects, and we find a 
conspiracy was started by the Kushbegi Leshker of Tashkend, the 
Kazi Kalian, the commander-in-chief, Isa Kboja, and others.S They 
determined to displace Madali and to put Shere Ali, the son of Alim 
Khan or Murad bi the son of Haji bi, the brother of Narbuteh hi, on the 
tiirone. The former had lived for many years among the IQpchaks^and 
the latter at Khiva where he had given his daughter in marriage to Allah 
Kuli Khan. The conspirators sent an invitation to NasruUa Khan of 
Bukhara to go and assist them* The latter was only too willing to go» 
but so rash did the proceeding seem on the part of the Khokandians that 
he Guided there was some sinister motive bdiind it, and it was only on 

* Pmin't ASi^nB, 437, 438. t Id,, 43^-440* I ^«^» Soo^ Sm. 

%VtLZmQ Hilt NoCtoM of Khokninlfana. Rom. Arch. Soe.OriMt.Stet.,U..399-S3i. 


the receipt of a stcood mvhetion diat lie set QOtin April, i843>widitA 
anny of 18^000 men, and encainped fifteen or sixteen milM fr^ 
Fri^tened by this demonstiatlon MadiU sent out his son Mohammed 
Amin wiA the Knshbq^i Leshker and te Kazi Kalian to <^ier hnmble 
terms, iniiralta that he wonld acknowledge himsdf a vassal of Bukhara 
and have Nasmlla's name inserted in the Khntbeh and on the coins* 
These envoys were amicably received and t#o of them were sent back but 
the Knshb^ Lesker was detained, and at a private andience he inf<»med 
the Amir that the Khokand diiefo and people were ready to surrender 
the place to him. NasniUa thereapon sent to summon Madali to his 
presence. Tb# latter vras naturally afraid nor could he get any assistance 
from his usual counsdlors. He then discovered how unpopular he had 
become^ and packing up his valuables in 100 arabas and taking with 
him but 1,000 men he set off for Namangan. The grandees now sent to 
invite Nasrulla to enter Khokand which he did in state, and deeming it 
good policy to be beared rather than loved, and by striking terror to 
overawe his other neighbours, he ordered the town to be pillaged, and 
it was given up to plui^der for about four hours, the mollihs themselves 
being robbed of thdr books, and the w(«ien and children subjected to 
great outrage.* The next day the captured property was resold to the 
citizens, except the gold, diver, and other valuables which went into the 
treasury. The Amir now ordered Madali to be searched for. 

The latter was gradually deserted by his escort which carried <d his 
baggage, and at last he was left with but three foUowers, and deemed 
it best to return to Khokand and throw himself on the demency of the 
victor. He had icarody reached the town however, when he was seised 
with his mother, wives, sons, and brother. His harem was transported 
to Bukhara in forty arabas. Nasrulla now summoned a grand council to 
try his captive^ and he lei it be known that he intended to kill him, to 
appropriate the Khanate^and to put his own deputy there. Thegrandees 
who had cooqpiied were now diaenchanted» the Kushbcgi Lesker and the 
Kaii Kalian, with an old noUe called Erdineh raised their voice against 
this p61iqr,t and htggpi of him to a|point as their chief (subordinate to 
himselO some prince of the frmiOy of Narbuteh. This news was not 
wekome to NasmUa, tdio gave a hint to his own subject the Kazi Kalian 
of Bakham, and the latter like a good courtier pressed his master's 
wish, aad nffod that Madali was a criminal for having married his own 
nother^n-lcv, the widow of Omar Khan, and deserved death together 
wiHi his fiunOy. NasmQa adopted this view and the unfortunate Khan, 
his mother and bfother, and hb ekiest son Muhammed Amin were 
brought into the hall and executed in the presence of the coundL 
Twehmdied and fif^ of the prindpal Khokandian chiefe, with their 

fiua2Uei|Were aneeted and sent to Bukhara as hostages, t We are tokl 

■ ■ . ■ 

^id^nhin- t/Ajj4-ijtf. Xid^tsi^'t^ 


Ouit a second son of Madall, nimod MonaffBr,' wm also Idfled bjr 
Nasnilla^« order, ^^d a third son by another w£e, named Ashiila^wu pot 
to death long after, namely in i866-7inear Qmsta, by Khndayar iOian.* 
NasniUa sent to annonoce his victory to the various towns of the en^ir^ 
and he appointed Ibrahim Datkha, the former governor of Samatlrand, 
as his dqnity, with a force of 600 soldiers to control the newly con^pMved 


The Bukharian Khan was greatly puffed up by his success, but 
his triumph was only short lived. About three months after the 
capture of Khokand an insurrection broke out there, and the Bukharian 
sway came to an end. The new governor had oppressed the dtisens 
and forced them to pay one-fourth of their produce, besides the usual 
taxes levied at Bukhara, into the treasury. The people thereupon sent 
to the Kipchaks to ask them to assist in putting their guest Shore Ali 
on the throne. After some hentation they consented, and on their 
approach the Khokandians fdl on the Amir's garrison and killed neariy 
aU of them. Ibrahim Datkha with difficulty escaped, and Shore Ali 
was speedily proclaimed Khan. Nasrulla was greatly enraged, he 
ordered his late deputy to be killed, and prepared an army of 20^000 
men, with which and the 250 hostages he had with him he marched for 
Khokandt He pressed the si^;e for some days. One of the hostages, 
a Kipchak, named Mnsswiman Knl sumamed Chulak, or the Cripple, idio 
had focmeriy commanded a company of 100 men in Madali's service 
gained great influence oyer the Amir, who was so artless on this occasion 
as to allow hhn to ride into Khokand on his pretending that he could 
secore the town for hhn. On getting inside he speedily roused the 
mihiiiinim of the garrison to whom he was wdl known* and they built 
themseltes great ramparts of wood and eartfi and made several suc- 
cessful sorties. He also wrote a letter to some of the Bokharian nobles 
pretending that they had promised him to put their master to death. 
Clinlak took good care this should fall into the Amir^s hands^ who at the 
same, time heard that the Khivan Khan had invaded the Bukharian 
territory, and carried off many of its peq^. He was much moved 
by all this, rdeased his hostage^ raised the si^ge, and retnmed homei t 

Schuyler tells us that Shere Ali was sin^ and good-natOTBd, and was a 
kind and mikl ruler, and so weak as to get the nickname of pastiak(^., 
matorrag). He distinguished the beginning of hir reign by disinterring 
the body of Madali Khan and burying it again with great funeral cei^ 
monies conducted by all the deigy.f 

Shere AU virtually owed his throne to the efibrts of his friends 

^8€lwyl«r,i.,S44.94S« t Vtt Ztm , p^ dt, 133.540. l/dnH^'Ui* iOp,cmi,94S. 


Uie Kipdialoy wbo now ckinMd thdr mrard and to oooUol tke 
rKUf dcDftrtmenti of the Stftta. ^iitfti^fi n^ tht Stitt fimn their fofmir 
fliDremacv. Their leader Ymof lyfinsfaethi waa phiifd at the head ef 
afiairs at Khokand, and Mnttnlman Knl hdd anthority at AadUan. 
Meanwhilei Shere Ali behaved with demencj. One of the ions 
of Mtthammedbii a descendant of Narbutehi was pvt to death, and his 
brothers eiqpatriatedy hut otherwise he did not in tJiensnal Eastern fashion 
lay violent hands on his rdatlves»* 

The jealousy between the IGpchaks and Sarts continued. The latter 
were headed by Shadi, who was aiavoorite of the Khan^and who secured 
the death of YusufMingbashi, and ordeicd his adherents to be executed. 
He now smnmoned Mossulman Knl to Khokand. The latter jndidoasly 
professed to be pleased at the death of Yusof^ whom he styled his enemy, 
but he nevertheless collected a considerable ibrce^ and incorporated a 
number of YusuTs fugitive retainers in it When Shadi heard of this he 
sent some assassins to Andijan to kill Mussulman Knl, who, however, 
caught and hanged them. Matters now came to open war ; a struggle 
ensued at Tux^ in which the Sarts were defeated, Shadi killed, and the 
Khan himself captured. As he found some difficulty in securing another 
person of royal lineage to fill his place he reinstated Shere Ali as Khan, 
and himself took the post formerly filled by Yusuf and Shadi. Mussulman 
Kul was a Kipchak, and naturally favoured his own people, which again 
aroused the jealousy of the Sarts, and we accordingly find that 
Rahmet Ulla and Mehmed Kerim, two leaders of the latter, repaired to 
Shehr i Sebz to invite Murad, the son of Alim Khan, to occupy the 
throne.t Having received assistance from the Khan of Bukhara, he 
accordingly, in 1845, marched there. Unfortunately Mussulman Kul 
was then absent with the army collecting tribute from the Kiighises, and 
Murad had no difficulty in securing the town. He put Shere Ali to 
death, and proclaimed himself viceroy of the Bukharian Khan.t No 
coins of Shere Ali are apparently known. 

The citizens, who hated Nasrulla, with good reason, were disgusted at 
this subserviency, and at once sent off for Mussulman Kul, who speedily 
returned and occupied the town. According to one account, Murad Bek 
was put to death, while another says he retired to Shehr i Sebz.S 

Murad had five sons ; by Jarkin, the daughter of the Kipchak Tokhta 
Nasar, Sarimsak then twenty-two, and Bek of Tashkend ; Khuda- 
yar, then shcteen, Bek of Maighilan and Saltan Murad; and, by 

*V«iZ«B.,of.cit,f4S. tacin9rter»of.eit,I.,94ibS|7. I Kutiache Rtvne, riii., a)J« 

t VflL Z^m^. 00. elk., ^ak. 

I ViL ZtlU» Op. ClC.» 345 


another wBb^ Sana Aim^ alao a Kipdud^ Malla, tiien seventaen^ Bdt of 
Andijan iand Sufi.*^ Moasuknan Kx^ having a feud with Sarimsak^ 
summoned hhn to Khokand by a letter sealed widi Khndayar^ seal, and 
he was put to death on the way there. The next day his death was 
announced^ and Khudayar was prodatmed Khan.t Khudayar was 
Mussulman Kul's son-m-law^ and was kept by him under strict 
surveillance being allowed very little money lest he should buy himsdf 
friends. Meanwhile, his father*in-law concentrated the power in his 
own hands, and as he was a good-natured and benevolent person, he coukl 
not restrain the rapacity of the Kipchaks, whom he naturally employed as 
his subordinates, nor was he strongly supported by some of the latter, and 
we find the governors of Maighilan, Urattppa, and Khojend conq^iring 
with Nur Muhammed, who held authority at Tashkend against him. 
The latter^ who was an important personage and had been ofiered the 
post of Mingbashi by the other conspirators, marched to meet Utenbi, 
the Bek of MarghOan, but Mussulman Kul having heard of their 
manoeuvres, planted himself between them and cut off their communica- 
tion with one another. Nur Muhammed thereupon retired to Tashkendf 
while his ally feigned that he had gone really to the Mingbashi's help. 
This excuse was not accepted, and he was deposed. This was in 1851.! 
The following year there broke out a fresh dissension between Mussulman 
Kul and Nur Muhammed* The latter had paid a large sum of money 
into the treasury, but had taken no receipt fer it The man in charge 
thereupon appropriated some of it, and distributed it among hb 
friends, Nur Muhammed himself apparently sharing. Mt«Mulman Knl 
having heard of this, summoned the Khokand council, and then 
demanded from the treasurer an account of the dues payable by 
Tashkend. The implicated officials lost their ten^^er, and even drew 
their swords on the Mingbashi, who| however, escaped, and reported the 
matter to the Khan. Meanwhile, they fled to Tashkend, as did the Bek 
of Khojend. Mussuhnan Knl now, in the Khan's nam^ sommoned Nur 
Muhammed to surrender the fugitives, and to go in person to Khokand.} 
On refusin to do dther, the Khokand army, 4c^ooo strong, with eight 
guns, laid siege to Tashkend. Through the treachery of the Bek of 
Marghilan, who deserted with 600 men, and the incessant rains, the 
siege had to be raised, and Mussulman Kul returned to Khokand 
with his prestige greatly reduced, so much so that his enemies 
rapidly increased in numbers, secretly supported no doubt by the 
Khan, who was weary of hia fether-in-law's surveillance, and in Jime, 
1852, in order to recover his position he was oUiged once more to march 
against Tashkend with 30,000 meiL This momi tan^aign was &tal 
to him. Nur Muhammed had put Tashhsnd tkm food state of detace^ 
and installed his creatures as govcrmNn ^ tfit sarroaading towns. 

* SdnqrWr, )48, t Vd. 2eniH op. cH., 347* I Scbqyter, 949* f V«l. Itni.. 148^ $49^ 


As lie found k impossible to take the place by stomii Massalman 
Kal sent a detadunent to Tmkestan while he himself went to the 
fortiess o£ Niadidc^ ntuated at the sooroes of the Chirdiik which suppli^ 
Tashkend with water^ and whidi be apparently cot oft He then went 
Bordi and captmed Chtmkent Meanwhile the Tashkendians made a 
sortie, defeated the garrison he had left near Niasbdcy and recovered their 
water. Marching speedily to the rescue he encoimtered the army of his 
rivals^ but at the very beginning of the fight the Khan Khudayar, who 
was with him, went over to the enemy, and so disconcerted his men that 
they fled. Many of them ware killed and about 1,000 drowned in the 
Chirchik. Mussulman Kul with difficulty escaped to the Black Kirghises, 
hb mother's people. His partisans were duly punished. Meanwhile he 
was succeeded in authority by the conspirators, who were themselves 
Kipchaks. The Khan had not freed himself from one patron to fall into 
the hands of another, nor were the Sarts content to be again under the 
heel of thehr enemies ; and about two months after the revolution just 
described a conspiracy broke out against the Kipchaks. Utenbi and 
his chief adherents were killed, and their places given to Sarts. Nur 
Muhanmied was replaced at Tashkend by the Khan's brother Mallabek. 
'* General orders were now given for the massacre of all the Kipchaks in 
the Khanate from Ak Musjid (Port Perofski) to the mountains separating 
Khokand from Kashgar, and they were killed everywhere, in the bazaars, 
in the streets* and on the steppe wherever they were found.** Twenty 
thousand men are said to have been thus slaughtered. Khudayar was 
himself a Kipchak on his mother's side, and this act of carnage was never 
forgiven nor forgotten.* Safurbi, who had been commander-in-chief, 
was bastinadoed, he had his hands and feet broken, his head was 
then placed under leaden weights till his ^es protruded out, his body 
was then coated with paste over which hot oil was poured, and lastly he 
was cut to pieces. At length, in the beginning of 1853, Mussulman Kul 
was himself captured and taken to Khokand for punishment. They 
chained him to a high seat on a wooden platform in an open space with 
a tall cap on his head. There he was kept fpr three days, during which 
time they killed six hundred Kipchaks before his face. He was then 
hanged. Thns ended the lifo of a famous Usb^, who had twice saved 
his country from the Bukharians^ and had ruled KholrOTd for ten years.t 
It was now the turn of the Sarts and their leaders Kasim and Murza 
Ahmed. Mallabek having quarrdled with Khudayar was deprived of 
his go v e rn ment at Tashkend, was defeated and had to fly to Bukfaica, 
and Mnna Ahmed was put in his pUce. He severdy aroused the 
Mu mo eit y of the nomad Kaxakt living about Chimirmt and Avlie Ala, 
with wteia hehad eventually to niake tttiflBS and to satisfy their demands.} 

Thiftwas in 1857. At the same tfaae Mallabde, who had letmncd and 

- - - - - ^ — . j _ 

• MM3Plir,L,|S«. I Vel. 2«an 99S> Scksyte. 0^ dt., L, )9«. liii. 


settled at Khokand, formed himself a partjr out of sudi of the Kipchaks 
as remalaed and of the Black Kixgfaises, and was also snpported by a 
leading Usbeg named Alim KnL 


The rebels proclaimed him as MaUa Khaoi and marched towards 
Khokand. A decisivo battle was fought at Samandiii in which Khndayar 
was defeated, and had to retire to Bukhanu* Wo must now divert 
somewhat to consider the intercourse between Khokand and Russia. 
At tho beginning of this century the Khokandiaas had no settlement on 
the lower Sir, but after the capture of Turkestan in 1814 they heguk to 
daim tribute from the Kazaks therei and as this daim was resisted a 
bitter and prokmged struggle ensued between the two powers. To 
tother tiieir ends the Khokandlans built a number of forts on the Sir 
below Turkestaiii at Jany Kurgan, Julek Ak Musjid, Kumish Kurgan, Chim 
Kurgan, Kosh KuigaOi ftc The most important of these, Ak Musjid 
was built, according to the fcasaks, about the year 1817, on the left bank 
oftheShvbtttttmovedayearlatertotherig^bank, The other forts were 
subject to the bog of Ak Mu^id, who was himsdf subordinate to the 
governor of Tashkendt The IQiokan^Dans were very rapadous, and 
now levied exotbitanl taxes oil tho Kazaks, Six sheep were taken from 
eachUbitka, beside a tax of one-third of the crop of com and the usual 
presents to the siakediiks or tax^^adierers ; a tax on wood, diarcoal, 
and hay, eadi kibhka ha^dng to frtmish twenty-lbor bags of diarcoal 
annually, four ox loads of saksanl for foel, and i/>oo sheaves of leods. 
Those Kazaks Ixrlio were too for off c ow f o und ed for their taxes 
in cattle and com. Tho Kasaks had also lo fomish one man and his 
ktep for every kibitka* and to work fa& the gardens of the Khokandians, 
at the repair of the forts, and for deaning out the stables, 9dc^ in the 
forts, which took place sk tfanes a year; while in time of war every 
able-bodied Kazak had to serve, and also to supply himself widi 
his own horse and proviskms. The Khokandiaas behaved otherwise 
brutal^, carrying off the women from the Kazak cub without giving the 
customary kalim or payment for a wife, and vidated Aem, marrying 
them in oppositktt to the Shariatt Aldio«gh they kept the country of 
tho lower Sir under their control, |hek ganisons there were very smaB. 
At Mtti^ bat fifty sipahis and 100 BiAliarlans and Khokand traders ; at 
Konish Kmgan, twenty-five ; at Kodi Koigan, four ; at Julek^ in tSsj^ 
there were frxty ; and at Jany Kurgan, a small quadrai^iular entreadi- 
ment of a q>oar's height, but two or three.! In order to protect their 
cara f a n s and the Kaaks subject to then^ the Russians, in 1846, sent 
Cqitafai Schnlz to survey the months of the Sk, and plant a smdl fort, 

^' ■ — — ^^— I I ■ III M^^^— ■ I , 

•JBi.sss* t Midwir^ tinilin hi Aiiiw S«4« Sl^ t/^917. Md^^tB, 


tbeie. The foOowii^ year saw the fowidatkNi of the fort of Raims]^ 
afterwards caBed Aralsk. At first this only aroused the jealousy of the 
Khivans, bat in 1850 the Khokandians attacked the Kazaks under 
Russian protection, and carried off in one raid 26,000 head of cattle^ and 
in another 30,00a In i8$i, they capcitred 75^000, whereupon the com- 
mander oi Fort Aralsk attacked and took Kosh Kurgan.* In May, 
18521 two steamers, built in Sweden, were forwarded in pieces, and put 
together again at Fort Aralsk. During the summer of that year Colond 
Bhuramberg was sent up the river to survey it as fiur as Ak Mu^id, 
and to insist on the removal of that post. He had between 400 and 
$oomen wi^hioif andtwonineopounders. As they neared Ak Mui^ th6 
environs were laid under water by the citizens; nevertheless, the river was 
safely crossed <m rafts and by wading.t Two envoys, one a tax-coUector 
and the other a Bukharian merdiant, now went to their cmnp to inquire 
the reason for their going. Bhuramberg replied that he and his men were 
marching on the Russian side of the river where no Khokandian settle- 
ments would be permitted. On reaching the fortress it was reconndtred; 
the enemy now reappeared and asked for a respite of four days with the 
ittdtive of giving time for his reinforcements to come up. As the place 
could not be stosmed they having no ladders, the Russians threw some 
grenades into it which were answered by musketry and the cannons on 
the wails. The latter were speedily silenced, the wooden gate battered in, 
and the outer fortification stormed. The citadel, however, with its walls 
four fathoms higji made of day, proved impregnable. All inside the 
fortification was burnt and the Russians then retired, having lost fifteen 
killed and seventy-five wounded. Their retreat was conducted under 
great difficulties, but they destroyed the small forts of Kumish Kut^an, 
Chin Kurgan, and Kosh Kuigan on their, way down. In 1853 a laiger 
force consisting of 2,138 men, 2,442 horses, a/)38 camels, and 2,280 
sumpter oxen with twelve guns^ and carrying moveable pontt/ons, &c., 
marched from Fort Aralsk. To preserve the herbage ftv the cattle the 
Kasaks had been ordered not to encamp during the summer between the 
fixmtier and Fort Aralsk. The expedition arrived safely at the latter fort 
and again set out, the steamer Perofski co-operating on the river. The 
route lay across a terrible country, with bad water, increased heat, &c, to 
contend against, but the Rus^ans duly arrived at Kara Uziak and reached 
Ak Musjki <m the 2nd of July. The fort had been greatly strengthened, 
the outer wall having been demolished, and the ditch enlaiged, so that it 
was one and a half fathoms wide and ten deep. The waUs were four 
fathoms high, protected by crenelated battlements and a breast-work 
skilftilly constructed of cemented lumps of clay. There was a garrison 
of 300 men inside with a month's provisions, three guns were «n the 

ramparts, besides heavy missiles to huri down on the assailants with the 

■ < ■ 11 ■ I ■ ■ ■ .. Ill I.I ■ 

*/^3S4- tM.lSS« 



liand. The place was speedily beleagured and a bombardment 
commenced. A summons was sent to its commander to tell him the 
Russians were firmly determined to definitely appropriate the fort, and 
bidding him surrender.. He asked for fifteen days' grace, and if this were 
not granted replied that he should continue to resist so long as his weapons 
and stock of Kisiak hand-balls of hard clay held out. After the si^e 
had lasted three weeks an expedition was sent to reconnoitre the country 
towards Tashkend. The defenders of the fort of Julek abandoned it and 
fied on the Russian approach. The fort was dismantled and its buildings 
destroyed, and the Russians returned to Ak Musjid with twenty guns, 
falconets, and stores of powder and lead as trophies. At length a mine 
having been prepared was successfully fired and a wide breach opened. 
Twice the assaultmg party was repulsed, but the third charge was 
successful. Muhammed Vali, the governor, with 230 of his followers 
were killed, two horsetail standards, two spear fiags, two brass guns, 
several falconets, sixty-sbc pieces of artillery mostly broken and shattered, 
one hundred and fifty sabres, and two coats of mail were captured. 
The place had been deemed impregnable, having withstood several 
sieges. A Russian fort was now built at the headwaters of the Kazala 
and was named Fort Nmnber One, another was built at Karmakdii and 
called Fort Number Two, a third one at Kumish Kurgan called Fort 
Number Three, and Ak Musjid was renamed Fort Perofski. 

The Khokandians did not submit quietly to their defeat. In the 
autumn of 1853 a large body of 7,000 men set out for Tashkend 
under Sabdan Khoja and advanced towards Foil Perofski. A force of 
275 men and two field pieces was sent against them. The enemy speedily 
attacked this contingent and kept up a violent assault all day, 
but without avaiL They lost very severely, and although they camped 
all around at nightfall, they made off at dawn, ninety-two camels 
carrying their wounded. They left 193 corpses behind. At the approach 
of winter fhey again .advanced, and on the 14th of December appeared 
before Fort JPerofski with 12,000 to 13,000 men and seventeen brass guns. 
The Russians made a vigorous sortie, and surprised and fired the 
Khokandian camp. A terrible struggle ensued, with the usual story 
as to results, where arms of precision are pitted against savage weapons. 
Two thousand Khcdcandians were killed, while the Russian loss was only 
eighteen dead and forty-nine wounded. Four horse-tail standards, seven 
flags, seventeen guns, and 130 pounds of gunpo^rder were captured.* 

In the spring of 1854 the Khokandians began to prepare even a larger 
expedition. A gun founder was sent to Turkestan, and to supply him with 
materials all the utensils of brass were seized by the Beg of Tashkendi 
and a large body of men was ipade ready. In order to resist them 
Perolski determined to strengthen the fort called after his name, and to 


abandon Fort Na 2, which was not strong enough to hold out agamst a 
strong force. The Khokandian advance meanwhile was delayed by the 
threatening attitude of Bukhara.* They incited the Kazaks, however, to 
make continual raids^ and also negotiated with the Khivans for a common 
policy against Russia. The internal disorders in the Khanate, however, 
which were not diminished by the recent victories of the hated KafErs, 
prevented any active hostilities for some time, and we must now revert 
nuMre immediately to Khokand itself. 

I have described Khudayar Khan's flight to Bukhara ; there he was 
wdl received by the Amir, who hoped, doubtless through him, to regain 
his hold tqH>n Khokaod. He gave him a poet at his court* and allowed 
him to live at Samarkand, but presently growing suQ>iciotts he sent him to 
live at Jisakh, where he ordered him to be kept in sednsion, and where no 
one was to see him. Schuyler says, he lived with two personal adherents 
in a little hut made of mud outside the walls. Afraid to nfpear in 
public himself, his attendants gathered reeds and roots which could be 
used as fuel, and disguising themselves, sold them in the town, and with 
the money thus obtained purchased provisions, while his mother sent him 
a little money, with which and under an assumed nan^ he bought two 
or three camels, and began to traffic as a merchantt 

MaDa Khan, after a reign of two years, which is described as benevo- 
lent, was murdered by the Kipchak grandees ; they had expected great 
favours from him, but the authority was monopolized by AMm Kul, who 
allowed no one to approach the Khan. Their leader was Shadimaa 
Khoja, and during the absence of Alim Kul, who had been appointed 
bek of Andijan, they gained access to his chamber and killed him while 

Schuyler met at Tashkend with a person named AsuduUa, who had 
been doctor to various Khans of Khokand 3 he described to him how 
during the night of the murder he occupied the next room to the Khan 
and that he suspected something was wrong, but was unable to fix upon 
anything definite so as to warn his master. Malla Khan was sleeping 
soundly, having taken several love-potions during the day. Presently 
he heard the door being unbolted, and some one say, ** The Khan is 
here.* A crowd then rushed into the room and beat and stabbed him 
with their knives ; he defended himself bravely but was at last cut almost 
to biU.t 


The conspirators now proclaimed as Khan, Shah Murad, the son of 
Sarinuak, and therefore a nephew of the two last Khans, who was only 
fifteen years old. Seyid Sultan, the son of Malla Khan, escaped to Alim 

* //., S6I. t Op. ctt., t, 351. I Scbvifltr, i., 9a. 


Kill at Andijan. The latter took him under his pcotectioa and made 
pfofession at least of a loyal attachment toihe new Khan Mmad. Mean- 
while an important revolttt on occorred at Tashkend. Shadiman Khoja, 
tne chief conspirator against Malla Khan, widi Khanayat Shah, the bek 
of Turkestan, recalled Khudayar from Jisakh, and the latter with Ua 
adherents tode possession of Tashkend. Mmad with the army of 
Khokand marched against him, but after besieginigTaAkend for thirty- 
one days retired. As the army was retreating Attm Knl came op from 
Andijan, seised ftttr of the late conqpiatocs against Malla Khan who 
were contemplating desertion, and put fhem to death, and the foOowiag 
day he ordered another of them named ABm hi to be eaecuted. Alim 
Ktti was now made tegeat of the Khanate. Khudayar foUowed the 
retreating army, seised Khojend and then Khokand, while Alim Knl 
retired to Marghilan, and then to the mountains. Shah Murad Ml into 
Khndayar^s hands, and was killed by him.* 


There were now two parties in the Khanate. Khudayar Khan was 
supported by the Sarts and the townsfolk^ and Alim Kul, the rq^ent, by 
the Uzbegs aad Karakalpaks, and a vident strug^ ensued between 
them, in which not only the armies but also the individuals of each party 
murdered each other whenever they had an opportunitytt The Uzbeg 
party was somewhat distracted by the appearance of three pretendersi 
descendants of fomer khans, namely, Shah Rukh, Sadik bdc, and HijL 
bek. Ahm Kul got possession of all three and had them executed 
at Ush, where they are buhed on the side of the hill called Solomon's 
Throne. He now proclaimed Sultan Seyid as Khan, and began 
a vigorous campaign. He captured Marghilan and Andijan, and 
twice defeated Khudayar's army. The latter appealed to the Amir of 
Bukhara, Muzafiar ulla, who had succeeded his father, and on his 
approach with a huge army Alim Kul withdrew to the defiles of Kara 
Kulja. Presently the Amir quarrelled with Khudayar, sent Alhn Kul a 
present of a golden staff, a cap, belt, and a fine koran, and withdrew to 
Bukhara. Alim Kul now speedily re-occupied Khokand, and Khudayar 
had once more to find refuge in Mavera un Nehr.} 


Ahm Kul again placed Seyid Sultan on the throne, but his rule 
was only nominal, and his powerfbl patron retained control of affidn 
and proceeded to restore order in the Khanate by a series of executionsi 

which it is said caused as many as 4,000 victims. Presently his 

■ ■*■■■ .,...., „ , ■■ . ■ 

•8ch«]rtor,op.dL,in3}i. Russ. RcYve, vlii., 317. t Schiyltr, 1,332,333. I /it, 333* 


rigid twajT caused many in the Khanate to turn once more to Khndayai^ 
who had been livfaig at Jiiakh. He was pfe|>arinf an expedition to 
recover hb dominions when Alim Kul died, apfMurently of a wound 
received in an attaick made on Tashhend by the Ruttisns in 1865.* We 
must now tnm shortly to the encroachments of the latter. In 1859 they 
captured Fort Julek^ which, in the opinion of the Russian Governor of 
Oienburgh Katenin, was a menace to Fort Peroftki ; and two years later 
they bnUt a new fort on its site, and also demolished that of Yany 

Further north they had gradually encroached upon the area subject to 
the Kasahs under Khokandian rule^ and had some years before captured 
the Khokandian foru of Pishpek, Tokmak, &c.t We now find a 
plan organised for a double attack upon the Khanate. While one 
division was to advance upon Avlie Ata or Talas from the north, the 
odier marchffd upon the ancient dty of Turkestan or Yassy from the west 
The outbreak in Poland and the danger of a war with Western Europe 
caused this plan to be postponed till the next year, ^«., 1864. The forts 
built by the Khokandians along the Kara Tau and Boroldai Tau ranges 
foil one after another into the hands of the Russians. The Khokandians 
were soon on the move, and proceeded to strongly fortify the fortress of 
ChimlBent^ on the road between Tuikestan and Avlie Ata, and threatening 
both positions. This was not to be tolerated, and General Chemaid; 
who was in command on the Lower Sir, having learnt that it was only 
garrisoned by about lo^ooo men, advanced upon it in September, 1864, 
from two points. In a very fow days the siege was so hardly pressed 
that the outer wall was stormed and the citadel surprised, a number of 
solfiers having forced their way in through a water conduit Its 
ganison of lo^ooo men, four standards, twenty-three cannons, dght 
moitarsi and many other tn^ihies fell into the hands of the victors.| By 
this victory the whole route from Ak Musjid to Vemoie was secured, and 
a huge and faqportant section of the Khanate was irretrievably lost 

The Khokandians under Ahm Kul prepared to revenge their serious 
foes. General Chemaief fought a battle against them on the 9th of May, 
186s, near Tashkend, m which AUm Kul was wounded ; AsuduUa, the 
doctor akeady mentioned, was dose by ; we are told he took off the 
warrior^ dodies one by one and gave them to the Iqretanders to hold, so 
as to give some fresh air to the dyii^ man; these were carried off by the 
Usbegs, so that by the time Alim Kul died, his body was quite naked, 
and the doctor had to cover him with hb own khalati After their 
victory Uie Russians beleaguered Tashkend itselfi that fiunous centre 
of wodth and of Mussulman culture, the central point where the 
caravans of Bukhara, Khiva, and Russia met, which speedily suneodered ; 

*M*»9SS* t IflBMri CmmI Atit, jS^ I S ifc ml w,l.,S5i. 

»B«lhrM«p.cit.,IS.ti. iMMvlir.lntt. 


its wtaltiiy merdunts preferring to be onder the strong hand ef Russia 
than to be made tht victims of Khokandian and Bnkharian tyranny. 
The Russians guaranteed the town its autonomy and fieedom of 
worship to its inhabitantS| and in August, 1865, General KryschanolUd 
having summoned its grandees and ckrgy to a conference, dtey 
gave him bread and salt on a silver salver, and presented him 
with an address, in which they declared themselves subjects of the 
White Tzar— ''You cannot split a sea in twain, nor have a kingdom 
within a kingdom," they said, and Tashkend was accordingly annexed to 
the Russian crown, and the conquered districts were erected into a new 
province, to which the name of Turkestan was given. 

While the Russians were thus conquering Western Khokand, Khu- 
dayar, the expatriated khan, again marched to recover his own under the 
aegis of Bukhara. Alim Kul, as I have said, fell in the battle near 
Tashkend, and the Bukharians had little difficulty in conquering 
Khojend. They then marched on Khokand*, where they reinstated 
Khudayar, retaining Khojend as the reward of their services. Seyid 
Sultan Khan escaped for a while, but was eventually taken to Khokand, 
and executed in Isfara in 187 1.* 

KHUDAYAR KHAN (Third Reign). 

I have described how in 1866 the Russians quarrelled with the Amir 
of Bukhara, and how they captured Khojend.t Khudayar, although 
secretly bating the Russians, judiciously sent to congratulate them on 
this victory, and for some years he retained possession of what remained 
of his Khanate by subservience to the White Tzar, under whose 
patronage he became very avaricious and arbitrary in the seizure of his 
subjects' wealth and in the taxes he levied on thenii and the nomad 
Kazaks and Kipchaks for the first time for many years were in sympathy 
with the Sarts and townsfolk. Mr. Schuyler has translated a native account 
of the taxes levied from the unfortunate Khokandians, and as it is a good 
specimen of the tyrannical way in which Central Asiatic Khanates were 
trodden under by their rulers, I will take the liberty of extracting it. 

^ To keep the roads in repair, to build houses for the Khan, to cultivate 
his gardens and to clean out the canals, men are seized in all parts of 
the country and forced to work. Thes6 get no pay, not even their food ; 
and besides this, when half a village is forced to work, the other half is 
compelled to pay a tax of two Un^as (iid.) a day for each man during 
his work. Anyone who runs away or who refuses to pay is whipped. 
Sometimes people have been whipped to death, and others have been 
buried alive in the place of work. This same forced labour existed under 
previous Khans, but with less cruelty, and the workmen at least received 

* Sclroxlcr, i., 3)4- tVidnuiU,tit, 


their daily foo<JU Fonoeriy, the inhabitants had the right of cdlecthig 
without pay graas» reeds, and brushwood ; now, everyone is obliged to 
deliver to the Khan the half of what he cdlects, and these articles are 
then sold by the Serkar at fixed prices. Besides this, every cart load of 
reeds or brushwood must pay at the entrance of the town half a temga 
(2]d.X and at the basaar a Unga (std.) more. Leeches were formerly 
fifte, but now the Khan makes people pay for them foiir ckeka (id.) a 
piece to the official who lives near the pond where they are. When 
cattle are sold, besides the ordinary ukat there must be paid to the 
Khan one tenga each on homed beasts, half a tenga on sheep, two ttngas 
on camels, and one tenga on horses and asses. AH imported merchandise 
besides the tekat of one-fortieth part, or 2| per cent., pays in addition 5 
per cent, of die price to the Khan ; this is called amniana* Silk and 
cotton, wheii exported, pay 10 Ungas per camel-load. In sales on the 
bazaar, men's and women's clothing, beds and silk stofTs and other 
valual^e objects pay half a Unga a piece ; things of less value, from one- 
eighth to one-quarter of a tenga. Soldiers of the Khan are set every 
night to guard the shops, and for this each shop must pay from two to 
ten tengas everyfour months. On grain sold at the bazaar four chekas 
(Id.) a ckarik (180 lbs.) must be paid. V^etables and melons and 
fruit pay from one to three tengas a load. This tax is called tek-jaiy or 
right of sellii^ at the bazaar, and is in addition to the haradj and tanap 
{Undtax), Milk, sour cream, &c, must pay a farthing a cup* Of every 
pahr of ducks or wild geese sold at the bazaar, the Khan takes one. On 
domestic fonds a £uthing each is paid ; and a cheka {\ farthing) for every 
ten eggs. From time immemorial the tribe of Liuli (i>., gipsies) has got 
its living by amusing the people, and leading monkeys, bears, and goats 
through the streets and viUages. This means of earning their livelihood 
has now been taken from them by the Khan, who has ntade it a source 
of revenue for himseK Khudayar has set his agents over them, and has 
increased the number of animals. On every bazaar day, in the large 
towns three times a weekf his .showmen go through the bazaar with 
bears, wolves, hogs, goats, and foxes ; every shop must pay four chekast 
The buffoons of the Khan also go through the bazaars, arid all that they 
get goes to pay his kitchen expenses. When an Imaum is appointed to a 
mosque, he must pay the Khan ten tengas; and a Sufi must pay five 
tengmt^ or neither of them will be permitted to perform his functions. If 
the Khan learns that there is a family feast, or a circumcision, or a 
wedding, he sends his musicians there. The master of the house must 
^ve each of them a gown, and besides, from two to five tillas (18% to 
451.) Ibr the Khan. Every spring, outside of Khokand, there is a 
popular festival, called Dervishkhana ; and then every guild must 
felicitate the Khan and mi^ a gift of money, according to its 
meanit from 100 to lyooo iUlas {J^i to ;f 450). If this were not done 
the leaders would be beaten and tortured. If the Khan desires a 


pwoB ot gioQnaf or ft gMngHj nfioiigiflg to m pawist p c i' ioii y m lofott 
him to ten it, qbAj payiiif Urn tho pdct at iHMi it vat originallsr 
bo u g ht, aad takias no ^^*fiwfM of tha otaacot iauvovaaMBfta aiida 
on it Evoy panon wishipf to laaya tha Khanata ptoaaali a patition 

thn pfetcntad to tha Makhnua, who raodvaa ona iim^ and at 
avoy ttatioa on tlia road an additional tax nwst ba paid* The caodpt 
of tha taxai on grasiy bniihwood, and leaches, as weD as on pastaiafs^ 
which it lid. per month, for every head of cattle^ is intnistad to 
Sidik Kuichi, who pays to the Khan annually aoyooo HUms (£g/joi>\ 
The km^j\ or harvest tax, gives yearly 500^000 chsniks (a million 
busbeb) of grain which are sold by tha Khan. In each dbnict thave is 
a ^MCial officer for this. The district of Sharikana gives 9^000 ckariks^ 
Balikichi loo^ooo^ Sokh 14,000, Nedosnt 12,000, dec The iami^ or 
tax on gardens and orchards, produces 6o/xx> iilUs (jCtjpoo). The 
Sirkar receives the tolls on the Sir Darya, between BaKlrlrhi and 
Chil-Makhrani, tha taxes on provision sales in the basaar, on tha r^is- 
tration of marriages, which comes to half a iiU^ (4s. 6d.)^ the tax on 
inheritance, ona46rtieth part, and the tax on making salt ; and ha pays 
annually to tha Khan ao^ooo /tf&i# Cf^yooo). Tha j»4»/ on the country 
people and the nomad tribesy intrusted to the Cherdu-Bashi, gives iifioo 
fi^^(£4f9y>). The Mekhter who collects the Mikai from themarchanti^ 
pays over 35,000 iiiias (jCis,7So) The caravanserais and shops bttUt by 
the Khan,, which nmnbar over a thousand, are fiurmed out to a man 
named Issaie, and bring into the treasury 30^000 iiilas CfiJtSoo). The 
cotton tax and the brokers^ tax bring in loyooo HUms CC4,Soo). Tha oil* 
presses, grain marirets, silk maikets, hay markets, uad milk maikets 
bring 5,000 iilku CCs,35o). The exactions from marriages and node* 
nastical nominations bring in also Sfioo tiiUu/** 

We win now return to our story. The Khan had becoeat little moie 
than a A^ceroy of Russia. Rittsians traded Ireely in his towns and 
dominated his policy. Discontent soon a ppeared. In 1871 a revolt 
broke out, which was quickly sup pr esse d. In 1873 a aoia serious 
insurrection took place. Khndayar wished to impose new taaea on the 
Black Kifghises as much as three sheep instead of one fiom a fiunily, 
and also a new impost on the cultivated land in the mountains 
Tins they refused to pay, beat the tax coUectot% and when troops were 
sent against them they retired into the recesses of tha a^wntahis. 
At this time the Aftdbacha Abdur Rahman Haji, the son of Muasuhnan 
Kul, and brother4n-law to the Khan, who had been to Mekka, and had 
visited Constantinople te ask the Suhan*s aid against the Rttsaian%was 
sent at the head of the troops against the Kirghises. He persuaded 
the htfter to send forty of their number as a deputatkNi to pat their 



grievanoei bttee tht Khan, wliom he at Uie same time admcd that 
he should letain them as hostages but not harm them. Khiidayar in 
the most ruthless way put them to death, and the Aftobado, who 
was compromised, had to leave the Kirghiz country and to redre to 
Khokaad. The Kirghises now took up arms, captured Uzbend and Suk, 
a small fort in the mountains where the Khan kept pait of his treasure. 
In the open country they made little way, many of them were made 
prisoners and 500 executed in the basaar at Khokand, and Muzafiar the 
son of Madaliy whom they had apparently set up as Khan, was impaled 
alive* The Khan applied to the Russians for help but they would not 
move. As many of his people secretly sympathised with the rebda, he 
became very suspidous, and was jealous even of his son, the Khan Zada 
Nasruddin, Bek of Andijan, who at length quitted th^t post with his 
family and treasure, saying he no longer wished to hold a public position.* 
Ush and Andijan, Suzak, Uch Kuigan, and Balikchi speedily fell into 
the hands of the insurgents. The bek d the last town was put to death 
by being pinned to the ground with a stake driven through his mouth. 
Many of the Khan's soldiers passed over to the enemyi and their com- 
mander the Aftobacha shut himsdf up in the fort of Tiura Kurgan near 
Namangan, and refused to take any further ;ictton.t During the cold 
weather of the autumn of 1873, there was a lull in the insurrection, and 
the Khan recovered some of his toivns. It broke out again however in 
the spring of 1874, and it was proposed to put Muhammed AmiUi 
Khudayar's second son, on the throne. The plot was disclosed it is said 
by the young prince's too great talkativeness, and his uncle Batir Khan 
Tiura, who was his chief supporter, being summoned to the palace with 
sixteen other conspirators never returned, and it is supposed that they 
were all drowned in a pond within its predncts, while the young 
prince was placed under surveillance. Another victim was the Mekhter 
Mollaih Mir Kamil, who was poisoned by order of the Khan for not 
having warned him. He had previously, on being charged witit eoibcuzle* 
ment, been made to gallop his horse several times over a thin laMice 
bridge suspended over a ravine, from which ordeal he had escaped in 
safety and been therefore deemed innocent, t 

Another plot was now formed in favour of Abdul Kerim bek, a 
grandson of Faiil bek, Khuda/ar's tmcle, who was only sixteen years old, 
and was living at Khojend, but the Russians removed him for safe 
custody to Tatiikend, and his chief adviser Abdul Kerim to Chimkend. 
The Khaa now became more suspidous than ever, he distrusted even his 
body guaids or prsetorians. Foralong time h^ did not leave the palace, and 
had the door guarded by a black slavcmuchattadied to him, named Nashn 
Toga, who was told to allow no onc^ not even his wires tod children, to 
enter widKrat consulting him. His eldest son was dosely watched, and 

• W.f SSS» J5«. t //^ SJS. I id., J57, 



an elaborate system of espionage was organised. Meanwhile other 
rcTOlts occnned and were put down. In 1875 General Kaufinann 
contrary to aU the laws of Eastern hospitaDty and asylmn, without being 
asked to do so, and with the mere object of conciliating the Khan and 
getting permission for a Russian contingent to march through Khoksnd 
to Kashgar, surrendered Abdul Kerim and sent him to Khokand. 
This discrediuble transaction injured the prestige of Russia con- 


The Aftobacha it would seem had long been preparing to revenge his 
father's cruel death, and now put himself at the head of a fresh rebellion. 
The army deserted to him en masse, as did Khudayar*s brothers and sons. 
The Khan accordingly fled with all his treasures to Tashkend, where he 
was well received by the Russians, who were perhaps not altogether 
guiltless of the manifold outbreaks which had recently occurred, and 
whose policy has often been to sow internal discord amongst their 
neighbours and then annex them. He was accompanied by the Russian 
merchants and their families. Then: exit through an angry and excited 
mob, says Schuyler, was attended with considerable difficulty. The Khan*s 
soldiers deserted him, and always fired at the Russians m doing so, but 
he at length reached Tashkend in safety with his harem and about 650 
attendants of whom some were women. He also carried off treasure to 
the amount of 1,000,000 sterling. The Khan was well received at 
Tashkend. This welcome, with the patronage the Russians had con- 
stantly extended to him, and their surrender of Abdul Kerim, naturally 
created a bitter feeling among the insurgents against them.f Khudayar 
was sent to live at Orenburgh. No coins of his immediate predecessors 
are known. Savilief has published several of Khudayar, in which he 
calls himself Seyid Khudayar Khan and Seyid Muhammed Khudayar 



On the withdrawal ^f Khudayar, the insurgents proclaimed his son 
Nasruddin as Khan. The young Khan and his chief supporters Abdur 
Rahman Aftobacha (1./., holder of the washing can), Mollah Issa Avlia, and 
Halik Nazar Parmanachi deemed it prudent to send conciliatory letters to 
General Kaufmann, setting out the late Kiian's ill-doings and asking for 
his friendship. This he promised on condition that the young prince 
would carry out his father's engagements, and would recompense Russian 
subjects for their losses in the late rebellion.} The Russians hoped 
much from the weakness of the young prince, who, among other Russian 
tastes, was very fond of vodka. 

Meanwhile the Khokandians prepared a holy war against the hated 

I llemt. Imp. Arch. Inttitotlos, Euurs Sectioa, (i., ta4-u7- I Schnyltr, ii.. a8s» 283. 


Kaffirs^ and a prodamation was issued calling upon the Rnssians to 
accept the ^ftith or the consequences of refusing to do so.* This 
proclamation led to outbreaks on the frontier. Three stations on the 
post-road from Tashkcnd to Khojend, as well as that of Nan between 
Khojend and Samarkand, were burnt and sackedt and the station masters 
and post boys either killed or carried o£ Travellers shared the same 
htt.f Khojend itself was sharply attacked and was lor some time 
in danger* Mr. Schuyler has told the story in graphic fiuhion^t 

Meanwhile General Kaulmann prepared a formidable force to crush 
the threatening enemy, his lieutenants being Genera] Golorachef, who 
had succeeded in clearing the district of Kurama of marauders and 
inflicted a serere defeat on them, and Cdonel Skobelef, the last of whom 
has latterly become so iamous. He accompanied the esqiedition in 
person, as did Jura bek and Baba bek, two princes of Shehr i Sebs and 
Farab, who we are told proved themsdves of great u8e.$ The expedition 
reached Khojend on the 31st of August, and found that the enemy had 
already retired. After waiting a day they reached Makhram, the only 
fortified post between the frontier and the city of Khokand, where 
the Khokandlans had collected in force. The fort was captured in less 
than an hour, its wooden doors being broken in by the soldiers who gave 
rqieated thrusts with their shoulders, beating time meanwhile. The 
main body of the enemy outside were now attacked and routed. The 
victory was conqtiete, and there was the usual disparity in the casualties. 
The Russians lost but six killed and eight wounded. Eleven hundred of 
the enemy's bodies were buried, and this does not include those who were 
drowned or fdl at a distence. Thirty-nine cannons and other trophies 
were also captured. H The district was duly annexed and a pro> 
rlamaHon issued recalling the people who had fled to their homes* 
On the yth of September, the advance was continued towards Khokand. 
Issa Avlia was now sent by Nasruddin with apologies and protestations 
of amity. He was detained and his overtures were not received. The 
advance was continued in a triumphant fashion, the people on the route 
presenting the victorious General with dosturichans, /./., bread and salt. 
Another mission was sent to the General from the Khan with presents, 
and with the prisoners captured at Nau, &&» including the daughter of 
Dr. Petrof, who had himself been beheaded there. They had had their 
heads shaved, but reported that they had been otherwise well treated, 
the women and children having been given quarters in the Khan's 
harenLir On reaching Khokand no resistance was oflered. The Khan 
came out to meet General Kaufmann, who rode into the place for some 
distance with his stafl; and then returned with him to the camp. The 
troops remained encamped there for some time and were marched 

*A&,S«S. tM.aSs- |Op.eit,I.,3i«-3X9* i/i£,U.,t80. 


through the town. The General issued a proclamation cafiing upon the 
ether places in the Khanate to surrender, but although Muzsafo himself 
went daily to his camp, these towns made no sign of giring in. In 
fkct the Aftobacha b^^n to collect a considerable force at Maighilan, 
and the people of Khokand itself seemed uneasy, the basaars being largely 
deserted.* General Kaufmann therefore on the 17th of September 
advanced on Marghilan, whereupon the Aftobacha lost heart and retired 
with the Kipchaks who stood by him. Marghilan submitted, and 
Colonel Skobelef went in pursuit. He went as far as Ush, which also 
surrendered, as did Andijan, Balikchi, Sharikhana, Assald, &c, while 
Halik Nazar, one of the three insurgent leaders, was given up to him. 
Nasruddin was now invited to Marghilan to make peace. The district 
north of the Sir, dependent on Namangan, was to be given up to Russia, 
an indemnity of 3,000,000 roubles or ;£4io^ooo was to be paid in six 
years, and a general pardon issued. The Russians succeeded afterwards 
in excepting from this last clause three of the most vigorous and patriotic 
of the Khokandian leaders, Issa Axdia, Zulfukar bi, and Muhammed 
Khan Tiura, who were transported to Siberia, a measure which was 
doubtless dictated by proper prudence in the very disturbed condition of 
the country. They now retired and their new subjects, the people of 
Namangan, presented them with 120 carts of provisions and 40,000 cakes 
of bread, a grand tent was prepared for the General and he walked to it 
from the river over silk, while silver coins were showered on him*f It 
was not long before disturbances again broke out, and a fresh expedition 
consisting ef 14,000 men and eight guns was sent to quell an outbreak at 
Andijan, where it was said that the Aftobacha had collected from 60,000 
to 70^000 men, while the Kirghlses had proclaimed Pulad bek as Khan 
and gathered round him to the number of i $,000. He professed to be 
the son of Atalik Khan, son of Alim Khan, but was in reality a tobacco 
sdler of Piskent named Mollah Iskak, whom the Kirghises had chosen 
the previous year to personate the real Pulad bek, who was then living 
with his mother at Samarkand.! The city had to be stormed and the 
streets were found to be barricaded. The barricades were forced 
and the basaar and other chief buildings fired ; the Russians then 
withdrew to their camp oittstde and afterwards to Namangan, burning 
and ravaging the villages e» route and closely pursued by the enemy. 
The whole matter, as Schuyler says, looks very much like an unsuccessful 
attempt at occupying the city and a forced retreat ; nevertheless honours 
were duly showered on General Trotzki who commanded* When the 
Khokandians learnt the terms which their Khan had accepted they drove 
him out of the city and he arrived alone at Khojend, while the 
partizans of Pulad bek and Abul GafTar the former bek of Uratippa 
occupied the capital. The people of Namangan, who had so lately become 

*//.,a9i. t /if., 294. I/i^tss* 


Roisiao subjtcU, aUo revottod^ and Genend Skobekf did not scrapie to 
bombard and almost dostroy tbo placa in order to poaish the Kipcbaks 
who had seixed it * Anarchy now reigned in the Khanate^ huge bands 
of Khokandians appeared in varioM directioos> nor did the burning and 
devasuting of the country break th«r ^rit Skobekf defeated them in 
the field and was ordered to waste the district between the Narin and 
the Sir, the head-quarters of the Kipchaks, He accordingly set out in 
January when the nomades were all collected in their winter quarters. 
Following the north bank of the Sir he destroyed Paita, the chief 
Kipchak settlement, defeated the Kipchaks, and destroyed everything aa 
far as Sarkhaba. Andijan was then appniached and summoned, but as 
it refused to submit it was bombarded and captured with terrible loss to 
the enemy. Another victory was won at Assaki, which led to the 
submission of Shahrikhana and Marghilan, and at length on the 1st of 
February the indefatigable Aftobacha, who iiad been the soul of the 
opposition, gave in. He surrendered unconditionally, together with BatUr 
Thira, Islendiar, and other chiefs.t 

The people of Khokand having grown weary of Pulad bek, sent to 
Khojend to Nasruddin to ask him to return, but on his way thither he 
was atUcked by Pulad bek's supporters and his force scattered, and he 
barely escaped with his life to Makhram. Pulad bek meanwhile took 
refuge in the Alai mountains near Uch Kurgan, which was shortly 
after taken and many of his followers captured. Nasruddin then 
returned to Khokand, but the Russians had madt; up their minds 
to annex the Khanate, and General Skobelof was Oidered to occupy 
the city, which he did on the 20th of Februa.<y. Nasruddin, the Afio- 
bacha, and other prominent persons were sent prisoners to Tashkend, and 
on the anniversary of his accession, March and, i«'^76, the Emperor issued 
an order by which the whole district was annexed >.o Russia under its old 
name of Ferghana. Pulad bek was soon after captured by a Kiighis 
and taken to Marghilan, where he was hanged on ci charge of having 
killed twelve Russian soldiers whom he had taken pris:oners.t Thus was 
the fiunous country of Baber, which he has described in such picturesque 
language in his Memoirs, added to the dombions of the White Tzar. 

We must now describe the history of the other .^mall principalities 
which arose on the decay of the central power at Bukhara. 


These two well-known towns — one on the road from Khokand and 
Khojend to Samarkand, and the other on that from Tashkend to the 
same place— wwe the camping ground of the Yuz tiibe of Uzbegs. In 
the last century, when the feeble sovereigns of Bukhara lost control of so 

*/<A,i|S> tM,299. ;v. 3««. 

^46 HI8I0RY OP THB lfOM<XH.8. 

many of Us d gpen d e n c ias, it would seem that Fsza bi set ap anthoritjr st 
UrstipiML I bay mentioned how Naijmtdi bi of Khoksnd and Rahimbi 
of Bddiaia mayrhad afsinst him, and how ho looled them with great 
losBiandnttdeapyfamidofthenrskallsatUfatipiMu* He was succeeded 
at Ufatippa by his son Khudayar bek. M. Schefer has given an account 
of Xhudajar bdc from the rebuion of Shah Ghafran uOa Serhindi, who 
visited Ehoicand in 1794. He calls him Khudai Nasarbi and he says ho 
ruled at Uratippa, and had control over 10,000 £unilies. He once 
defeated Shah Murad bi and pursued him to the gates of Bukhara. 
Every year he spent lo/xo tillas upon the Ulsmas, officers of the law, 
the sheikhs and students ; and Timur Shah of A%hanistan, out of hatred 
foe Shah Murad bif sent him presents of sOver and vestments. His 
authority extended to the neighbourhood of Balkh. One of Khudayar's 
dependents reported that, notwithstanding his age^ he ate a sheep daily. 
He slept during the day, and at night a ragout comprising a whole 
sheep which had been cooking a long time was produced, and two huge 
deep plates were filled with it and placed before him^and although he ate 
aU night, yet he complained that his appetite had decayed* He was 
reputed to bo very brave, and his lance was so heavy that no one could 
carry it but himsdlt 

On the death of Khudayar he was apparently succeeded at Uratippa 
by his brother Baba bek, while his son Bek Murad bek hekl Khojend. 
The former, in alliance with Omar Khan of Khokand, succeeded in 
driving out his nephew Bek Murad from Khojend, but he was afterwards 
murdered by him. The latter was in turn killed by the sons of Baba bek 
at Samarkand, where he liad been invited by Mir Haidar of Bukhara, and 
Uratippa was for a short time reunited to Bukhara.} It was shortly after 
captured by Alim Khan of Khokand, but the latter having left a feeble 
garrison therei the place was suiprised by KhojaMahmud Khan, a sister's 
son of Khudayar bek. Ixxet uUa says that through his mother's side he 
was related to Abulfaii, Khan of Bukhara ; he was also descended from 
the Khoja Ahrar of Herat He was assisted in his enterprise by the ruler 
of Bukhara, atid took possession of the place in the latter*s name, whicU 
was also mentioned in the Khutbeh and on the coins, but the Amir's 
authority extended no forther. The Uzbegs in the district could supply 
Mahmud Khan with a force of from 15,000 to 20^000 men.| Mahmud 
Khan was ruling at Uratippa when Inet ulla travelled in these parts in 
1813. Omar Khan, the successor of Alim at Khokand, marched against 
Uratippa, wludi he captured, and carried off Mahmud to Khokand, 
appointing one of his followers iU governor. The latter was turned out 
in three months, and the struggle renewed. Schuyler says it ended by 
Jisakh being added to Bukhara and Uratippa to Khokand, while 

^Ani0,9t9. Sdivyltr,l.,U9. t Schcfw't Abdil lUrtm, 984, 185. 

X8€haiyler,i.,s^S4i* Hova. Roj. Atitt 8oC| TiLi 5t7i Sll. 

8HEHR I SEBZ. 847 

Mahmud'fl ton Thirt bek Yirua went to KhoSamd, atnd was given a pott 
at the Court there.* A large portion of its Uzbeg inhabitants of the 
Ytts tribe seem now to have migrated to the valley %£ the Lafir Nahan,t 
Thus ended the independent history of Uratippay which now became a 
part of the Khanate of Khokand. 


Shehr i Sebz, f^., the green city, is a famous site. It is widdy known 
under its former name of Kesh, as the birthplace and original patrimony 
of the great Timurlenk. Mr. Schuyler has collected its later history^ 
and to his admirable narrative I am chiefly indebted for this sketch. 

Separated from Bukhara by a desert, and from Samaricand t^ a 
mountain range, the passes of which are easily defensible, it offered a 
good area for the formation of an independent government, and we find 
that it early asserted itself. It was subdued by Rahim bi of Bukhara in 
the middle of the last century, and he held it for five years, when it again 
rebelled and fell into the power of the Chief of the Kairosali Uzb^s who 
encamped there. 

From 181 1 to 1856 it was gove ned by Daniar Ataliki one of its most 
noted rulers. He took the title of Vali n niam and successfully resisted 
the attempts of Mir Haidar and his son Nasrulla to conquer him. Ho 
was succeeded by his two sons Khqja Kul at Shehr i Sebz and Baba 
Datkha at Kitab. The two brothers quarreUed, and Nasrulla took ad* 
vantage Of the circumstance to invade the councry, but before he arrived 
^ Khoja had driven out his brother, and he then succeeded in deleating 
the Bukharians. <* Angry at this, Nasrulla sent his cavalry twice a year 
to devastate the meadows of Shehr i Sebi| and each time a truce was 
made, which lasted till the following foray .''I Khoja Kul died in 184& 
His brother Izkander then took Kitab, and his son Ashur Kuli htk 
Shehr i Sebz, but the latter was speedily driven away, and Izkander 
adopted the title of Vali n nia^S 

This title he retained till 1856, when, after a persistent struggle often 
years, Nasrulla captured Shehr i Sebz, haviiig first blockaded and 
reduced it by famine. Izkander defended himself at Kitab^ but shortly 
after surrendered to the Amir on fovourable terms. He was sent to live at 
Bukhara, and given the revenues of Karakul for his support Izkaader's 
sister Aim Kenlnghez was a remarkable beauty. She was already 
married, but the Amir sent her husband to Chaijui.and appropriated her 
lor his own harem, while the chief families of Shehr i Sebft were colonised 
in Chaijui, Karshi, and other places. The Amir seems to have groirn 
jealous of his exiled brother-in-law, and just before his death ordered him 
and his sister, whom he had married, to be killed. H 

* SdM^Itr, op. cit* U 34i> 34** t Maycf, G«og. liafn Hi^ $99, 

I Schqyler, op. dt, il, 7S' I /A I A^ 73. 


Tlie account of the execution, as told by an espe-witness, is thus 
translated by Schuyler :— ^ Every day people made salaam to the Amir, 
Iskander and his brother, Chmnchu Khan, came once to die salaanii 
bowed, and went away. As soon as they had gone the Amir called me 
and ordered me to call them back and make them sit in a little court in 
a separate room. I went after them and brought them back, as they had 
not yet got as &r as their houses. They were put into the separate 
room. They asked what was the matter, and said, * It cannot be that 
they have called us to the council This is something bad. Our afibirs 
are wretched.' I said to them, ' I know nothing about it. They pro- 
bably call you to some council.' 

** That same day Murza Abdullah, who lived in the fortress, received 
an order from the Amir not to leave his house. We were very much 
frightened, since' we thought that something bad would happen to 
Abdullah, because in Bukhara nobody knows what is going to be done: 
to-day you are alive, to-morrow they behead you. We were for a long 
time unquiet, then said our midday prayer, and sat stiU and waited. 

** Suddenly another message came from the Amir, * from above,' to let 
all our people go home for the night, and to have only three trustworthy 
men stay, and after sunset prayers to be in the fortress at the drum-beat» 
and to send for the executioner and a woman to wash the dead and to 
prepare two shirts. 

** We began to guess that they were going to punish Iskander, but 
could not understand what woman was to be punished with him, because 
vre knew nothing about it before. 

''After this a badacha came from the Amir ordering us to execute 
Iskander and the woman he would send to us. 

''A badadia is a small seal like an almond, which the Amir uses 
when he orders some one to be executed. For other matters the AmSt* 
has a large seaL 

''As soon as we received the order we immediately sent for Iskander 
and brought him to the place of execution. In the Amir^ fortress there 
is a place like a wdl, deep, and covered with boards. As soon as they 
esoecttte them they throw the body there. There are many corpses 

"The executioner was already waiting for us. He immediately seized 
Iskander, threw him on the ground, and as Iskander had no beard he 
pot his fingers in his nostrils, and, taking hdld of his head, cut his throat 
After this they brought a woman from the Anur. As soon as she saw 
the dead body of Iskander she immediately began to weep and to abuse 
the Amir. We then faw that the woman was the sister of Iskander, the 
wife of the Amir. She was of the family of Keneghez, and all called her 
' My moon of Keneghez.' The executioner tied%her hands, and shot her 
with a pistol in the back of her head. 


'' Widi Its ther do not ciit Utt timicu «f fPMBflo, bitt shoot them. 

^ He did not kifl her at oBoe. She Cell and strooM ^Nr somo timo. 
The execotioQer kicked her twebe times en her bceasts and iMck tiU she 

'' They say that she was punished because she, accoidiog to the older 
of her brothov poufod metcnry into the ear of- the Anihr when he was 

On NasmHa's death Shehr i Sdx revolted. One of the chieCi of the 
£unily Kmunglfaes (whidi with dM other fiunilies has the hereditary doty 
of raising the Amir on his throne), called Kidentarbdc or the Dervish bel^ 
had a eon ^>aT^f*1 Baha, who had e n te r ed the service of the Amir as one 
of the y oaths in waitiag. OnNasndU'sdeaAheesoqtedtoShehriSdM. 
When, six months kter, NaamUa^ son, the Amir Mnaffitf visited that 
district, the very same nj^^t the ditsoliitift chief demanded the sister of 
Baba bdc who had aheady been £9rced to serve the passions of his 
fiiOert This aroused a great ontory, and he withdrew to Biikhai% and 
many important persons were imprisoned* They were rdeased by the 
populsce, however. Baba bek was appoinled ruler of Shdur i Sebi^ and 
Jaca htk of Kitab, whence they expeOed the Amir's officials. Muzafisr 
marched against them, but was obl^ped to raise the siege and hastily 
withdraw by a diversion caused by the Khan of Khokand. The beks 
afterwards sent him yeariy presoits and h^;>ed him with contingents 
of troops, but did not aUow him to interfere with the internal afiahs of 

the country.) 

After the deleat of Muzafiar by the Russians in 1866, two parties of 
rebels arose in Bukhara, one of them supported his son Ketta Unra, and 
the other his nephew Seyid Khan. Among the chief supporters of the 
latter was Jura bcg^ who afterwards said of hin^ ''the more stupid he 
was the better for u% we should have been more indq^endent^S One of 
thb conspirators Omar htk, of Child^ was ordered to fall on the 
Russians, who were allies of the Amir. He was easily defeated and 
escaped to Shdir i Sebi, afraid the Amir would punish him.|| This 
attack was misinterineted by the Russians, who revenged themselves 
on the Amir and captured .Samarkand. When he shoived a bold front 
against them, the b^s of Shehr i Sebz, changing their tactics, came to 
his assistance with a ftiroe of 20,000 men, and threatened Samarkand.^ 
They had been hitriguing with General Kaufmann, but when after the 
d^iture of Samarkand he summoned them to meet him, they grew 
susfHcious, and made overtures to Muzafiar, and offered to help him. He 
in turn agreed to make over to them the frontier town of Chirakchi, about 
which there had been constant disputes.** Thesi^:eof Samarkand was 
duly pressed, and its defence is a very heroic chapter in the history of the 

*/4^US5-97- tM,t.«5. I/rf^«^73- ♦//..l.,MX. 

Udnid, 5/^nti5. •♦A^..*44. 



Riisiians in Central Asia. It would doubtless have been captured, bnt 
that Jtna bek, misled by ammoor that General Kanfinann was marching 
on his appanage^ withdrew his men.* 

It was doubtless in consequence of the arrangement above mentioned 
that, as we are told, the Muzaftar made a grant of 10,000 tengas to each 
of the beks, and also gave Jura bek the title of Datkha-t 

In 18701 when General Abramof was absent on the Izkander Kul expe- 
dition, a band of marauders attacked Prince Urusof and his escort, who 
were collecting taxes. The latter insisted that this attack had been led 
hf Haidar Khoja, ^LproUgt of Jura bek% and his surrender was demanded 
and as Jura bek refused to comply, urging that Haidar Khoja was 
innocent, and had, in &ct, been elsewhere at the time. General Kaufinann 
determined to suppress the Khanate. General Abramof was sent agamst 
it : Eitab was taken by storm, and Shehr i Sebz directly after surrendered. 
The beks fled to Ehokand, and the Khanate was duly made over to 
^Mir trotegiy the Amir of Bukhara, by the Russians,! and still remains 
his. The bdcs were presently treacherously given up to the Rusaans by 
the Khan of Khokand. Tliey lived together under surveiUance at 
Taihkend for some time, and at length obtained pensions of 2,000 
roubles from the Bukharians. Jura bek has become a strong partisan 
of the Russians. Schuyler speaks of him as a very honouraUe, upr^ht, 
and chivalrous person.} 


The mountainous district east of Samarkand is known as Kohistan, /./., 
the mountain country. Mr. Schuyler says that up to 1870 it was divided 
Into the seven bekships of Farab, Magian, Kshtut, Fan, Yagnau, Macha, 
and Falgar, which paid a small tribute to fiukhara, but were otherwise 

Urgut was formerly governed by some independent beks of its own, 
who held its office of governor hereditarily, and we are told the three 
petty chiefs of Magian, Kshtut, and Farab acknowledged them as their 
suzerains. In the early part of the century Mir Haidar of Bukhara 
subdued Urgut, and sent its ruler, Yuldash Parmanachi, a prisoner to 
Bukhara, whereupon the three districts just named submitted to the 
latter Khanate. Some time after Katta bek, son of Yuldash, recovered 
possession of Uigut, and put his brother Sultan bek over Magian and 
Kshtut He had a struggle with Haidar, and even threatened Samar- 
kand, and peace was at length made by his giving his daughter in 
marriage to Haidar*s son Nasrulla, whereupon he retained his posses- 
sions as a fief of Bukhara, and on his death they passed to his sons Adil 
Parmanachi, who had Urgut, and Allayar Datkha, Magian. || 

•/rf,i45.a4«. t/f.iU74. :/^,i^74. % U.,Utt^ 

I ScliQjrltr, 1, 179. 


Shortly before his death Nasrulla svnmoned these diieCi to Bidduun, 
and then eukd them with Aeir fiunilies to Charjai wbert most of them 
diedf and he appointed new bda to the moimtain districts. The 
nominees of the Amir fled when Samaifcand was captoitd hf the 
Russians. Meanwhile Hussein bdc, one of the princes who had beoi 
exiled to Chaijuiy esoqped to Khokand and dience to Uifut, triiidv <^ 
the flight of the Bnkharian bda» he occupied. Driven thence by the 
Russians, he went to BCagian, where he planted himsdf^ and put hk 
brother Shadi in duuge of Kshtut, and his courin Seyid at Fanb.* 

In regard to the other petty districts of Eastern Kohistan we are told 
that their annals are crowded with internecine struggles, widi tfie 
adventures of Bnkharian tax collectors^ and notices of incorsioBs torn 
the neighbourii^ countries beyond diemountains. The memory it stifl 
green, says Sdxuykr, of a bdc of Falgar, Abdush Kur Datkha, who in 6» 
beginning of this century united all the districts under his rule^ and boBt 

roads and bridges throo|^ some of the hitherto inaccessible defiles. In 
the time of Mir Haidar, Bnkharian begs were established hi these 
districu and forts built Thus matters remained till the dose of 
NasniUa's reign. On the capture of Samarkand, the Bukharian beks 
baring fled, Abdul Gaflar, formerly bek of Uratippa, occupied UrmitaBy 
and made himsdf bek of Falgar.t The people of Macha subnitled 
however to MnzaffiurShah of Karatigin, who sent his nephew Rahtas 
Khan there as his d^uty. The latter drove out Abdul Gaffiur firaai 
Falgar, defeated Shadi beg^ of Kthtut, who had gone to his asristanc^ 
subdued Yac^um and Fan, and marched towards Hissar, bitt on die way 
thither his troops rebelled, drove hhn out, and put Pacha Khcya in hb 
place. The people of Falgar, iriio deemed themselves more cultured 
than those of Macha, agafai recalled Abdul Gaffiu:, but he was beaten 
and fled to Samarkand, where he submitted to die Russians, t The 
disordered state of the country tenqpted the latter to imerven^ and 
in May, 1870^ General Abramof set out with a small division. On 
the I3fh he oocoiNed Urmitan, and on the aist, Varsaminor, both in 
the bekship of Falgar, then subject to Macha. Pacha Khqiay bdc of 
Macha, who was very unpopular, retired and contented htmeelf 
with sending threatening letters. The Russians now approached the 
bdohip of Macha, forced one of its defik-approaches, and on May 
28th captured Obnrdan. Pacha Khoja fled, and the Russian Genend 
much to the joy of the inhabitants rated the forts at Paldorak^ and 
advanced to die very fountains of the 2Urafshan in a glacier of die 
Alai range.S Returning again down the Zsrafshan valley as for as 
Varsaminor, he captured Sarvada, on the river Fan, su b dued die 
valley of the Yagnau, and went as for as lake Tskander KnL| Tunung 

853 mnon or thb momool& 

iMw to Westtm Kbliista% he cwmed ofer die past of Kditot, lo^poo 
tet above the tea ]ev<d« la detcenduig fion thb past, the Rntsiaiit 
foogfat a tevete ei^^tgement in the defilet on the wettOB side, ney 
neie victorioosy howeveri and having occupied and destroyed Kshtofc 
letecned to Penjakend and* Samaikanda* 

After the conqoest of Shdir i Sebz^ a detadunent was sent up the 
valley of die Kashka Daria to Farab and Magiany ivfaose beks had been 
Implkated in Uie recent attadcs on the Russians. The two IbcCiettet 
wore destroyed, and Seyid and Shadi beg sunendeved. Hussein bdc of 
If agiaa was net captured for some months after. Fand> and Magian 
were at once annexed to the Russian district of Uigttt, and the remaining 
mountain districts in 1871. The country seems since to have been in a 
▼ery unsetded and disturbed condkioa.t 


South of the Karatan range^ and between it and the Oxas, are a 
number of small states^ whose liittQry it very obscnroi The head waters 
of the Surkhab, <me of the main feeden of die Oxus, flows through the 
country of Karatigin, a Tajilc staftey.whoee sovereigns daim like those of 
teveral neighbouring districts, to descend from Alexander. WathenteDs 
«s that iHien he wrote it had been conquered by the ruler of Darwas,t 
but the old dynasty afterwards recovered its position. It was subdued 
by the Khan of Khokand in 1^^ as I have mendoned, and apparently 
afterwards remained subject to that power. Daiwas borders Karadgin 
on the soudi, ami like other hill states in the neighbouriiood,.such as 
Wattan, Shagnan, Roshan, ftc, is peopled by Ti^ and ruled by 
tovere^;ns dajming descent from Alexander. This means, at all events, 
that they are not peopled by Usbegs, nor are their princes of Uxbcg 
descent When Madali, Khan of Khokand, conquered Karatigin in 
it39, he also seems to have subdued or made tributary Kulab^ Darwai^ 
and Shagnan,S and these states continued appaxendy to be tributaries 
of Khokand till the latter lost its independence. West of these mountain 
states is the important district of Hissar and Kulab, occupied by the 
UdMg tribes of Kunkumt or Kungrad and Kataghan, who have 
encamped among ami largely driven out the old Tajik population ; so 
mudi so that we are told the whole of Hissar is known in Bukhara as 
Ud)es^stan, !>., the hmd of the Uzbegt >er «jr»/2/Wk«.| 

The historyKif die distria is unfortunately almost entirdy unknown. 
It seems to have broken loose from Bukhara in the middle of the last 
century, for Hissar is mentioned among the places which reliised 
obedience to Rahhn bLY 

Scbvyiv, L. 343. lU9j%i,lnQmg.Uagniiltp>9' 5 Schaftr, 


It became tlie seel of several petty prindpalHief, and Shah Ghitfnui 
idla says ezpRsaly that the W)eg ddefr wert numeroos in the 
neighboiiihood of Kundm^ Hlssttr* and Knlab.* One of the most 
powerfbl of these was AUah Berdi Zatix of Kmgfaail, wiio at the dose of 
the last caitiirywa» a terror to his ne^hbonrs. While he was besieging 
Hissar, he was appsKntly a ttacl c ed and kiUed by the C cfe i ' nei and 
Prinoe of Kanhi, who thoeiipon took possession bodi of Hlssar and 
Km^ghan. His name was ABih Yar bdc ^The fomsr rukr Seyid bek," 
says Fraxer, ^ sdflxetains his rank if not Us power at Hissar^ prohaUy 
en a friendly nndeistandnig widi die raler of Bokhara, who married his 
dangiiter.'' He adds diat Knighan was then attached to Hissar.t 

kttt uQa, yfho wrote sevemt years bafoe» names Seyid bi as the mler 
of Hlssar, and AUah Yarbek of Kuighan. He also mentions Muad AU 
bek and Dost Mnhammed as the chiefr of the aeighbonring district of 


It would seem that the various small states were eventually swaUowed 
iq;> in that of Hissar. 

I have however no infonnation about its later history till the second 
half ol the present ccntmyt when we find it subject to the Kataghan prince 
Sari Khan, who alsoiuled over KnlalxS He was a redoubtable person, 
and cansed4he prinoe of Karadgin in 1869 to sedc shelter at Khokand.! 
In the same' year the Amir of Bokhara marched against and sobdued 
hinuf And when Mayef wttMt^ £/., in 1875, he tdls us the district of 
Hissar consisted of seven 8ob*districts governed by bdu, and Kolab of 
two soch sob-districts. All these wtst dep en de n t on the Amir of 
Bokhara. The districts were Shirabad, Baisan, Dehinau, Yurchi, Hissar, 
Kmghan-tobe, and Kabadian in Hissar, and Baljoan and Kolab in 
Kolab: Besides wtak^ the Amhr rated direcdy over the diree districU of 
Derbend, Sarifoi, and Faicabad.** 

We will now cross over to the southern bank of the Oxos. 


I have described how^ aboot the year 1751-3, die Usbeg possesions 
soodi of the Oxus were conquered by the Shah Morad, of 
BoUtta, tried in 1786 to recover theai, but in vain,tt bot about this time 
some ofdie petty <^ie£5whamkd over the Uibeg tribes setUed in diese 
^striets began to assert a more or less independent position. Amcmg 
these the most fiunoos was the roler of the small district of Kholm, 
silnated to the sooth-east of Balkh. He was named KHy Ali, and held 
the UdMT title of AtaMk 6em the Aficban mler. He ^eedOy annexed 

VflM. tPrt«rtT«frt^ApsMrfU,ioi. X Jwm. B«f . Adit. S«^ vU* Sl|. 


the ndghboaring districts of Ibak, Ghini, If osanr, Denagusy Adc He 
expelled Allah Berdi Tauz, the Uxbeg chief of Kntghan tep<i abeady 
mentioned, who had occupied the district of Haxrat Imamn^and ddhrered 
it from him. He also allied himself dosdy with the Uibeg diief of 
Kunduz/ who, althou^ he possessed more power and resonroes, was as 
much nnder his influence as one of his deputies. KOij in £Eict married 
his daughter. He also emjdoyed his influence at Kabul to acquire an 
ascendancy over the Sirdar Nejib uUa Khan, son of Hukomet Khan, 
who governed Balkh on bdudf of the rukr of A^^iaaistan. The latter 
remained in possession of the dty itself and its dependencies, but was 
a mere protegi of Kilij Ali^ and all the rest of die province^ cicept 
TaHkan, was either under his government or mfluence. Of its revenue 
of 50/xx> rupees, one-third went to the treasuiy at Kabul, and the 
rest was distributed b et w een die Kohnefa nuker or old servants,t 
and in grants to learned and rdigions tom^ in pensions to otheis, 
and in the expenses of the Shdar.t KiKj^ who was loyal to the 
A^^ian ruler, had a very wide reputation for his oideriy and 
equitable rule. He had an army of about lafloo bofse^ of whom 
3,000 were in his oWn pay, and the rest were ai^^^eudal soldiery, returning 
services for grants of land. He could also draw about 5/xx> men from 
Kunduz. His revenue, after deducting the expenses of his army, was 
about ;Ci9,ooo ayear. His eldest son had agnmt of ^£9,000 a year, with 
the tide of VaH of Balkh, from the A^Sban rukr. Kilij was a handsome 
man, with a red and white complexion, with a few grey hairs on Ids ddn 
in lieu of a beard, small eyes, broad fordbeadi and Usb^ attire. Onhiir 
head he had a cap, and over it tfo turbans twisted up togedier. He wore 
an Uzbeg shirt and a gown, over which was a gbdle wound round his loins 
widi a long knife stuck in it, and over die iriiole a robe of cottott or other 
cloth of soinbre colour. He only used Usbcf boots when on horsdMck, 
carried a short stick in Ms hand, and took a great deal of snuff. He 
gave audience in the public apartment fer two hours after sunset every 
day, and sat on a carpet without pillows or cushions. His intimates and 
those whom he chose to honour sat on the same carpet as himsdf ; all 
others sat on the bare ground. There he inquired into all the affiurs of 
his government, but remitted \tipl matters to the KaiL Thieves were 
not put to death, but hui^ to a wall with an ma inn, in the midst of the 
market-place. Highway robbers and murderers were always executed. 
He walked on foot through the baxaars and rxaminfd them everymarket 
day, checking light weights and overcharges. He walked instead of 
riding from a sense of humility that Ms feet might not be higher than 
the heads of other true believers.S We are ferdier told he was honest 

* BlpUBBtOM% CtltfA, ii., X96. 
t The deicendaata of th* hSifimA gwriaoo ftaaltS tt Balkfc hf Ahned Shai, «ii4 of the 
rundu which afterwards joined it Schder.aSo. I Blp Mim am * a Cahri, ii^ ly, 19s. 



just, wdl-di^iXMedy kind to his ralijects, judicious and discriminatiag 
in Ms treatment of his servants, economical in his expenses, vigilant and 
wdl-infonned in the affiurs of his government, and that he gave bread 
and broth to one hundred poor persons daily.* 

In 1814 Zeman Shah, who had been deposed from the throne of 
Kabul by Mahmud Shah, asked permission from the latter to visit the 
tomb of Ah at Balkh. He went by way of Khnhn, and Kilij 
AH Khan went out to meet him and treated him with sumptuous 
hospitality. After visitmg the £unous tomb, Zeman went on to Bukhara, 
where the Amir married his young daughter and promised to conquer 
Balkh and to make it over to him, but the old man was imprisoned and 
nuuie his escape into Persia and thence went to Mekka.t Kilij Ali 
was the ruler of Khulm when Izzet ulla visited Turkestan in 18124 
According to Schefer, he died in 1817. His death was the signal for- 
violent intrigues in his family, which, Moorcrolt says, were fomented 
by Murad hi, of Kunduz. Kilij had left three sons, the eldest of 
whom was poisoned. Khulm and Ibak were divided between the other 
twQ^ Balkh bemg dependent on the Ibak ruler.S They were, however, 
mere feudatories of the Kunduz chief, whose origin we must now trace. 
Kunduz, a corruption of Kohnehdiz, />., the Old Castle,! is the chief 
town of an Uzbeg tribe called Kataghan, bearing a name famous even 
in the days of Jingis Khan. The chief of this tribe seems to have 
become more or less independent towards the end of the last century. 
His name was Kokan beg. I know nothing of him except that he 
ravaged Badakhshan severely and was succeeded by his son Murad 
bi, who became one of the most famous rulers of Central Asia. 
Murad bi was the ruler of Kunduz in 1812, when Izzet ulla wrotcf 
Until the death of Kilij Khan he would seem to have been more or 
less subordinate to him, but he then broke loose and speedily conquered 
himself a wide dominion. Moorcroft visited him in the course of his well- 
known journey. That traveller went from Kabul by way of Ibak, which 
was then governed by Muhammed Ahmed (?Amin) Bek, the son oi Kilij 
Khan, who also styled himself Vali or protector of Balkh. He was 
feudally dependent, however, on two patrons : at Ibak, on Murad bi of 
Kunduz, and at Balkh upon the Amir of Bukhara, who it would seem 
had conquered that city.** The young prince went to see him and he 
describes him as about twenty-four years old, with Uzbeg features, and 
a not unpleasing face. Moorcroft had sent on some envoys to prepare 
the way^ but they were met with suspidon, it bdng said the Enghsh 
never entered any part of Asia but for interested purposes and ultimately 
to become its masters,tt but he determined to go on. Murad bi was 

* Elphisttooe, op. cit, 199, aoo. t Schefer, op. dt, 71-78. 

I Jow. Ror- Aiiat Soc, vii.. SiS. i Traveli, ii., 399, 400. Schefer, op. cit., 73. Note z 

f /4., 18a.' 5 Joora. Roy. Aeaet. Soc, viL, 333. ** Moorcfoft, iL, 399, 400. 

tt/rf:, 4081409. 


«t^Alt tiwemimf of Khtthn, Kxmdax, TtJSkanf Aaderab^ Ra<irfrikhiHj 
and Hairat ImiHiA. On tke imy from Ibvk to the mountains Koorcroft 
pMMd sewil lQi«M in nnnt wluch bad been destroyed by Mnrad, who 
had mad^ slaves of their inhaMtants. At Khtdm, he had an audience 
with Baba B% Kilij Khan's son and the elder brother of the ruler 
of Ibalu He was a short thidc-set person about tiiirty-five years dd, 
dqthed in an onter garment of flama<cokmred silk and an inner one 
of black satin. He reodved our travelkr cokUy, and in answer to his 
statement that he was a merdiant ho said that that country was a bad 
one to tiade in ; hojeered at one of his servants for being a Musmdman 
and yet serving a Kaffir, and said his master, i^ Murad In, had given 
orders that the travellers should be sent on to Kunduz with an escort* 
On reaching Kundns tiiey found the Amir's minister, Atma Ram* in ^ 
wooden porch in the fort Tea was served them, and a matted diamber 
was assigned theqi to live in. Shortly after they had an interview 
with the grim rui«r Umadl^ whom they found in an inner room with a 
number of attmdanttj some kneeling and others standing, the latter 
holding white wandi» but all having their heads inclined towards the 
ground. The visitors duly saluted the chief with the Salaam Alikum, 
and were then tokl to seat themsdves on n carpet prepared for them -, a 
prayer was said, and all stroked their beards with great gravity. 
The Amir sat on a coshkm of Chinese damask, and wore a tunic of 
bhie silk with a sash of the same ookmr, and over it an <^>en coat of an 
afanend colour, and long brown boots with iron tipped heels. He was 
about torty-five years old, of a dark complexion, and had very small 
eyes. His attendants were all smaitly dressed in Bokharian sOk. Noone 
wore any weapons. He seemed pleased with Moorcn^'s presents; asked 
many questions about England and the motives of his journey. 
He then offoed hhaa some bfead and sliced melons, while he himself 
took pears and pomegranates and distributed them among his 
c ou r ti ers , and also gave Moorcieft some. In the evening he sent him 
a ht sheep and some rice.t At Kunduz he saw a brass gun which 
had been spiked and bore an inscription showing it had been made for 
Shah Tahmasp of Persia.) Moorcroft had taken a large quantity of 
merc h a n d i s e with him in bales which he had left at T^^^iini. Murad bi 
having leant of diis suspected it was of great value, and sent his Divan 
b^ thero to examine the bales. The traveU«3 accordingly returned 
to Khulm, where they had to pay an exorbitant duty on all their goods. 
During their absence Murad bi marched against the Hazarahs of 
Kamand. After which Moorcroft and his party with his merchandise 
were ordered to again repair to the unhealthy district of Kunduz. 

Murad bi now became very suspicious and uncivil and determined 

^ ' — ' ■ _ , 

•/i^4t4,4I5 t/i«.4$4« I/<^440* 


to detain his guasts, who wanted to go on to BuUnura. During this 
detention a conspiracy was formed against the Amir,headed by tte' Vali 
of Ihak^ ZidfiUcar Shere of Siripd, Ishan Khan of Balkh, the chief of 
Masar, and others 1^ raised a body of 8^000 men who were better armed 
and eqnipped dian If wad's men.* He set oat against them, leaving 
lus son, who was fiiendly to tiie Kngiishmen, m charge of Kundnz. One 
of MoQicroft's friends on the Amb's return havbg said to him that if he 
had any legazd for his character he ought not to detain than, he replied 
in characteristic fiuhiooy ^ What have I— what has an Uxbeg to do with 
character? Do not I sit here to phmder the fiuthful, and shadl I 
widiliold my hands from an infidel?" Hethenofoed to let them go 
if another friend of his, his Pir Zadeh, or quritnal adviser, Mir Fad 
Hakh, would find Ji ransom of 5o/xx> rupees, otherwise he piomised that 
they should have a taste of the summer of Knndnx. Moorcrofr rqxlied 
that he had no money, and the Mir might do as he pleased It was 
at length agreed they should go if a sum <ii lo^ooo rupees was paid to 
the Amir and 3,000 to Atma Ram.t He then set out for Tashkuigas» 
iHiere he arrived salely, and was "welcomed by Baba Beg with apparent 
and many of tiie pe^le with unaffected cordiality.'^ The previous 
year the people of Khulm, which was dien a very timving place, had 
been threatened with compulsory removal to Kundu% where the fever 
constantly reduced the inhabitants and required a perennial supply of 
victims to keep up the population. It (mly escaped by bribing the Amir. 
The people of Old Khuhx^ the capital in Eilich All's day, and of Sar 
Bagliy had been already xemoved. 

Meanwhile, a treacherous person named MoUah Muhammed Amin, 
who had been in Elphinstone's service^ sou^ an audience with Murad, 
threw his turban down, and pledged himself that Moorcroft was in hct a 
spy. Messengers were at once despatched to recall him to Kunduz.S 
He thereupon determined to fly, and to escape to Kassim Jan, Khoja 
of Talikan, the Pir or spiritual guide and father-in-law of Murad 
b^.i Having disguised himself as an Uzbeg, he set out, and afier a 
teirible ride, whose incidents are described with picturesqueness in his 
journal, he at kngth reached the Khoja, with whom he had an inter- 
view, and on whose generosity he threw himself to protect him.^ The 
Khoja promised to do his best, and to show his disinterestedness refused 
to acoq;>t Moorcroff s presents. Meanwhile Baba beg arrived at Talikan 
and had an audience with the Pirzaddi, to which Moorcroft was invited. 
He ftfimc*f~^**^ what he had done, and advised him on no account 
to ^dt the protection of the Khoja. Soon after he had to go through 
the ordeal of 4 Ute^tiU in the council chamber with the Mollah 
Amin already mentioned, and who had been sent by Murad 

•M,444- tM.iC. t/A,448. «M»454i459. |/<^496. 



to try and prejudice the Pinadeh against hun. The fierce demmdatioiis of 
this person, directed to the Asiatic policy of England and the antecedents 
of Moorcroft, with the tatter's answers, are told in detail in his narrative.* 
Soon after, Murad himself repaired to Talikan. At an intenriew with 
him the Khoja warmly eqponsed Moorcroft's part, and insisted that he 
should be allowed to go, on paying a suitable ransom. Khoja Jan was 
about forty years old, of a fiur complexion, and pleasing features for an 
Uzb^. Although a holy person, he was a dealer in merchandise and 
especially in slaves, and the beg generally presented him with some after 
his forays. These he sent for sale to Yarkand, receiving back, tea, China 
sadn, and porcelain. He also kept a laige number of brood mares and 
many sheep, but as his character required him to exercise unbounded 
hospitality he was not wealthy. It reads curiously to find that Moorcroft 
translated for him Gibbon's account of Jingis Khan and Hmur, with 
which he was much interested.! Moorcroft was lodged at first in a 
kirgah or circular tent, but afterwards in a small day chamber, and was 
supplied with salted tea and wheaten bread for breakjGut At mid-^y,with 
boiled rice and poise, in the midst of which was above a pint of kunit or 
curd, made into the consistence of cream, and over which about two 
ounces of melted hi from a sheep's tail was poured. In the evening 
tea was served, and about ten broth and bread, with mutton, bee^ or 
horseflesh. Among others, whom he met at Talikan was the brother 
of the last king of Badakhshan, who denied the tradition about 
his fiunily being descended from Alexander, saying it had not 
been settled in the country more than one hundred years. He 
said the diief of Darwaz, however, was so descended.} On takmg 
leave of Moorcroft the Pinadeh did him the unusual honour of 
embradng and blessing him, and gave him two pieces of green dinese 
silk, and one of crimson satin brocade with flowers of gold, the last 
of which he hoped he would wear in remembrance of him. Moorcroft 
in retnm left him some razors, scissors, some genuine attar of roses and 
mnsk, a telescope, and gold repeater. Murad bi had given his promise 
that he should freely depart At Kunduz he had another interview with 
him. He says he had a very repulsive face, excessively high cheek bones, 
with a very narrow lower jaw, leaving scarcely any room for the teeth| 
which were standing m all directions. He was also near-sighted. Abddl 
Tash, the manager of the religious establishment at Hasrat Imanmi prayed 
for them as they left, and the hypocritical b^ held up both hands as if 
joining in the prayer.J He passed through Tashkuigan and Mazar. In 
the latter place he was well received by Shuja ud din Khan, its chie( 
and by the ValiV Baikh, who happened to be there, and who boA 

inveighed against Murad bi as a disgrace upon all Turkistan.| The 

> ^ 

BALKH, JUajnMf AND KUMiyUZ. 859 

Khiii of Ifaar hdd Ae pott of If titawalii or custodian of the Zhx9t Gab, 
orthxineof AIL 

From Mazar Moorcroft went to Balkb, which he found a huge mass of 
nunsy the pq^Nilation having dwindled to about ijooo families. The fort 
was in charge of Ishan Khoja. Thence he made his way across the 
Oxtis to Mavera un Nehr, and died the next year at Andkhud. 

Our next authority on diis district is Bumes. He says Murad's 
government was well consolidated and his measures vigorous. On 
ccmqnering a district he retained the former chie& in authority; but 
stipulated for the supply of a contingent of troops, and planted agarrison 
of his own there* His united forces amounted to 20^000 men, all cavalry, 
with six pieces of artillery, including a thirty-six pounder, which I have 
described as having belonged to Nadir Shah. The cavalry were armed 
with nnwiddy spears, and some with matchlocks. The soldiers were 
paid in grain; their commanders he retained closely by him. He was 
an active person and himself led his troops, and made many d^T^^nt 
towards Balkh and the Hazarah country, whose Shia inhabitants were 
sold as slaves. The chief of Chitral also paid him a tribute of human 
beings. His people had a considerable trade with Yarkand, and he 
exchanged envoys with the Chinese governor there. He was not oh 
cordial terms with the Amir of Bukhara. 

One of his campaigns in the Hindu Kush, about 1830^ was not a 
success. The Siah Posh Kaffirs allowed his people to advance into the 
mountains, when they attacked them, and a snowstorm having ensued 
one half of their army of 4,000 horse perished.* The revenue was paid 
m grain ;md com was very scarce, the money current ther^ when Burnet 
wrotc^ beingthat of an emperor of Hindostan before the time of Nadir 
Shah. The beautiful country of Badakhshan had been wasted, its 
inhabitants largely transported to Kunduz, and its ruler, who daimed to 
descend from Alexander, had been deposed. The Amir's affiurs were 
managed by a Hindoo from Peshawur, named Atma Khan, who held the 
post of Divanbegit and although as a rule Hindoos were despised and 
not allowed to wear turbans, this person had secured the privil^e for 
himself, his servants, and his tribe. He had accumulated considerable 
wealth, and had about four hundred slaves. 

Burnes teOs us Murad styled himself Mix, and that he had conquered 
his neighbours on various sides. He was master of the valley of the 
Upper Oxus and its tributary rivers ; had cf ptured Balkh, which he 
sacked, and carried ofif great part of the people to his other conquests. 
He also redtfced all Badakhshan, and was engaged when Burnet 
was there against the hill states north of the Oxus. The district of 
Kulab^ one of thes^ lying between Darwaz and Shughnan, was aUeady 
in hit possession. His power extended southwards to Simian, within 



thirty milev of Bamian and across two of the pastes of tht Hindfto 


Sighan, when Barnes passed through i^ was hnmediately subject to 
Muhammed Ali bdc, who he sajrs was alternately dependmt on Kabol 
and Kunduz. He satisfied the chief of Kabul with a few horses and his 
Kunduz lord with a few men captured in forays by his sons and officers. 
These captives were Hazarah% who were carried <^ on the plea that they 
were Sbias, and it would be well to convert them to orthodoxy. He was 
a tyrannical person and had shortly before laid his hand on some 
Jewesses, excusing himself by saying their progeny would become 
Muhammedans. Bumes satisfied him with a present of a nankeen 
pelisse, and a present of eight or nine rupees, being the usual tax paid l^ 
a caravan, and received a present of a leg of venison from the Khan, who 
was under the impression that the travellers were Armenians,* 

North of the Sighan, and separated from it by a ridge called Dundan 
Shikun, or the tooth breaker, was the small principality of Kamard, 
governed by Rahmut ulla Khan, another dependent of Murad bi's. He 
was addicted to wine, and having been , some time without it he 
pathetically exclaimed to Bumes that heaven and earth were the same 
to him without his dose.t As an instance of the tyrannical rule of these 
petty princes, Bumes mentions that not being able to make forays and 
alamans like his neighbour of Sighan, he, in order to satisfy his suzerain^ 
deliberately seized the whole of the inhabitants of one village, and sent 
them all, men, women, and childreni ds slaves to Kunduz. Murad hi 
duly rewarded him with three additional villages.^ Let us now return 
to the latter's history. 

Speaking of his character^ Bumes says he was at once cruel and 
indulgent; he encouraged all the plunderers who left his country 
and shared thefr spoil. Hi<. policy of removing whole populations from 
one province to another, ?Jid especially from a healthy to a pestilential 
one, and his raids on th<^ Hazarahfs and Ka£Srs were the chief instances 
of his tyranny, otherwise traders v/ere well treated and duties were low, 
those on shawls and silk being entirely remitted. He was very jealous of 
the Ens^sh, was about fifty years of age, tall in stature, and with the 
features of a genuine Uzbeg; his eyes were small to deformity, his 
forehead broad and frowning, and his whole countenance repulsive. 
He was not however addicted to excesses, like his contemporary at 
BuUtanu He had two sons, one of whom was then eighteen.S 

About two years afber Bumes' visit, and in the end of October, 1856^ 
an envoy arrived at Kabul from Murad bi, with a present of a dozen 
horses for Dost Muhammed. Murad bi's brother Muhammed had 
leilf been a victim to ophthalmia; shrines had been visited and charms 
lyed, but all in vain, when the news of a British mission being 

0».*nL.i8s-i9iu t/ifc,XB. T/A,X94. f Wl, It, S5«. SSS- 


at Kabul reached Kimduz. Theretqxm Mana BndcB, t)ie ronfidant 
and physkdan of Mnrad bi, was tent to bring the Ferins^ hakmiy or 
Engli^ doctor, over the Hindu Knsh** Captain Burnett who was tlien 
at Kabul, detennined to utilise the o p port un ity, and accordingly sent 
Lieutenant Wood (to whom we owe the ftmous memoir on the Qxns 
country) and Dr. Lord on a misaon thidier.t On dieir arrival they were 
graciously received in durbar by Mnrad \Af and after a letter from 
Bumes had been read aloud, a piece oC Rassian loaf si^^ar was 
l^aced before the travellers, and their presents were produced. Wood 
says that a spying glass and some bottles of eiscntisi oils and other 
restoratives particularly pleased the Mir. The bottles were duly labelled 
in the chief's presence. In the recq>tion room the belcs were seated in rows 
on one side of the room, and below them, on another levd, were the Mir's 
personal attendants and slaves. Opposite stretdied out on a coloured 
fdt, and leaning on a large silken pillow, was Murad bi himselfl AH the 
beks present were old men.) Wood compares his host, who had carved 
such a large fortune for himself, with Muhammed All in Egypt^ and 
Runjet Singh in Hindostan. His power was absolute, and his tribe 
was devotedly attached to him, and seldom mentioned his name without 
adding, May God add to his riches. With the Tajiks, whom he subdued, 
he was not so popular, but they also acknowledged his great abilities. 
When he conquered his neighbours he razed every hill fort which fell into 
his hands, reserving the Uzbeg strongholds in the plain, which he com- 
mitted to members of his own family or devoted adherents. Wood 
speaks of the rigid equity of his proceedings among his own people, 
notwithstanding the desolating wars he carried on outside his borders. 
Offenders never escaped punishment ; theft and highway robbery within 
their own country were invariably punished with death. In consequence 
of this rigid discipline crime was greatly diminished.1 He also reports the 
strong predestination which prevailed among his subjects. Having one 
day deplored the untimely end of a chief whom Murad bi had put to 
death, an Uzb^ called out, His Hme had come, spare your pUy^ for 
nothing happens that is not ordained^ Murad bi's brother's case was 
wtU nigh hqpeless. The sight of one eye had entirely gone and the other 
was fast waning; and the doctor had to have recourse to a good Mussul- 
man habit of supplementing his own skill by declaring that cures were in 
the hands of heaven.f Wood himself obtained permission to survey the 
upper country of the Oxus. He found Talikan ruled by Murad*s son, 
who was styled Atalik. He describes him as like his father in appearance. 
He was charged with the surveillance over Muhammed Shah and his two 
brothers, the sons of the dispossessed ruler of Badakhshan.** Wood paid 
the Khoja who had treated Moorcroft so well, a visit He then went on 

* Woodf* OsM, 177. t/i£>xi8. lid,, 137* %Id.,i3$,i^ 

lA^Lft. f/^145. ••Ai.xsS. 


to Kila Afghan, where in 1823 die people of BadaUithaiii uadet 
Miliar beg Khan, made thdr last stand against Mtirad bl The latter 
had lOjOoo men with him, the BadakhsMs about 9,00a They were 
charged and dispersed, 300 of them being kiUedy but it was not tin two 
years later that the comitry was annexed/ and in 1839 Mnrad trans- 
ported a large portion of its i]ihabitants.t Wood went as £ir as Wakhan, 
which was ruled by Muhammed Rahim bek, who claimed descent from 
Alexander the Great, and who was nomina&y a subject and tributary of 
Murad bit The latter was not pleased at the tone of independence he 
had shown, and Wood, who found him preparing to start on a visit to 
Kundusy seems to have warned him of his danger, and he describes 
how he set out with his half-savage escort of armed, ddn-dad 
followers.S On arriving at Kundisx the Wakhaa chief was wdl treated, 
but when, instead of paying his arrears of tribute, he offered only a 
paltry present, Murad hi had him confined, and then tried. His fate was 
predetermined, and at a word from the Amir a courtier, whose father had 
been killed in Wakhan, clove him to the ground with a wooden billet, 
bespattering with brains those near him. ^ Kub kurde, knb kurde*— 
^ Well done, weU done "--shouted the savage ruler from his musnid*! 

Speaking of the vast transportations of people which Murad bi carried 
out, Wood says, ''The aggregate of foreigners thus fordbly planted to 
these unhealthy marshes from the year 1830 to the present time (1^/., 1838) 
is estimated by the Uzbegs at 25,000 families, or in round numbers 
100,000 souls, and I question whether of these 6,000 were alive in 1838, 
so great had been the mortality in the space of eight years. Truly may 
the proverb say, * If you wish to die, go to Kunduz.' Twelve months 
antecedent to our visit a great portion of the inhabitants of Kulab were 
brought from their own hilly cotmtry down to Hazrat Imaum. Dr. Lord 
and myself walked over the ground which their straw kiigahs had covered 
and where some still stood ; but silence, and the numerous graves around, 
told us the fate of their numerous inmates.*^ 

Dr. Lord's patients, Murad's brother and nephew did not recover. The 
Amir insisted upon the boy being handed over to a native doctor, wha 
prescribed an oil bath, and under whose hands he perished. ** His time 
had come," was the philosophical reflection which covered the reputation 
of both the native and Feringhi doctor. The death of the prince was 
followed, soon after Wood's departure, by that of Muhammed b^, the 
Mir of Hazrat Imaum, Murad's brother. He had been an incorrigible 
patient, and we are told that while Dr. Lord prescribed for his indigestion 
he continued to gorge himself with sour milk, hard boiled eggs, and rich 
pilaf. He set him to rights three times, and each rime his indiscreticm 
brought on a relapse.** 

|A^,«7. f/WU^ **/A,s<4. 


It b not known when the potent chief, who so cruelly derastated the 
coontry tonth of the Oxus, died, but it was probably about 1840. He 
was succeeded by Muhammed Amin bek, who adopted the style of Mir 
Vail He was the son of Kilij Khan, and had governed Khulm during 
Murad bFs reign.* He is doubtless the Muhammed Ahmed mentioned 
by Moorcroft, and he was the ruler of these countries when Ferrier 
passed through them in 1S45. He then had a standing army of 8,000 
horse and 3,000 foot ; of the last 800 were saibasis or regulars. He also 
had ten guns, served by some escaped Sepoys from India and some 
Imaks. Biir Vali's son, Genj All Beg, was governor of Badakhshan, 
and Mir Rustem Khan, Murad bi's son, governed Kundux in his 
name.t Balkh, which had been the alternate victim of the mlers 
of Bukhara and Kunduz, now acknowledged Mir Vali, and was 
governed for him by Ishan Suddur,t and the ruler of Andkhud also 
acknowledged his supremacy.$ 

Ibak, when Ferrier passed through it in 1845, ^^ occupied by the 
Usbeg tribe Kankali, whose chief was subservient to the ruler of Khulm, 
and paid him dues under the name of presents. || Mahmud Khan, the 
governor of Sirpul, was the Vali's son-in-law, and one of his best and 
most faithful allies^lf He was of Uzbeg descent, but as his ancestors fof 
several generations had allied themselves with Persian women, his 
countenance had largely lost its Turanian appearance. Hb influence 
extended far among the Imaks of the Paropamisus, among whom he was 
dreaded for his great daring and bravery* He kept up a standing army 
(d 3,000 horse and 3^000 foot, which number he could treble when 
necessary.** He wished General Ferrier to mediate an alliance with the 
English on his behalf, only he begged ** he would not do so in Asiatic 
fashion, by retaining half the subsidy he expected from Calcutta.** ft 

From the &cts here quoted and from the number of his dependents 
it will be gathered that Mk VaU was a very powerful chie^ and held 
sway over quite as great, if not a greater breadth of country than 
Murad bl 

Although the Afghans had been so long deprived of authority in this 
district of the Upper Oxus, they had not finally abandoned hopes of 
recovering it, and it was at kngdi recovered by their famous ruler Dost 

When the latter declared war against NasruUa, the Amur of Bukharst 
he asked permission from the Vali to march through his territory^ but 
was sharply refused, being tdd that to grant the request would be to 
surrender the sovereignty of his country, for the Afghans would ravage 
and keep it if they were strong enough. Dost Muhammed r^ied, that 
what was denied in friendship should be taken by force.|t Besides this 

*F«Riw*iTr»TeIs, aiobau. t/4n an. I/i^mS. f/4l.,ao3. lld^ns. 


roftson be was pressed on by his son Akbar Khan, wbo dining Ins exOe at 
Kbukn became enamoured of a female slave belonging to Mir Vali^ ifbam 
he carried off to Kabul, but she managed to escape and retamed to hoc 
fSormer master, who scarcely ever allowed her out of his [^lesence. As 
he refused to surrender her, Akbar Khan was clamorous for war. The 
army of Kabul was commanded by the Sirdar Akrem Khan, while 
another son of Dost Muhammed occupied the hilly country in firont of 
Bamian. The forces of Khulm were posted in a difficult district beyond 
Sighan, and several engagements were fought between the two. Thisi 
happened while Ferrier was in the country in 1845/ '^c ^f^ ^^ 
a protracted one, and ended in the complete victory of the Aighansi 
who in 1850 crossed the Hindu Kush and conquered Balkh. In 1859 
they also recovered Kunduz, and the Uzbeg possessions south of the 
Oxus now became known as Afgdan Turkestan. Badakhshan was also 
conquered, and a descendant of its oki princes, Jehandar Shah was 
placed on its throne as ihtprotegi oi the A^hans. 

On the death of Dost Muhammed, his son A&ul Khan was living at 
Balkh, as governor of this district, and in 1854, lie in concert wiUi his 
brother Azim rebelled against Shere Ali, their older brother, who was 
the Amir of the Afghans. The rebellion was crushed, and Afzul was 
reinstated in his position at Balkh : this was in 1864. His son Abdur 
Rahman had meanwhile fled to Bukhara, where he married the Amir's 
daughter. Suspecting this flight to be part of some organised plot| 
Shere Ali seized upon Afoil and imprisoned him* Abdur Rahman now 
incited the Amir of Bukhara to assist him. He corrupted Shere Ali^s 
representative in Afghan Turicestan, and secured the loyalty of his best 
general, Muhammed Rafik. He was also joined by Azim Khan, who had 
for some time been a refugee on English soil, and speedily secured Kabul 
and severely defeated Shere Ali : this was in 1866. Afzul was released 
and for a short time adopted the style of Amir at KabuL Shere AH now 
repaired to Herat and raised another army, but was again defeated* 
Three days after the battle Afzul died, and was succeed^ at Kabul 
by Aiim. Meanwhile, Kandahar and Herat remained fidthfiil to 
Shere Ali, and in thespring of 1868 he once more set out This time, 
as is wen known, he was successfliL Azim was driven into etile and 
shortly after died in Persia. Abdur Rahman was also driven away ; ha 
.fled to Meshed, whence he sent messengers to Samarkand to ask the 
Rnsrian authorities if he might shelter there, and receiving a favourable 
answer went to Tashkend in March, 187a He eventually took up hb 
residence at Samarkand, and received a pension of 35,000 roubles a year 
from the Russians. He was visited by Schuykr, who describes hhn as 
taU and well built) with a large head, and a marked Afghan, almost a 
Jewish fsoe^ He wore tong lodoi of haur at the side^ and a full curiy 
__^_^__^_^_____^_^^_^__ .1 ^^_x... ^^ — ^_^_i..^_^_ 


biftdc beard, tad was dressed in a long d|ik Kaftan, with wide silver 
galloon, and tegs of sihrer braid, a luf^ wrought silver belt and 
silver-moiiated sabre, and wore a white turban striped with blue cm his 
head. He qxdoe to Mr. Schnyler in bitter terms sjboot Shere AIL* 

Abdur Rahman evidently has his hopes fixed still on die Ai^faan 
throne, and his future may yet be determined by the condition of A^han 
Turkestan and Badakhshan, which have always been nneasy under 
the A%faaa yoke. He is the son-in-law of the Amir of Bukhara and also 
of Jehander Shah, the ibnner ruler of Badakhshan, who still as{»res to 
recover his position there. Jehandar was driven away ircMn RttrfaH>iyhy«> 
in 1867, by his nephew, Mahmud Shah,^ who married Shere All's 
dau ght er, and n^o took his place and became an Aljgfaan feudatory. The 
result of his intrigues will dq[)end largely on the policy of Russia whose 
gnest he is, but it is not very hopeful to read M. Terenticf expiemng a 
wish that there may be constant rebellions in these northern districts of 
A%hanistan, untU the Amir of Kabol is compelled to wididsaw his troops 
from Badakhshan.t 


A few words will suffice to rdate the story of Badakhshan, so fer as it 
concerns our present object Like the country bordering it on the west, 
Badakhshan was conquered by the Uxb^s, and formed a government 
dependent on the Khanate of Bukhara. The old race of Khigs who 
retgned there when Marco Polo, and stiU later when Baber wrote, datmed 
like the petty princes, further east, to descend from Alexander) but thin 
dynasty was disi^aced by the Usbegs, and its later rulers like many others 
who founded more or less independent principalities, on die decay of 
the Bnkharian Khanatft, were doubtless of Uzb^ descent. Cdonel Yule 
says they were Sahib Zadahs of Samarkand who were invited to go there 
about the middle of the seventeenth century.^ I don't know on what 
anthority dus is stated, but it is very dear that it was not tiH mndi later, 
and after Nadir Shah's death that an independoit principality arose here^ 
and lioorcrolt was expressly tohl by a Badakhshan prince^ that his 
fendly had only bona settled there about a century.S The first sovere^ 
of this dynasty I fbid recorded was Yar bdc, who is mentioned as lA» 
founder of die dynasty and ^ builder of Fatsabad. Sultan Shah ruled 
there when the Chinese overthrew the dominatiffin of die Khojas at 
Kashgar. Khan Khoja who had been driven thence, soo|^ refuge at 
ladakhshan with 40,000 of his people. His wealth and his harem 
attracted tte cupkKty of Sultan Shah, who attadosd him at Reishkhan, 
and his peofb west defeated. On suing for his life in vafa^ he cuiaei 
Badakhsbasd^ >uid prayed it might be three t&ies depopulated, and that 

• Sdmrlir. i.. a6s. iid^VL^iVh^t^ Z Muvo P«to. i. iH. 


not even a dog might be left in it alive* A few years later, namdy, 
about 1765, Badakhshan with the other districts south of the Oxus was 
conquered by the famous Afghan ruler Ahmed. On this occasion, Sultan 
Shah was put to death, and the Afghans carried off (h>m Faizabad a 
&mou8 holy reHc in the shut of Muhammed.t The Munshi Faiz Buksh 
promised m-hi^ memoir to publish the materials he had collected for 
the history of Bulkh ami Badakhshan,t but this valuable work has 
i^parently not been done, and I have no notice of the district tiH 
about 1812, when Izzet ulla passed th^t way. He tells us Mir 
Muhammed Shah who then ruled was the son of Sultan Shah.f 
A few years later, namdy, 1823, Badakhshan was invaded by 
Murad bi of Khufan, who defeated its ruler Miriar Beg Khani^ at Kila 
Alghan.| The district was finally conquered about 1829. Thereupon 
Miriaz's brother Mir Muhammed Riza Bck went to live at Talikan, and 
was there visited by Moorcroft-f Two other fugitives were Muhammed 
Shah and his younger brother, the sons of the late Shah. They 
were also given a residence at Talikan, Wood saw them there, and 
says though poor and unfortunate the family was much respected 
by their countrymen, among whom Muhammed tlie head of the 
house was still honoured with the title of Shah or King.** For 
a long interval Badakhshan remained subject to the ruler of Kunduz. 
I have mentioned how about 1859, Jehandar Shah a descendant 
of the old princes was reinstated there as the dependant of the 
A^ His dependence was very nominal however, for he seems 
not to have paid tribute. Although he was a drunkard and a dissolute 
person, the coontry prospered under him. He Avas on friendly terms 
with Abdur Rahman, and jealous of the lattcr*s rival Shere All One of 
Major Mon^omery's sappers was present at an interview between him 
and the ntler of Qiitral, when an alliance was apparently cemented 
against KabuL The former had 2/300 horsemen with him and the latter 
TOO. The Chitral diief gave his fri^d twenty-one slaves and also 
his daughter in marriage to his son, while Jehandar presented him with 
sixty cbogas of Bukhara manufacture, two swords and a 
Jehandar was diqilaced as mkr of Badakhshan in 1861 by his nephew 
Mahmud, a paitisan of Shere A1L$$ Manphul thus enumerates the 
various divisions of Badakhshan and its dependencies. Faizabad and 
Jirm directly dependent on Mahmnd. Daraim, Shahr i buzurg, Gumbazi 
Farakhar, Kbhnii Rustak, Rushan, Shaghnan, Ish kasham, Wakhan, 
Zebak, Minjan, Ragfa, Daung, and Asiabi. All these dependencies were 
either held by Mahmud's relatives, or by hereditary rulers, with a feudal 
tenure, conditional on fidelity to him and rendering military service. 

♦ Wood*! Om. t6t. t /*, xnrJ. I Jour. Roy. G«of . Soc. xUi.. 473. 

|)o«B.AdM.8o«.,vU.,304Uissi' I Wood". Oxnt, 159. ^O^dt..48?. 
•• WooTt Om, US. 1iAm»,9ti. 11 }•«». «ojr. Q«)g. Soc., xUl, i». «JWn«9 



After the death of Nadir Shah and the elevation of Ahmed Shah to the 
throne of Kabul, jan Uxbeg soldier of fortune named Haji Khan was 
i^polnted by the latier governor of Mefaneneh, on condition of fuxnidiinf 
a contingent of troops. He took up his residence at Balkh, and nominated 
one of his relatives as his depaty at Meimeneh. Ho was succeeded by his 
son Jan Khan, who was forced to fly from Balkh by an oatbreak of the 
inhabitants^ and withdrew to Meimeneh. On hb death in 1790^ there 
was a dispute among his sons for the inheritance ; one of them was 
blinded, another perished in an outbreaki while the youngest, named 
Ahmed, governed Meimeneh from 1798 to i8ia He was killed in an 
insurrection and his eldest son* Mixrab Khan, fled for refuge to the 
t(Mnb of All, near Balkh, while his cousin Allah Yar Khan ocCTiplfid the 
throne from 18x0 to 1826, when he died of cholera.* 

He was apparently succeeded by Mizrab Khan, who was poisoned 
by (me of his wives. This happened shovtly before Ferrier passed 
through the town, where he found his two sons Ukmet Khan and ShefO 
Khan flghting for the succession. The former, who was the ekier of 
the two, mnch preferred wine to business, and would have abandoned 
his dahns, but those about him would not consent to his doing sa 
This struggle led to much misery, and Yar Muhammed, the A%haa 
ruler of Herat, and nominal snserain of the place, interfered to settle 
the dispute. It was arranged that Ukmet should continue to rale 
over the merf;antile and agricuhnial population, while Sheve Khan 
should reside in the citadel and command the army, a plan 
by which the latter was virtually given control of the state.t Yar 
Huhammed, apparently, really controlled the affiurs of Meimeneh till 
his death, in 1853, when it again becan^ indtpendentt Ukmet Khan 
was by order of his brother hurled down from the walls of the 
dtadd, ''so that," as he said, ''his abler son might be placed at 
the head of affairs.'' This brother was named Muna Yakub^ and was 
sdll living when Vambery traversed the district His nqihew, for whose 
interests he was so solicitous, was named Hussein Khan, and was largely 
in his hands. Yakub held the post of vizier,and is described as a person 
of handsome presence. Instead of hiflicting corporal punishment or 
imposing ftnes, he sent culprits to be sold in the dave markets of 
Bukhara.$ The little Khanate, although surrounded by sudi powerflil 
neighbours, had very largely preserved its independence^ and been 
especially successful against Dost Muhammed, of A^hanistan. On his 
death, the Amir of Bukhara seht its youi^ Khan a subsidy of 10^000 
titlas, and a request that he should join his forces with those of Bukhara, 
and make a common attack on the Afghans. Hussein Khan was too 

* Schtfer. Abdul Kerin, afia, 4(3^ t Ftrriaili ttmnlk, 197, 19S. 

I Id., 204, Noit. I Vanbwy, Travili^ §49. 


impatient to wait He set out on his own account, captured aeveral 
small places, and omfunented the gate of his fortitsa with dnee 
hundred long-haired A%han skulls. When Vambery was there in 1863 
he was pr^aring for another campaign.* 


Andkhttd is situated between Herat and Bukhara, and is accounted as 
belonging to Khorasan. It retained its allegiance to the A^i^ums for a 
long time, and the Khutbeh was said in the name of Tinmr Shah, on 
whose behalf it was governed by Rahmet UUa of the tribe AUhu. He 
was killed in a struggle with the troops of Shah Murad hi, of Bukhara, 
and was succeeded by his son Ilduz Khan.t Ilduz was ruling then 
when Isiet ulla travelled in these parts.^ He had a body of i^ooo troops^ 
and seems to have secured a practical independence, for,Schefer says,he 
paid no mie tribute.! Andkhud remained toleraUy flouridiing tiH 
about the year 1840^ when it was dqpendent on Bukhara. Yar 
Muhanuned besieged it when on his way to Oxns, and captured it after 
a siege of four months. It was then plundered and reduced to a hmp of 
ruins, and the greater part of the inhabitants who would not otherwise 
escape, were put to death by the Afj^ians. When Vambevy visited h, its 
governor GazanferKlian was ajhviA^ of the A^S^ians, and at issue with 
the rulers of Bukhara and Meimeneh.! He says the town then contained 
about 2fiOo houses and yooo tents sca tt e red about, and its popuktioii 
was about 15,000^ principally Turkomaas. Its cKmale is notorioosfy 
bad, and is summed up in a Persian verM. ** Andkim has bitter salt 
wateri scorching sand, venonums flies, and even scotpions. Vaunt it 
not for it is the picture of a real helL'' It was there that Mooccrolt 
apparently of fever.f 


Shabiri^ian was kmg the seat of a petty principality. Izset ulla <^ii« H 
Shiighan, and teQs us that it was ruled by Iraj Khan.^ When Ferrier 
was in these parts, its ruler was Rustem Khan. He had married a 
dau^ter of Misrab Khan Vali of Mdmeneh, and inflated by thismatdi 
proceeded to turn Kaianfer Khan Afthar, a ^Ug€ of the Amir of 
Bukhara, out of Andkhud. The Amir persuaded Mir VaH of Khalm to 
rdnstate Kaanfer, idio handed the business over to his son-in-law, 
Mafamod Khan, of SirpuL The latter fonned a league with the governors 
of Masar, Balkfa, and Akshi, and marched against Andkhud and 
thabiighan. Rustem had appdnted as hi» deputy at AndUmd, Sufi 

^14^%K^%^ t8di«Ctr,,a4f. I Jovb. Roj. Aiint Soe.. tU^ sss- 

|0».dt,s49. |Va«kM3r.Tnf«te,a4i. 

ti^.a40. **Jo«».l«r*Aaitt.8«c.,«IL,3SS. 

sntpuu Mf^ 

Kkan AM», Ite nephew oC Kaxante. This prince was made ofcr 
te the enemy, while Rnstem Khan hhnaeif was made by the 
inhalHtants vdiose crops had been ravaged, and who were snffiBring from 
want, to surrender. Kazanfler having regained possession of Andkhnd^ 
dedared hmisdf the vassal of Mir Vali of Khufan, regardless altogether 
of tiie ruler of Bukhara. Shabirghan was surrendered to Mahmud Khan, 
of Sirpul, who appointed his brother Hussein its governor, and Rustem 
and Sufi were sent prisoners to Bukhara. The Bukharian ruler felt he 
had been duped, and assisted Rustem to recover his own, but shoitly 
after the Afghan prince Yar Muhammed Khan arrived from Herat with 
30/x)o men, and subdued Meimeneh, Andkhud, Akshi, and Shabii|;han, 
which remained subject to him till his death, in 1853.* They then 
remained independent for a short time^ but except Meimeneh, were 
^»eedily conquered again by Dost Muhammed, and have since remaned 
mote or less dependent on the A%hans. 


The history of die little principality of Sitfiil is very obscure. When 
Ferrier passed througk it, its governor was Mahmud Khan, who was the 
son-in-law of the Mir Vali, of Khnhn. As it is not mentioned in tiie 
notices of Izzet ulla, nor by Schder^ authorities, it had probably but 
recently become independent, and doubdess formed part of Khufan 
during the leign of Murad bL Mahmud Khan's influence we are 
told extended far among the Imaks of the Paropamisus, and he con- 
trolled a force of 2/)0o horse and 2yooo foot soldiers.t Sirpul fell under 
A%faan rule like its neighbours, in the reign of Dost Muhammed. 

I have thus surveyed the meagre annals of the various Uzbeg princi- 
palities of any note, uriiich were formed out of the ruins of the old 
Bukharian Empire. The greater part of them are now nominally at least 
subject to the A^ihans, but this has been only a recent conquest on die 
part of the latter, and they bear their yoke uneasily. How for it is 
prudent or wise that En^and should insist as she has done, diat they 
Aould be treated as an intend paft of Afghanistan, is a question ai 
politics and not of ethnography or Mstory, but it may be pointed out as 
beyond question that from the point of view of both race and history, the 
dominant populations of these princqudities are drawn towards Bulduum, 
mther than KabnL 

AMr x.^The title Atalik ocean frequendy in the later histoiy of RdAaaiL 
>ienkfllMri says this tide answers to the title Lala Pasha at tne eovt «( 
Constaadaople. Ha says the Khans of Kipcfaak and the kings of <}eofgk alto 
had tbfir atalfts. Originally the duties of the AtaKk consisted hi sopet^ 


iotMrftng tlM edacadoii of thd heir to the throne tad looUaf after hit 
hootebokL Aftecwitfdt the Atalik hecame one of the chief digmtiee of the 
court, ehnott equal to those of Diran begi and Grand Visier, and eveotnally 
having become hereditaiy and £Ulen into vigorous hands, the holders of the 
post became the virtual rulers of the countiy, like the Merovingian mayors of 
the palace, and succeeded like them as we have seen in nsocping the chief 
authority in the state.* It will be remembered that the recent fiunous ruler of 
Kashgar styled himself Atalik Gaxi. 

AMraw— The Seyids and Khojas occupy such a prominent positioii in the 
history of Central Asia, that it is well to remember who they weie. The 
Seyids according to M. Schefer were all who claimed descent bom the Khalils 
Osman and Ali, through the daughters of the Prophet Hie Khojas claimed 
descent from the Khalifs, Abu bekhr and Omar by other women than the 
daughters of the Prophet. The Seyids had precedence of the Khojas. The 
latter were divided into two categories, the Khojas Seyid Ata who possessed 
deeds proving their descent, and the Khojas Juibari whose title deeds were 
lost and could only appeal to tradition and reputct 

NoU 3.— I have by inadvertence omitted in the notice of Bukhara reference 
to the visiU paid to it by three early English travellers. The first of these 
was Anthony Jenkinson, who was there in 155S. He reached Bukhara, which 
he calls Bogar, on the 33rd of December in that year. He describes in his 
quaint language the appearance and manners of the place. Initr aUa^ he tells 
OS its king had little power or wealth, his revenue being small and being 
derived from the eacactions he made from his subjects. Craftsmen and 
merchanU had to pay a tax lor the things they sold, *<and when he 
bu:keth money," says our traveller, " he sendeth his officers to the shops 
of the said merdunts, to take their wares to pay his debts, and.will have 
ccedit of force." The corns were of silver and copper, each of the former being 
worth twelve English pence, and of the latter which were caUed puis, one- 
tenth of a penny. The king caused the value of the silver money to rise and 
fan accordmg to his caprice, •* not caring to oppress his people, for that he 
looketh not to reign above two or three years before he be either slain or 
driven away, to the great destruction of the cocmtry and merchants.?} 

Jenkinson had an audience with the Khan, to whom he presented a letter 
from the Tsar, and by whom he was treated " most gently, and was caused to 
eat in his presence, and he divers times devised with him familiarly in his secret 
chamber, as wdl of the power of the Great Turks, as of the countries laws 
and religions of Europe, and he caused him to shoot in handguns before him 
and did himself practice the use of them, but after aU this great entertainment 
before his departure, he showed himself a very Tartar, for he went to the 
wars owing him money, and saw him not paid before his departure.'*! He 
nevertheiest praises him for having punished some marauders who had 
attacked him m romU, and caused all four of them to be hanged at his palace 
gat^ as he says, ♦• because they were gentlemen, to the exMnple of others."! 

• Scnkofcld, Sapplemcnt. Note, 33- t Sche£«r*» Abdul Ketiai, «▼. Note, i. 
I HAkloyt. Voyages. L,3:po, 371. %l4L,jji, ,lfd^3Jt, 

NOTES. 871 

He iimikt of th« rigid ditcipliiM mftiiitaiiied in tlM Khmte^ ttp^^tXty in 
regard to intoxicmting Uqaofs, and dmwt a cwiont picture alKywing the 
enbemennent of on the one band drinking water wldch bied die fmons long 
worms of Bokhara, which borrow under the akin and of bebg heaten hy the 
police for drinking strong drink. He tella oa tlie Metropolitan, ^a, the heed of 
the priesthood, had more power than the Khan, and coold displace liim,haTing 
done so with the predecessor of the then mier ** whom he be traye d, and in the 
night slew kJm in his chamber, who was a prince that loved all ChrietiaBS 
weU.*^ Having been warned that he had better letnmaa there wne a danger 
of the dty being attacked, he set ont oa the 8th of March, X5$9, acGOoipeidcd bj 
envoys firom the rolers of Bukhara and BaBdi to the Rnasiaa Empuw^ and bj 
a caravan of Ooo camels. Ten days alter hie departure he telb us the king of 
Samaikand went with an army and besieged the said dty of Bogar, the 
king bebg absent and gone to the wars against another prince, his kinsman, 
*aathelikechancethio thoMconnUiesonceintwoorthreeyears, For it is n 
manr^if the kmg reigns there above three or four years.*^ 

In 1746, the enterprising agents of die British factory in Russia tried lo 
establish a tirade with Khiva and Bukhara, nnd accordingly Mesers. 
Thompson & Hogg made their way to the former town, whence Mr.Thompeoo 
went to Bukhara, intending to return home through Persia and by the 
Caspian. He arrived there safoly, and tells us the Khan had little anthori^ 
beyond the city, the adjacent district being governed by several beks, indepen- 
dent of each other and of the Klian. He tells us how the natives imported 
rhubarb, musk, and castorium, and many other valuable drugn from the Black 
Kalmuks and Tashkend, and that former^ they received li^is laxuli and 
other precious stones from Badakhshan, but that the route thither was then 
much interrupted by robbers. Mr. Thompson tells us they used gold and 
copper coins of their own, but that the silver used then was Persian and 


Bumes was at Bukhara in 1832* On arriving there he was introduced to 
the Kush begi, an elderly man who occupied a small room in the palace, 
and who desired Bumes to seat himself on the pavement outside. The latter 
presented him with a silver watdi and Cashmere shawl, and afterwards with a 
valuable compass, which he explained as an instrument that would always 
point in the direction of Mekka. He describes the motley crowd he met in 
the Rii^iistan ; Pasians, Turks, Rnssiana, Tartan^ Chinese, Hindoos and 
Afghans, Turkomans, Kalmuks and Kazaks, Jews and Armenians* Each one 
who visited the Khan was accompanied by a slave. His account of 
Bukbarian lifo is picturesque. He saw the Khan visit the Great Mosque on a 
Friday, and tells us he was about thirty years of age, with a gaunt and pale 
fkce, small eyes, and forbidding look. He was dressed in a silken robe of 
** ndrus,* with a white turban, and sometimes he wore an aigrette of feathers 
ornamented with diamonds. The Koran was carried before him, and he was 
preceded and foOowed by two golden mace bearers, who called ont in Turkish, 
**PnQr to God that the Commander of die Patthfhl may act Justly.*' His snite 

•Id^Sn, t/4^S73* I n iB Oiy' ^ Twweis, i, 14»S44* 

872 HISTOitY OF THE 1C0M00L& 

ooaiiiiMtf qC.abottt loo perioitt, wiio ww dmiid in tchm of Ihmiio kpcadib 
and wore gold onuunentod daggen. The peoj^ drew aside aa be paaaed, 
atieked their beards and wished hies peace. Sespidoa sofrounded his daily 
lifft. The water he drank was talcea in sidns torn the river nnder the charge 
and seal of twio officers. It was first tasted by the rixier and hia men and 
U^n again sealed. The meals he ate were similarly tested, an hoor being 
allowed to pass to see the eflbcts belbte the bos in which they were kept 
was mlecked. Of this box the Khan had one key and the visier the other. 
Fruit, sweetmea t s, Ac. wsre all tasted, and Barnes remarks that it mnst have 
been diScult te him to have a hot meaL It was a recognised cosiom in 
taking food frees a psnon to present the giver with some first as a ptecantkm.* 

As an instance So be added to the many previonsly qnoted, of the rigid 
Mohammedanism then prevailing at Bokhara, Bomes describes how one 
day a IfoUah who had violated the law went to the Khan, suted his crime, 
and demanded justice according to the Koran. Twice was he bidden to depart, 
but the third time having upbraided the king for hia remissness in dispensing 
Justice and entreated that it might bring him punishment in this world instead 
of the next, the Coandl of Ulemas was smnmoned, and he was didy con- 
demned to be stoned to death. Turning his &ce towards Mekka and drawing hn 
garments over his head he repeated the weil known phrase, ** There is but one 
Qod and Mnhammed is his Prophet," and met his late, the Khan throwing the 
first stone. When dead he wept over his corpse^ ordered it to be washed and 
buried, and read the funeral service over the grave. On another occasion a 
son who had cursed his mother siinilarly demanded punishment, and although 
she entreated for him he was executed as a criminal, according to his own 
wish. A merchant from China having imported some picturss, they were 
immedisfdy broken by order of the Government, as against the express orders 
of the Koran^ and their vahie was returned to the owner. In view of this rigid 
adherence to the law, there is something pathetic in the exdamatbn of a 
Bukharian when told the Russians had recently found some gold veins 
between theb country and Bukhara. '*The ways of God he said are 
unsearchable which concealed these treasures from the true believers, and 
have now revealed them near the very surface of the earth to the Kaffirs.*t 

For an admirable description of the internal government and general polity 
of BuUuffa, I must refer to KhsnikoTs work so often cited in the previoos 

A^i^4.— The account of the topography of Bokhara and iu borders I shall 
remit to the next volume, which witt desl more largely with this district, and 
uow limit myself to a descriptionofKhokand, which is a pursly Uxbeg town of 
quite a modern- date, being not nmch more than zoo years old Mr. Schuyler 
has described it in his usual picturesque phrases. " From its being more 
modem it has wider streets, and is more spaciooa than most Asiatic towns. 
It is nearty square in form, and is said to contain 500 mosques, wbkh with an 
averafgs of thirty houses to a parish pves a population of about 75/mm». 
From the roof of the caravaneerai where Schuyler sUyed, he tells us he could 

• BoniM, Trtvtli. af9«a94. 1id.,%ti, 

NOTKS. 873 

sec the wbole city wpnaui out, in conttnaoos lines of broad flat day foofo, mott 
of the bazaars also being covered 10 as to give an easy passage from one end of 
the town to the other. Near by was a group of mosques and medressei^ bnOt 
of reddish grey brick, with high melon-shaped domes, the cornices covered 
with blue and white tiles forming texts from the Koran. In front was the bridge 
Kush-knpriuk, with its bold arch over the little stream which divides the city, 
while above it stood oot the large MedressI Khan. To the left were the 
beautiful facade and portal of the Khao*s palace, glittering in all the brightness 
of its fresh tiles, blue, yellow, and green, which had only recently been built. 
All around were clay rooft half hidden by foliage, and surrounding all, gardens 
and orchards, baeked up in the distance by mountains.'^ 

* In a large open space at the end of the basaar'are two large Medressis or 
colleges, well built of burnt brick, picked out with blue tiles, and surmounted 
by domes and small blue turrets. One is called All, and was built by 
Mussulman Kul. The other which is unfinished, was begun by the Khan*s 
brother. Sultan Murad bek, in fulfilment of some vow. Near the bridge above 
named is the spacious Medressi Khan, built by Madali Khan, and containing 
accommodation for aoo MoUahs. In the eastern part of the city is the 
Medressi Mir, built by Narbuteh hi, and close by a cemetery formerly con- 
taining a famous monument put np by Madali Khan to one of his wives, with 
the pathetic inscription : — 

I hope to Me h«r At th« resorrtction, 

Her of lovely slender fonn, 
IflJoBot tee her then. 

Go look after the Judgment. 

This monument was destroyed by the Amir of Bukhara when he took the city, 
on fikt ground that it was improper thus to honour a woman.'^t Schuyler 
visited the mint, the armoury, and paper manufactory. He ssjrs the chief 
Bazaar at Klu^and is very well built and regular, the streets crossing at 
right angles, and with ipany of the nhopt built of burnt brick. The streets 
are wide, ^ftd the whole is covered by a roof supported on timbers high up 
above thd houses, so that the baiaar itself is shaded, while plenty of resh air 
comes in at the sides. There are two basaar days weekly, namely on Sunday 
and Thursday.! The Khan was the owner of the bazaars and drew a large 
revenue from them, thus the Cocoon basaar, which was only open for six or 
seven weeks in the summer, brought in;f8io a*year. The citadel there called 
the urda, while at Bukhara it is called the ark. It is a large rectangular 
bttibling |ff|h high dny walls, containing several small courts and numerous 
buildings. At the further extremity beyond the large court is the new palace, 
the largest and most magnificent in Central Asia. It is a building of two or 
three storeys high, with towers at the comers and two in the centre, the wbole 
front faced with glased tiles, white, blue, and green, and a large Inscription, 
* Built by Seyid Muhammed Khudayar Khan in the year 13S7,** running along 
the cornices.! 

• Op. cit., 11., 1 1, la. t I4.t I J. ; Id., 10. 



^^ $.— Genealogy of the Khant of Bukhara und Kbokaad. 


PuLAD Khan. (Set chapCtr si.) 

IbrahteOcUM. Arabtfcah, a ui M t o t cif tU Wbtm tf Wkkn. 

I S«« next chapter. 




t. Atalkhair Khan. 



Khoja MnhamuMd 5- Kuchlra^ii Khan. MeBkliKMa 

MalmMd t. 

— r I 1 1 i I 

Muhammed Janibtg 4.Abotaid 6.Abdolla y.AbdalLatif 8.Nawas 
Sbelbaai Saltan. Khan. Khanl. Khtfu AhaadKhaa. 


I 1 

S.Ubaidaila Ifahammad 9. Pir Mohammed xo.Iskander Sallman 

Khaa. Timor Khan. Khan. Saltan. 

Solun^ I I 

I i I 

II. Abdolta Zehra Khanom married 15. Pir Mohammed 

Khan II. to Janibeg the foonder Khan II. 

J of the laoid dynaoty. 

12. Ahdol MomiB Vid€im/ra, 

BaW Saltan. 


Kochok Mohammed, Khan of the QoMen Hordr, 

Chorak Saltan. 

iBhander, Khan of 
Bokhara. Vidi ntprM, 

Zebra Khanom. 


Yar Mohammed Soltan. 

Din Mohammed 


^!:i!:i!r •'•*""• 

I. Bald Mohammed 





3. Seyid Imaom KoU 

4. Seyid Nadir 
Mohammed Khan. 


SeyM R^ Mohammad 


Sojrld Ibrahim Sohan. 

ti. Seyid AVolghail 


e. ieyU SoMma KoU 


7. Sayid Ubeidolla Khaa. 8.8oyid 




9* Seyid Abdol 10. Seyid Ubeidolla 
MnaiaKhan. Khan. 

Shema han Aim 
married Shah Morad 
the father of Haidaf^ 
the Iboader of the 
Haidarid dynaaty. 

NOTES. 875 


Xlradiqrw Atalik. 


I AbolfiidsKlMaof 

DftBialbi. Bokhara. 

L ...1 .. ., 

If ohaamed Rahim Xhaa. SluihMarad. Sbtmabao Aim. 

1 1 

X. Seyid Amir Haidar. 
j J 

s llif Houtin. 4. Mir Naaralla. s* Mir Omar. 

5, Mir Momflar adiia. 


Yadigar Khoga. 

Dancbtor. i. Bbab RuUi Bak. 


rr: — r^. 

itar. Abdor Ra 


4. BidMi Btk. DMChtor. Abdw lUluHa Bak. 

■ R«kli 

. J r I 

«.ABBKIum. 7.0marKhaa. Shah R«kli Mnnm. 9. Shera AH Khao. 

' I t 

io. Marad Atalik. Shahrulih. %. MadaU. Sarimtak. xx. Khadayar. xa. Ifalla 
- ~ i Www. Kbt 

X3. Shah Maxad | t 

'f atmddla 14. Sevi 
Khaa. Svlun Khan. 



KHUAREZM, the oasis formed by the Lower Oxus and now 
known as the Khanate of Khiva, is separated by deserts from 
Khorasan and the Caspian Sea, is bounded on the north 
by the Sea of Aral, and on the east by another strip of desert which 
separates it from Transoxiana. Its isolated position has given it peculiar 
facilities for independence, and thus it comes about that except in the 
days of the early Mongol conquerors this island of verdure, surrounded 
by a sea of sand, has generally had a history of its own. When 
Sheibani the leader of the Uzbegs overthrew the power of the later 
Timurids, the Uzbegs also conquered Khuaresm, and since then they 
have been ks dominant race. When Sheibani was defeated and 
killed by Shah Ismael, about 1610, the latter also acquired authority in 
Khuarezm, and appointed three Persian governors, one of them over tfa« 
towns of Khiva and Hazarasp, a second over Urgenj the capital, and 
the third over Vesir. The last of these held a grand lev^ on his arrival 
which was well attended. Among the absentees was Omar, a kadhi of 
the town. He shortly after pointed out to his friends that these Persians 
were heretic Shias, and that although now tolerant, being weak, they 
would shortly be recruited by others, and would then persecute the 
Sunnis, who were predominant among all the tribes of Turkish descent 
then dominant north of Khorasan. Two years later the inhabitants of 
Vesir were persuaded by a pious man named Husamuddin Katal to 
raise Ilbars, the son of Bereke Sultan, an Uzbeg chief^ to the dignity of 
Khan. Thus was founded a second Uzb^ state, largely conterminous m 
boundary and rival in policy to that of Bukhara. We will now revert 
somewhat in order to trace out the lineage of Ilbars Khan. 

Ibrahim Oghlan, the grandfather of Abulkhair, ancestor of the 
Khans of Bukhara, had a brother named Arabshah, who occurs 
among the Khans of the Golden Horde. These two brothers we are 
told divided their father's heritage between them. Arabshah left a son 
Haji Tuli, called Tughluk Haji in the Sheibani Nameh. He had an only 
son Timur Sheikh who was killed by the Kalmuks. Irritated at them 
for having made a raid on his camp, he pursued them before his troops 
had assembled in sufficient numbers, and was defeated and killed. He 
died without leaving brother or son and his people were scattered. The 
Aksakals or grey beards of the Uighurs, one of the tribes which had 

(»tIGIN or THE KHAHATB. 877 

obeyed hal^ w«Bt to say good-bye to hit Khsnum or chief WM^ '^Thc 
nst of the tribe bave already departed," they said, ^ and we aire about to 
follow them. As the Khan had many wives and concubines, see if one of 
them does not bear in her person scMne gauge of his afleetion. In ease 
diis be so we mil not leave until the child is bom.'^ She replied 
that none of the other wives or concubines were mmnUf but that 
she had been so herself for three months. The Ui|^urs thereupon 
determined to stay, and the Naimans who were already some distance 
away also halted, pitched their camp apart, and awaited the birth 
of the inCnit. The other tribes entered the service of other princes.* 
This naive story gives us a singnlaily forcible notion of the loyal 
attachment of the nomads to their royal house. But to continue 
the saga. Six months later a boy was bom, who was named 
Yadigar. The Uigfaurs thereupon sent round messengers to the other 
tribes to ask for a suyunji, or "present for the good news.*' The 
Naimans sent a black horse, and then returned to the Ordu. On 
their arrival the mother took the child in her anas, and put him on 
the royal seat in his fathei^s tent The Uighnrs, who wished to 
treat the Naimans as the honoured guests, ceded to them the position 
on the left side of the throne. Among the Mongob the left was deeaied 
the more honourable side since the Almighty had pot the heart there. 
Thenceforward the Naimans always had precedence, and took the 
position on the left flank.t The rest of Timor Sheikh's people also now 
returned, but the two tribes retained the honourable title of Karachi, 
f>., those faithful in adversity as well as in.prosperity. Yadigar had four 
sons, Berdn^ Aboiek, AAiinek, and Abak. In regard to the third of 
these names, Abulghazi has the interestii^ remark that at this epoch the 
Mongol language had not quite follen into defoetttdes, and that Amin in 
Mongol means the same thmg as Jan in Arabic, Hush in Tajik (aa» 
Persian), and Tin in Uzb^ (i>., Turid)4 The Sheibani Nameh calls 
the four brothers Burka, Abka, Ablak, and Upanek.f Bereke Sultan was 
famous both for his strength and courage, and it was reported of him 
that his chest was supported by a solid breastplate of bone, there 
being no separate parts as with other men.R At this time Abulkhair 
Khan was acknowledged as supreme chief of the Desht Kipdiaki 
About 1455, he sent Ber^e Sultan in command of an amy to 
support the son of Abdul Latif Khan of Bukhara. I have already 
described the issue of this campaign, and how it ended in the Usbegs 
quarrelling with their /roU^i.^ They then plundered the district of 
Soghd, and returned home with camels heavily laden with boo^.** 
Some time after, a struggle having commenced between two 
diiefii named Musab^ and Kujash* Murxa, who were apparently 

*AMglmjd.iM.if3. tAA,i93- I/^i96. ild. Hole. 

I Id, Y Amtt, 689. •* AbnlgbMi, 100. 

StS history op thb momqols. 

KBfrii^ the latter woa the day, whereupon Musa anpeeled to Beieke 
Soltaa^ He offered hb assittanoe on cooditioii that his fttfaer 
Yadlgar wee vaieed to the rank of Khan, and that Musa woald coMent 
to ienre tinder him at one of his principal bdcs. This was agreed npen, 
and all Yadigar's people having been assembled, he was raised aloft en 
the white felt and doly proclaimed. Bereke now prepared to assist his 
friend, to whom he gave the coomiand of die advance guard. It was 
winter, tiie deep snows impeded their march, their horses begian to grow 
thin, and their provisions to fiuL In vain his followers, backed np by 
Musa, urged him to retire. At kngth, mounting a hiUodE, Bodce 
noticed a number of tents m a valley beyond tiie Kir, or Ust Urt, whidi 
proved to belong to the people of Eujash Muna. He was captured and 
put to death, and his camp was plundered. Becdce Sultan married his 
daughter Malai Khaniadeh, and having ^>ent the winter there, returned 
home again in the spring.* Yadigar Khan died a lew years after this, 
and was speedily followed to the grave by Abulkhair Khan. 

As I have mentioned, the death of the Utter was the signal for the 
dispersal of his people, and, as reported by Abulghaii hiiielf, Bereke 
Suttan came forward and joined in the 8crand>le.t He quotes the qraical 
Usbeg proverb^ that ^ if you see an enemy harrying your fother^ heuss^ 
you should join him and share the plunder.* 

Some years later, Sheibani, the grandson of Abulkhair, finding himself 
in winter quarters on the Lower Sir, n^r the camp of Bereke Sukan, 
ordered his men to mount in the night, and at daybreak to foil upon the 
tents of that chief. They bad orders to secure him, and to neglect 
everything else. When the raid was made, Bereke was in his tent 
undressed. Hearing the tramp of horses' feet, he threw a sable ckiak 
over hb shoulders, escaped barefoot, and running over the ice hid 
amoi^ the reeds in the river. The cold was intense, and as he ran he 
trod on a broken reed, which wounded his foot 

Meanwhile^ Sheibani's people, not having found the SuHaa, scattered 
about in the hopes of tracing him. Some of them overtaking one of hb 
people, an Inak of tiie Uighur tribe, named Munga, asked him where 
hb master was ; he said, I am he. He was thereupon seized and taken 
before Sheibani, who recognised him, and asked why he had done this. 

*< I have tong eaten hb salt,'' said the faithful retainer ; ^ I have shaied hb 
fotlgue and dangers ; I thought if I could detain a number of hb 
pursuers he would have a better chance of escaping ; as to the rest, you 
may do with me as you choose." Shdbani, pleased with his loyalty, set 
him at liberty, and gave him some presents. Meanwhile, hb men 
continued the pursuit of the Sultan, and presently he was traced by the 
drops of blood from hb wounded foot He was taken before Sheibani, 
who put htm to death, and plundered bb camp. Hb widow fell to 

* Id,, Mil tot. t A^ tos* 


KlK^ft Muhammed Sultan, the second soil of Abulkhair. She was 
already mcudU^ and erentually g»ve birth to JaoAbeg, the graad£ither 
•f AbdnUa Khan, as I have mentioiied.* 

Bereke Sahan kft two sonS| llban and Balbarsi the latter of whom 
was paralyied in both legs. 


I have already described how Ilbars was Invited to occupy the throne 
of Kbuaresnu Messengers were sent to bring him to Vezir, and he was 
told to conceal himodf near that town until his friends were ready to 
help him. He accordini^y set out with his brother Balbars. Mean- 
iHiile, the conspirators seised the gates^ and made a general massacre 
of the Persians In the town, of whom only one esca p ed The following 
day they conducted Ilbars to the palace of the late governor of the town, 
issued a proclamation to the surrounding districts^ and theUzbegsand 
Sarts joined in grand leasti where he was duly proclaimed Khan* 
Abulghazi dates this in 911 hej»/#^ isoSybut this is clearly a mistake^ for 
It happened sometime sfrer the death of Shdbani in 1510^ and Uie date 
ought possibly to be 921 hej. The towns of Yanghi Shehr and Tersek, 
dependent on Vexiry also submitted. libers appointed his brother, 
Balbarsy styled Bilikichy to rule the former, and having nominated a 
goveiHor to the latter, fixed his residence at Vesir.f 

The Persian who escaped went to Uigenj, where he Informed the 
govemw, Sultan Kuli the Arab, of whathad taken pUce. He summoned 
the inhabitants, and told them he was prepared to go if they wished, but 
they declared the Uzbegs had only made a passing raid, and swore 
to assist him in repelling them. 

Three months after the taking of Vezir, Ilbars advanced upon UrgenJ. 
Sultan KnII gave him battle outside the town, but was defeated. Ilbars 
pursued him into the place, where he was put to deadi with all his 
naukers.t The Persian garrisons at Haiarasp and Khiva also consulted 
the Salts as to what course should be taken, and the latter insisted 
on their remainingi Before he attacked those towns, Ilbars convoked 
a meetli^ of his own beks, and esqilained to them that he had only 
g<me to Khiiarfim with a few followers, and it wouki be better to 
summon his rdattves so as to strengthen his hands. All apparently 
agreed except an qki man of the UIghur tribe, who affirmed that among 
the UibQgs the foture greatness of a sovereign depended on his lovb for 
his dependants, while nepotism was a presage of evil, meaning doubtless 
that he should reward those who had borne the brant of the fight 
and not go to the desert for objects of hb fevour. The last view did 
not prevaHi and it was determined to send for recruits to the Desht 
Kipchak. The four sons of Yadigar Khan were now dead, but his 

*^S/»,Sfl. AMcluisl.9o6. t/4f.,tu. ://ntis,ti4. 


grandscms were willing enough to go, and a son of Abolek Khan and six 
sons of Aminek Khan duly set out whh their fiunilies and tribes. 
They settled at Urgenj, Ilbars lemainiog at Vexir. They so devastated 
the neighbouihood of Khiva and Hararasp that those towni^ aswtll as 
Kat^ were abandoned by their defenders and fdl into their haods, and 
they then proceeded to attack Ehorasan. Shah Ismal was then dead, i ^^ 
it was after 1523, and the governors of the frontier districts north of the 
Khorasan mountains as far as Mehineh and Deran fled* The Usbegs 
were now masters of a wide districti whidi they made a focus whence to 
plunder Khorasan and the Turkomans, and we are told that Ilbarsf 
brother Balbars, whose legs werg paralysed, was placed in a chariot 
drawn by swift horses, and distinguished himself in these raids riding 
at the head of hw troops, ordering their Uctics, and provii^ himself a 
femous archer.* Some of the Turkomans consent^ to pay tribute, 
while others rcn^ained hostile, Balbars died after a few years <^ this 
life, and was speedily followed by Ilbars, who left seven or eight sons, to 
each of whom, in memory of his victories over the Kizilbashis, he gave 
the soubriquet of Ghaii, while all the sons of Balbars were called Haji,t 


On the death of Ilbars, his nq>hew Sultan Haji, who was the oldest of 
the sultans, was sent for to Vezir, and duly appointed Khan, bat the real 
power was in the hands of his cousin, Sultan Ghasi, who was a very 
wealthy and avaricious person, and who only resigned to Sultan H^the 
title of Khan and tl^ first mouthful at table. The latter reigned but a 
year, and then died. 


On the death of Haji Khan, Hassan Kuli, the son of Abukk, and the^ 
oldcst'desccndant of Yadigar, was appointed Khan, with his capital at 
Urgcnj. The sons of Ilbars Khan and Avanek Khan grew jealous of 
him; and marched against him with an army greatly outnumbering his, 
with which they beleagured him at Urgenj, then without a dudd. He 
gave battle to them outside the town, his people being all on foot, and 
theirs mounted, and successfully resisted a fierce attack they made, hi 
which Aghanai Suhan, the youngest son of Avandc Khan perished. 
The blockade of the town was very rigid, and at length a famme was 
imminent, the head of a donkey, an unclean animal, being sold for forty 
or fifty tengas. After a siege of four months, the place was cap|)|red, 
Hassan Kuli was put to death, a blood penalty for the death of Aghanai 
Sultan ; with him perished his eldest son, Bdal Sultan, whQe his yi\d&w 

and her other sons were sent to §^arkand.t 

- — — - — - ■- , - —-J — J— 

♦ Id., 2X6. t fd., 117. J /*.! JIT^f«0. 

aOflAlf KHAN. 88l 


SoflftOi the ton of Avanek Khaiii was now appointed Khan at Uiigenj, 
and a fiesfa partition was made of the s^ipanages. Vesiri Yanghi Shefari 
Tenek, Denm in Khorasan, and the Turkomans of MangtishUdr, wei^ 
given to the grandsons of Bereke Sultan and Khivai Hasarasp, Kat, 
Baldmnsas, and Nikichi in the Su Buyi, or the district bordering the 
riveri with Bagh-Abad, Nissa, Abiverd, Chihardii Mehineh, and Jejeh in 
the Tagh Buyi, or hilly district, together with the Turkomans d the 
Amui of Balkhani and Ddiistan, were made over to the four sons of 
Avanek Khan.* 

Sofian Khan summoned the Turkoman tribe of Irsari^ which then 
encamped near Balkhan to pay tribute, which they did for some 
years, when they set upon and killed some of his tax-coUectors^ 
According to Abulghari, the Amu then had an outfidl at Balkhan <m 
die Caspian, and its course was marked by flourishing settlements, 
Sofian Khan, having marched to punish the wrongdoers, ravaged the 
place where the Irsaris were encamped in company with the Khorasan 
Saluris, and captured a large booty of women and children. Many of 
the Turkomans, meanwhile, took shelter at Chutak, a high plateau, three 
days' journey porth of Balkhan, where there was always a dearth of 
water* Having been blockaded there for a short time, ihey were driven 
to ask for terms, and sent their elders to ask Aghatai Sultan, the 
youngest, or hearth-child of Avanek Khan, to intercede for them, 
promising to be always faithful to him and his descendants. He 
accordingly appealed to Sofian Khan and his brothers on their behalf 
and they consented to pardon them. They had, however, to pay 
1,000 sheep for each of the murdered tax-collectors, in all 4o^ooa 
i6yO00 were paid by the Irsaris, 16,000 by the Khorasan Saluris, and 
8»ooo by the Tekes, Sariks, and Yomuts. This number of sheep was 
thenceforth paid annually to the Khan by these dans, who all fbnned 
one Uruk, distinguished as the Tashki Sahir in opposition to the Itshki 
Salur. S<mie thne after this a census was taken of the other Turkomans 
and their herds, and they weie taxed in accordance with it as kSkiws : 
the Itshki Salur, or Salurs of the Interior, paid 16,000 sheep, as well as 
1,600 for the spedal table of the Khan ; €iie tribe of Hassan a similar 
mmber ; the Arabajis 4,000 and 400, the Gtddans 13,000 and 1,200. 
The Adaklis of the Khizir tribe, the Alls and Tivechis, known together 
as the Uch II, or the three tribes, who were agriculturists, and settled 
on the Amu or Oxus, paid a tithe of their produce, as well as a tax 
ttp<m their herds, whSe the Adaks furnished a contingent of troetpg. 
Sofian Khan died after reigning several yean, and his sons recehed 
Khhna as aniqipanage. 




Oft the death of Sofian Khtii» he. was tocceeded by his faroUier 
Bvgngha. Ubeidulk, the Khan of Bcdara, was now stni gg l to g with 
Shah Tahmasp <^ Persk, and the Uxhegs of KhitaBexm supplemented 
his attacks, and advanced as fer as Pii Kupraldi and made assaolts on 
the fiiontier towns of Khojend and Asferain, near Astoabad. Shah 
Tahmasp was also £^htmg the Osmanhs, uid to divide his eastern 
enemies, he sent to ask for a daughter of Bnjugha Khan in marriago. 
The envoy said his n&aster wished for the honour of an alfiance with 
the blood of Jingis Khan. Bujugha Khan had no daughterBi so he 
offered his niecef Aisha the daughter of Sofian Khan. Her brother 
Aghish Saltan, was sent to arrange the treaty of marriage. He was 
received with distinction by Shah Tahmasp^ at Kazvin, and was 
presented with die town of Khojend as an appanage. He also sent 
Bujn^ Khan nine ingots of gold, nine-times-nhie ingots of silver, 
nine ridily-caparisoned horses, nine tents, with their upper parts made 
of siOc broidered with gold, and the lower of a stuff caUed Chubdai, with 
suitable cushions, &c, i,ooo pieces of silk, and a trousseau worthy of the 
princess. The Uzbegs of Khuarezm now ceased for a while to plunder 
the borders of Persia. Bujugha Khan died after havii)^ reigned over 
the Khanate for many years.* 


Bujugha Khan left three sons Dost Muhammed, Ish Muhammed, and 
Bunnn; the latter two were given the appanage of KAt He was 
succeeded in the Khanate by his brother Avanek. The latter manied 
three wives, all of the Mangut tribe, two of them daughters of Murzas 
and the third one of a slave. By the hut of these he had a son Dhi 
Muhammed who early showed a taste for a military life. We are told 
that like Napoleon he when quite a child buih a little fortiess of stones, 
and divided his companions into two sections, an attackmg and a 
defending body, and spoke brave words to them, saying how he wouM 
reward those who proved themselves men. His nurse overhearing i>in^^ 
r^roved hun, saying that one who wouM need fortresses and towns 
should not waste his tune with earth and stones, but he letorted 
hapi^y that it was with earth and stones that towns weie built. 
At this time the district near Asterabad was subject to the Ud>egs 
of Uigenj, and Dm Muhammed, when in his twentieth year went 
there without his father's permission with but forty companions^ and #» 
rufif robbed a Turkoman bek who had refused to give hhn a •«qq 
yellow goat he coveted, of his camels and sheep. He thence -^^ ilt 

AVANBi: XBAV. 9$$ 

A aid iato Perrian trntory^ and prepared toTetitm to hii h£bm wtk a 
laige nuDber of captires. The bek whom he had (Sundered having 
r e p orted the a£BEur to his master Muhammed Ghazi Sultan, the son of 
Ubars Khan, the latter determined to waylay hhn on his return, and Din 
Mohammed having £Edlen into an iqnbush was made prisoner and placed 
in confinement, ^hile all his booty was appropriated.* Avande Khan 
who was not very fond of Din Muhammed, his mother having been a 
slave, had recently married a sister of Muhammed Ghazi Sultan. The 
la;tter having detained the young prince for some time, had him manacled 
and his l^gs tied underneath his horse, sent him back to his father, and 
acquainted him with his conduct En route Din Muhammed sang aloud, 
in the hope that some of his followers might have escaped to aneighbour- 
ing aul and hear and rescue him, and, in fact, when he reached Kurdish 
this took place. Some of his ^kazaks^ discovered him, surprised his 
guards at night and released him. Havingburied their bodies at a distance 
from the route, he went on to UigenJ, and told his (iuher that althou^^ 
Muhammed Ghazi hzd treated him harshly at first, he had released him 
with, honour, and given him horses and robes.t The young prince then 
caused an engraver to forge ^the tamgha'' or seal of his father and 
step^mother, the sister of Muhammed Ghazi, and wrote letters in their 
ivames to say that she was very ill, and that they wished him to go 
and see her before she died. Muhammed Ghazi at once hastened to 
Uigenj, and went to his sister's apartments. He learned from 
her that he had been duped, and at once suspected a plot Hearing 
the footsteps of Din Muhammed's people, he hid hhnself in a 
heap of dry dung in the stables, where he was shortly after traced by 
them. He was dragged out and beheadedt News was speedily 
carried to Vezir, where Ali Sultan then was on a visit to Sultan 
Ghazi Sultan the murdered chiefs brother. In his rage the latter fell 
upon Ali Sultan and killed hinL Avanek Khan who had all lliis while 
been out hawking, on returning home was informed of Din Muhammed's 
crime, and then of Ali Sultan's death. A bk>ody feud immediately 
commenced, the family and dependants of Ilbars Khan rendezvoused at 
Vezir, while those of Avanek Khan clustered round Urgenj, whence in 
sinte of die Khan's remonstrances, his relatives determined to inarch 
against Vezir. Sultan Ghazi Sultan went out to meet them as fiur as 
Kumk^d, a village on the edge of the Kir. In the battle which 
ibUowed, Avanek Khan won the victory, and pursued it to Vezir, where 
the Sultan with fifteen other princes of the family of Ilbars were put to 
death, and their houses were pillaged. Uhigh Tubeh, the widow of 
Sultan Ghazi SuUan, with her sons and daughters was allowed to go to 
Bukhara, where they were joined by the £unily of Balbars Sultan, who 
niled at Yanghi Shehr, and who were their partisans. The sons of 

•AMglutfi»«9o,a3i« t/i^,ast»tS9. t /'., «S4* u$. 


Avaink Khan were now masters <tf aD:die country of Khoaremiy Avaadk 
himself letamed Urgenj, and the other provh&ces were ledistnboted 
lunong his relatives^ Din Mohammed Saltan receiving Denm wUch had 
bdonged to Saltan Ghasi Saltan.* 

Aa I have said, the sons of Saltan Ghaxi Sultan who were saned 
Omar Ghaxi Sultan and Shir Gfaasi Saltan, went to Balduura. The 
former urged UbeiduUa Khan the chief of Bukhara, to furnish him with 
troops to take his revenge. Ubeidnlla who deemed it a good opportunity 
to enlarge his borders, prepared to march against Khuarexm. I have 
described the result of his campaign, and the capture and esecutioa of 

AvanA Khan elseiHiefe.t 

Dki IMhammed, whose aj^Muuige of Derun was not molested by the 
Bukharians, gathered round him the fugitives from Khuarexm who had 
escaped^ including two sons of Avanek Khan.) Presently he determined 
to make an effort for the recovery of the Khanate. Havingreached 
Kurdish he summoned the chiefs of the AdakH section of the lOiixr tribe 
of Turleomansy and offered Aem if they would join him to give them the 
position of teikhans, to cede to them the post ci honour on the left dank 
of the army, and to number the Adaklis among the Uxbeg tribes. By 
these offers he obtained tiie services of i,ooo of them, ^irho raised his 
«wn peq^le to 3,ooo« Having reached Pishgah they inarched on Khiva.{ 
I have elready described the result of tiie campaign and the peace that 
was made with UbeiduUa. | 


After tfie vktoryi Kal khan the fourth son of Avandc Khan, and 
doohdess the aenior prince of tiie fsmily, was elected Khan. His vdgn 
lasted seven years, and was so prosperous that it gave rise to the proverb, 
^'Kal khan 1ms mounted the throne and bread can be bought for apid."T 


Kal khan was succeeded by his brother Akatai, who wu proclaimed 
Khan at Vexir. The ble Khaah sons received the town of Kat as aa 
appanage, but they wete shortly driven away, as were Yunus and 
Pehkvan Kuli^ the som of S<^an Khan, by a coalition of the sdtts ^ 
Bujiq^ Khani ef Avandt Khan and Akatai Khan. They retired to 
fiQUi»«i Akatai ipade Vexir his capitaL All Sulta% son of Avandc 
Khai^ wee giveo^ Penm, hb biother Mahmud, Urgei^i Hajii^Bagfa 
AMt^ Pin Muhaaaiaed, Nissa and Abiverd, while Isk and Doa^ the 
sens of B^iugfaa Khan took Khiva and Haxaxasp.** MeanwhBe^ 


Yonos Sultan, the aaa of Sofian Khan> had married a dau|^ter of 
Itmae^ te faniMa duef of the Nogais. He was on his way to 
him wi^ forty followers from Bokhara when he passed by way of 
Tnk, which was deserted, the inhabitants being then encamped 
near Urgenj, and he conceived the wish to secure that heritage of his 
£idier*s. After halting for a day, he set out at midnight^ and dismount- 
i^ drew near to the town-ditch on foot. As he neared, he saw some 
people beariog torehesi and crying out Hazir Bash, ^ Be ready." This 
was a patrol goii^ hb rounds. Having Men down on his stomach tiH 
they had passedi he then, with his companions, made his way on to 
the wall, wlMQce he repaired to the house of its governor, the prince Sari 
Malmrad Sultan, which he entered without alarming any one* Having 
secured Mahmud, he sent him under escort to Akatai Khan at Vesir. 
The siMlfi'j and citizens of Ui^enj, who were weary of the tyranny of 
Malmnid, fi^ndly welcomed Yunus, and he proclaimed himsdf Khan* 
Akatai mardied to support Mahmud, and he encountered the 
fbfoes whidi gathered round Yunus west of the tomb of the Sheikh 
Ni^moddln Kubra. AkaUi was defeated and fled. Kassim Sultan, the 
9m of Yunus and of Akatai's daughter, went in pursuit of hhn ; over^ 
took hhn, and took Um back to Urgenj, where he shortly Hfter had him 
pot to death secretly by impatement, so that, like Edward II., no wound 
wae teen on his body, and it an^eared as if he had died naturally. The 
corpse was dien sent back to his fiunily at Vesir.t 

The sons of the dead Ithan mustered their forces, and went towards 
Urgenj, on hearing wluch, Yunus hastily fled to Bukhara, but his son 
Kasshn was treacherously surrendered by ^e of his followers, who 
faiformed Hajim Muhanuned, where he was hidhig. He was taken to 
Urgenj, and duly executed there4 

We are toki the sons of Sofian Khan and Kalk Khan left no bsue^ and 
tiiat the sons <^ Avanek Khan resided in Khorasan. MeanwhU^ 
Urgenj and Vesir fell to the £unily of Akatai Khan, and Khiva, 
Hazarasp, and Kit, to Ish, Dost, and Burum, the sons of Bojugha Khan. 

» * 


Dost, the son of Bujugha, was now nominated Khan. Hehadamikl 
and peaceable dlqpositi<m, iriiile his brother Ish. who was a dlssofiite 
peiaon, was eioee^ngfy passionate. He demanded that Urgei^ shoiiUI 
be handed over to hhn, iditle Dost Khan retained Khiva, and on thd 
beiQg refused, he marched againu it with a considerable amy, and 
kmi^ against Hiyim, who held it as an appanage. We ait told he 
ptanted hia camp on the river, and protected its other stdes by a nn^art 


of waggons. Here the .strife continued for seven days wUbonl rsstdt He 
then returned the prisoneri he had made, except those bdonfing to the 
Uighnr and Nalman tribc», whom he put to deathvrith cruel pmiishmMiti^* 
made peace, and relumed to Khiva, whence he drove out the U^Mgs of the 
same tribes and replaced them by Durmans. Some thtie alter, he iigain 
marched agah:$t Urgenj^ and having fought for seven days, manage^to 
dude its gairison whicli was encamped outside, and entered thtt town 
where there were only the Sait^ or citizens. The sonsof Akatal, wittctf^^ 
Uzbegs oi* the tribes Naiman and Uighiir, \vithdrew to Vear. Shorty 
after, Hajim Muhnmmcd, having secured some allies in his brothers, in 
AU Sultan, the son of Avanek, and Abul Sultan, son of Din Mohammed 
Khan, \s ho was then dead, attacked Urgenj. After a four months' 
siege, a general assault Wiis delivered, during which Tin aU, of tha 
Dunuan tiibe, who had a grudge Against Ish Sultan, fired an anrow, 
which struck his horse. The latter fell and hurt its rider's Isg, and 
being deserted by most of his people, ho was found in this beiplew 
condition and put to death* Some people were- now despatched to 
Khiva, V iio killed his brother Do3t; while Ish Sultan's two sons, were sent 
to Buk'^MM, w/.crc they died, and the posterity of Bujugha Khain 
extinct. I'hese events happened iu 965 of the hej.t 


Hajlr; Muhaumied, w ho was tJurty-ninc yc.ivs old, was now prodmraed 
Khan. He lived at Vezir, while A": Srluan took Urgenj, Hazarasp, and 
Kut. Hajim's brother Mahmud hcl I one h. Jfof Khiva and the Turkomans 
of Ulugh tuW and Kunir.h, while Tinun-, another brother took the other 
half of Khiva and the Turkom:uis of Kara BukauLf Hajim had already 
distinguished himself by pci-suading Din Muhammed to drive the 
Uzbegs of Bukh/.ra from Khuurezm, and by afterwards negotiating an 
cxchani^c of prisoners with UbcMulb Khan.§ It seems that the brothers 
and sons of Hajim were in the hr.bit of making constant attacks onMerv» 
which was then governed by Nur Mul^ammed, a grandson of Din 
Muhammed Khan. In order to under uand his position, we must make 
a short digression. As we have scon. Din Muhammed had received the 
appanage of Nissa and Abivcrd, whence he had made constant 
incursions upon Persia. Shall Tahmar.^) sent an army to ptmish him, 
which captured Abiverd, and left a governor there in the Persian ruler's 
name. Din Muhanuned weakened by this loss went in person to Shah 
Tahmasp's court at Kazyin, where he lived for sbc months, and then 
Contrived to forge an order in his host's name, commanding the governor 
of Abiverd to surrender the town to him. He then returned there. Th a 
place having been duly surrendered to him he proceeded to kill aU Uie 

• //., 233. t fJ., aS9* I A^ 254* I /«^ ^»» AmUt ftu 


Kliilhashii he amid find. Talimasp set out to punish him. Thereupon 
Din Muhammed had the effronteiy to go to his camp on the Karasu 
with but forty or fifty men. He went straight up to the Shah 
and kissed his side aaiklng him for pardot:. The Shnh^ who was 
astounded, put one hand on his neck and another on his heart, and 
noticing that the latter did not beat more quickly than usual, he remarked 
that it most be made of stone* He then made a grand feast» 
pardoned himi and gave him Abiverd ! ! I 

Ubeidollai the Khan of Bukhanii had appointed a Naiman named 
Ydhim bi as conunander of Merv. The latter having proved rebellious, 
Ubeidulla marched against him with 30,000 men, upon which he appealed 
to Din Muhammed, offering to hand over the town to him if he would assist 
him. Din Muhanmied set out from Abiverd, and arriving at the place 
where the Muighab loses itself in the sand, he ordered each soldier to 
take three branches of a tree, to fasten one to each side of his saddle 
and the third one to his horse's tail, and to advance in loose order, 
and by short stages. The black moving mass of his troops 
was exaggerated by the addition of the branches, and the Bukharian 
army afraid of being caught between them and the people of Yohun 
bi, hastily retreated homewards. Din Muhanuned occupied Menr, 
where he afterwards reigned. He died there in the year 960, when 
he was forty years old, and was succeeded as ruler by his second 
ton, Abul Muluunmed Khan, who having been made a Kalkhan by 
Din Muhammed, was styled Abul Khan even in his father's life time.* 

On one occasion his son Jelal made a raid into Khorasan. We are told 
the Persians mustered their forces at Meshed, and in a battle on the 
KarasUf defeated his army, and killed Jelal and 10,000 Uzbegs. 
The loss of his only son preyed greatly on the chiefs mind, and a 
doctor said that only another son would be an antidote for his complaint 
There was at this time at Merv a woman named Bibijeh, who gained her 
living by ikying on a tambourine for the women ef the town and in 
drawing pictures. She had never been married, but had a son four years 
old. They produced him, and declared him to be Abul Muhammed's 
son. The latter at all events adopted him and gave him the name of 
Nur Muhanmied.t On the death of Abul Khan, Nur Muhammed 
succeeded him at Merv, and had reigned several years when, as I have 
mentioned, he was attacked by the sons of Hajim Muhammed from 
UrgenJ, who said they would not acknowledge the son of a loll or 
prostitutet Stung by their reproaches and unable to resi t them he went 
to Bukhara, and offered to hold Merv as an appanage under Abdnlla 
Khan. The latter marched to Merv which he occupied himself and 
ignored Nur Muhammed, who thereupon returned to Khuarezm and took 
refimcat Urgenj with Hajim Khan. It seems that Ali Sultan, the Ion 

*Ai;is^a97* t/tf;s9r»«s>* 

8S8 HISTORY or THi wmoons. 

ci ATSsdc Khan, beades Ufigenj, Haiaraspy and Klt^ wfaidi I lave 
mendoned as his appanages^ had afterwards receired Nissa and Abhrerd, 
in the Tagfabnyi of Uigenj, and thenoe he seems to have made constant 
raids ia spring and summer on Khorasan, as far as Pil kupmkii Tershis, 
Terfoetf Jam, and Khaikerd.* lie had conquered Jnijan, Jajram^ Keraihii 
and Asterabad| and had an am^ of 40,000 men. He paid many of his 
Uxb^ sixteen sheep annnally, partially drawn from the tax on the 
Torkomansy and partly from Uit filth of the booty taken from ikt 
Persian^ which was his share* On one occasion when he had been to 
collect tikmte from the TiirkoiQans, ^ the tribe OUi KnUaiigi and had 
3,000 men iridi him, he was attacked on the river Gingan by 12,000 
Persians under Badr Khan^ one of Sh^ Tahmasp's bdn. The laUer 
intrencbed themsdves with great care, an4 carefully spanned their camels 
attd hoi jeS| but after a fiercely contested itruggle, in which the Turko- 
mans fought bimvely on the side of tho Usbegs, the latter won a 
complete victory, pursued the Persians tffl nightM and captured 
nearly 5,000 horses.t Ali died on one of these expeditions into Khorasan 
at the age of fryrty. This was in 976. He wa^ succeeded at Nissa by 
his son Sanjar SuUan, who died twenty-five year^ after without issne4 

Qn the death of Ali Sultan, H^im gave Vezir to his brother 
Muhammed Sultan, and himsdf went to live at Uigenj. On one 
occasion while he was absent in Khorasan, when Pulad Sultan was in 
command at Khiva, i^d Timnr Sultan at Hazarasp, AbduDa Khan of 
Bttldiara made an invasion of the country. When the nen^ of this 
invasion arrived, Timur Sultan and his people went to Khiva from 
Hazarasp, while UrgenJ and Vezir put themselves in a state of defence. 
The Bukharians had already reached Yanghi Arik (^., the New Canal) 
when news arrived that Hajim was marching to the rescue. ThereiqK>n 
Abdulla patched up a hasty peace with Pulad Sultan and Timur Sultan^ 
and returned home.| Shortly after he again invaded the Khanate, 
assigning several ifeasons for his doing sa The first, being that the 
Ottoman $nltan had despatched an envoy to him named Salih Shah^ 
to seek a^ alliance with him, against their common enemies the Persian 
Shiask Salih Shah reached Bukhf^ in safety, by way of India, having 
been three years on the way^ and was wdl received there. He prQ^^ni^ 
to return home by way of V^IS^J ^^d Mangushlak, but on his ari^ak H 
tiie former town, he was attacked and plun^^d by Muhammed. Ihfahim 
Sultan, the son of Hajim Muhammed Khan, who left him barely enough 
money to pay for his journey onwards. 

Abdulla had another grievance. Shirvan at this time belonged to 
the Turkish Sultan, and it was the cu8t<»n of the hajis or pilgruns on 
their way from Mavera un Nehr to Mekka, to go by way of Uxgenj 
and Shirvan, so as to avmd mesHng the hated Kizilbashi heretickst A 

HAjnc OR a^ji mmAiaoD khan. 889 

year prevltm» to these eveiiti» ont Hi^ KvAam had anired at Uige&j in 
Ghaige of a large cazavan afid a number of pilgrims. They had 
been attacked, plmidered, and diif«n back towards Bukhara, by Baba 
Snhan, the son of Polad Sukan. Haji Kutas laid his complahits before 
AbduHa Khan, who replied that Hajun Mohammed was independent 
of him, and that he had no andiority in Khuarexnii whereupon the 
irate pilgrim threatened to denounce him before the tribunal of heaven, 
unleas he avenged him, and at last seotied his aid.* Abdulla 
was further incited by Nur Mnhammed of Merv, as I have men* 
tioned. The Khan of Bukhara nHiose fonner raid on Khuaresm 
hftd not been very successfel, determined to prosecute a more 
important campaign, and made preparations accordingly. Hajim Khan, 
who distrusted his Uibegs, left Urgenj in charge of his son Muhammed 
Ibrahim, and retired to safer quarters, at Derun, the appanage of another 
son, Arab Muhammed Sultaa. At the approach of the Bukharian anny» 
the Uzbegs retired from the less defensiUe towns, induding Khiva and 
Hazarasp,and mustered at Verir, and we are told ihsx the cavalcade tiiat 
kft Khiva, consisting ci 2fioo families took half-a*Kiay to file out, and 
looked like a procession at a festival, the very hens and the mats of the 
houses being lumg on to the carts.t The town was immediately occupied 
by tiie Bukhariaas, who summoned the citizens and issued a friendly 
ptoclamarion to them. They then hurried on towards Vesir, and ^r^i^ 
scattered the followers of Pulad Sultan, who were retiring too leisurelyi 
and captured their baggage, the priaees however escaping. A 
dissension arose at Vesir, some of the duefii arguing in favour ol 
smrendering Baba Sultan, yrho had caused their troul^ by plundering 
the pilgrims, but he prud^tly left tibe place and Joined Hajim Khan^ 
with his brothers Hamzah and PeMevan Kuli, and has feither Pulad Sultan. 
Abddla Khan now laid si^^e to Vesir. After he had pressed the attack 
lor a month he made propcMMds, saying he had only gone to punish Baba 
Sultan, and that if they went tohis camp the princes might depend onhis 
treating them wdi for he was thehr rdative.t They agreed to submit if 
he wouk) send some of hb princ^ people to assure them of their safety. 
He accordingly despatched Hassan Kho]a,Nakib; hisAtalik,Sazkhtnbi; 
his divan begi, Muhanmicd Baki ; the governor <tf Samarkand, Haji hi, and 
his pervanechi, Dostum bi Aighun, who swore before the ten princes 
and forty of their dependents to do Uiem no harm« The people 
of Khiva who saw that they had in diese men the five first citliens of 
Bukhara, and k the woids of Abulghasi, that Abdulla would not 
sacrifice their very nails for all Khaaxesm, were for sebing them, but the 
princes thought difierently. They consented to go to Abdulla's camp, 
who thus secared the whole of Khuazesm proper without a Uow. He 
thereupon appointed governors to the various towns of the Khanate and 




retnmed to BaUuiza. This was in xooa, U^ 1594. Hi^ Khtnuow 
detenniiied to go to Iial^ to the court of Shfth Abbas tbe First* Ht 
was accompanied hf Nttr Mabammod the former govemor of Menr, by 
his own sons Suiimich Muhammad Sultan^ Arab Muhammed^ and 
Mohammed Ktdii by several of his grandsons and othersi in all 
deven princesi with an escort of bat 150 men; Pulad Sultan, who was 
halfwitted, refosed to go. He returned and gave himsdfiqp to Abdtilla, 
saying, <'I am seventy years old, why shoold I go among the infidcis ; I 
am a fool, why should Abdulla shorten toy days.'' 

AbduUa was little carefol of his oath to the princes who had given 
tiiemsdves iq> so unwarily to him, and he had them all drowned in te 
river Ak su. Their names were Pulad Sultan and his son Kulchi, 
Muhammed Ibrahhn, son of Hajim Muhammed Khan; the three 
sons of Tinrar Sultan, the four sons of Mahmnd SuHan, and the 
two sons of Muhammed Sultan, in all twelve princes capable of bearing 
arms, besides ten othen who were young.t Having committed this 
atrodous act of treachery, the Bnkharian Khan proceeded to crush the 
land with his tax collectors. The poor were forced to pay a tribute <d 
^rtyteogas, and those who were Idfc behind were made responsible for 
fogitives and those who could not pay. If ten or fifteen people lived 
together as one fomily, eadi one had to pay as had also mere boys who 
had reached the age of ten year% and the people had to sdl their children 
to meet his demands. Meanwldl^ Hajim Muhammed was well received 
by the Shah, who we are told assisted him to dismount, and appomted him 
a seat beside him. Hsjim's son Suiunich Muhammed with his two sons 
went on to Turkey, saying he could not live among infidds, but the rest 
of the princes remained in Persia for three years. After his conquest of 
Khuarecm, Abdulla prosecuted a war with Persia. This was carried out 
mainly by his s(m Abdul Mumin, the governor of Balkh, who overran the 
greater part of Khorasan and advanced as for as Isferan, whither the 
Persian Shah marched to meet Ymut 

In order to supply a sufficient fcwce for this campaign, the Bnkharian 
Khan had largdy denuded Khuaresm of troops, a foot of which Hijiin 
Muhammed was informed by the Turkomans of Asterabad. Deeming it 
a good opportuidty to recover possession of the Khanate^ Hajim's sons, 
Arab Muhammed and Muhammed Kuli Sultan, with Baba Sultan, 
Hamsah Sultan, and Pehlevan Kuli Sultan, sons of Pulad Sultan, made 
a speedy journey from Persia without the Shah's permission, and setting 
out at ni^ duly reached Asterabad. They were followed by Hijim 
Muhammed, idio had been living at Bostam, and had been advised by 
the Shah to posQKme any venture on Khuaresm till after the death <d 
Abdulla Khan. The Turkomans at this time ackno^dedged the Usb^ 
pnnoes of Khnareim as their superior chiefo. 

RAjni OK HAji mmjJOOD xran. 891 

Fran Astaibtd thd letter wtttt to the moyittitn Koitiif Mid tbttnco to 
tPiAgfthf wliere thoy tepafated. Ha{!a Mohammtd and his two sons 
making fbr Urgenj, and Baba Saltan and hia brothen for Khhra* The 
citadel of UrgenJ was captnredy and its governor Sari Oghlan with its 
garrison of fifty men were pttt to death. When Baba Sultan xeached 
Khivai its Sart inhabitants sided with himi and he speedOy secured the 
town and put its governor Ming&h bi to deathi at which news the 
g o f ein o i ' s of Kit and Hasarasp iled to Bokhara. The Turkomans who 
had assisted Hajim Muhammed and Baba Sultan in this campaign, which 
took place in 1004, now returned home with the prisoners thqr had made 
and with thefarpamels laden with booty.* When the governor of Hasarasp 
neared Chaijuii he met Khojaddm KuH the Kahnuki who commanded a 
section of Abdulbi'f army. This officer was ordered by AbduQa to mardt 
at once to the rescue. He succeeded in surprising the town of Khan 
Kah and putting Hamsah Sultan who had occupied it to death^f and 
immediatdy marched for Urgenj. Sn rauti they encountered Hsjhn^ 
son Muhammed Kuli at the head of a small force, but he managed to 
cut his way through them, and escaped to the Nogai% by whom he 
was given up to the Russians, and died among them. Meanwhile Ha}8m 
Muhammed having heard of the approach of the Bukharians fled hastily. 
He was pursued, and lost his camp and half his people, and befaig 
afterwards overtaken was forced to fight at a disadvantage, and again 
lost severely* He reached Asterabad however in safety, and once more 
repaired to the Shah at Kasvin. 

Abdnlla Khan proceeded to besiege Hasarasp in penon, and after a 
si^ of four months captured it and put Baba Sidtan to deaths and 
Khuaresm was once more added to the Bnkharian Khanate. 

That powerful chief died in 1597-8. When the news arrived In Peoriai 
the Shah raised an anny and marched to Bostanif and he gave 
permission to Hajhn Muhammed and his son Arab Muhammed to make 
another venture on Khuaresm*^ 

They had but fifteen companions with* them, with whom they made 
their way to the mountain Kuren, the camping ground of the Tehe 
Tturkomans. Having ddayed there a while, they learned that Abdul 
Mumin the successor of AbduUahad been killed. Hajim Muhammed 
Khan now mounted his horse and rode for Ufgenj, where he arrived 
eight days later. He gave Khiva and K&t to his son Arab Muhammed 
Khai\, Hasarasp to hb grandson Ixfendiar Sultan, and retained Urgenj 
and Vesir for himself, and was speedily joined by the Uzbegs whom 
AbduUa had carried off prisoners to BukhanuS 

At this time Nur Muhammed the former ruler of Merv, who as I have 
said had taken refuge in Persia with Hajim Mohammed, returned to his 
old quarters, where he persecuted the Uzbegs, and protected the Sarts 

•/^,sBS,43r. t/i^,s8S. I/if.,t9X. %id^n^ 


and Torkomatts. When Shah Abbe8 heard of dii% he mardied againtt 
Mervy whidi he captuxed after a tiege of a month, as well as the towns of 
Abiverd, Nlssa, and Dertin, which were subject to Nur Muhammed, and 
where he placed governors. He hunself was canied off to Persia, where 
he died in prison.* Two years afier his return homey Hajim Muhammed 
was rejoined by Suiunich his eldest son, who returned from Turkey by 
way of Shirvan, and to whom his fioher surrendered Urgti^ and Vesir, 
retiring hhnself to Khiva to his younger son Arab Muhammed. Suiunidi 
died the year fbUowing, and was followed to the grave the following year 
by his son IbaduDa Khan. 

Hajim Muhammed died in the year loii of the hej, s.i^ i6os. The 
account here given of him is taken enltrely from Abolghazi, but we have 
a curious light thrown on Khuareim during his reign, by the visit paid to 
it by the English traveler Jenldnson, who calls him Azim Khan. 

It was on the 23rd of April, 1558, that the famous traveller left Moscow 
with a caigo of merchandise. He arrived at Astrakhan on the 14th of 
July, where he stayed till the 6th of August There he bought a boat, 
and in company with several Tartars and Persians set sail for the 
Caspian, crept along the north coast, and passed the mouths of the 
rivers Jaik and Yemba. On the 27th of August, he landed at some 
distance from Mangushlak, a storm having prevented him from making 
that place. There he made arrangements with the governor for 
camels, &c., to transport him and his goods to Vezir. He found the 
people very exacting, and paid three Russian hides and four wooden 
disbes lor the hire of each camel, besides presenting the governor with a 
seoveaa or present of nine and another of twice seven objects. The 
caravan numbered 1,000 camels. After a journey of five days the travellers 
reached the district contrdled by Timur Sultan, of Mangushlak, who 
treated them weU, and supfdied them with flesh and mares' milk, and 
although he took fifteen roubles' worth of goods as his perquisite, he 
presented Jenknison with a horse and ^tertained him in his tent 

Setting out again Jenldnson crossed a desert twenty days' journey longi 
and had to kill one of his camels and a horse for food, and drank only 
brackish water, this s<unetimes fidUng for two days together. He then 
reached another Gulf of the Ca^an, where we paid black mail to the 
Turkoman governors. He tells us the Oxus once fell into this gulf. 

Leaving there or the 4th of October, he arrived three days later at the 
castle of Sellizure, f./., Shehr Vezir (Lerch Khiva Oder Kharezm, 28 & 43}, 
(ue,, Hajim), where Azim Khan with three of his brothers was living. With 
him he< on the 9th of the same month had an audience and presented his 
letters kom the Russian Emperor, and also some presents. The Khan 
cnttrtaioed him with horseflesh and xniik, and gave him a safe conduct He 
tdls us tiie castle of Sellizure was placed on a high hill, and thai the king's 


palace there was bulk of earthy very bardy and not strong^ and that the 
peq>le were poor. Thelandtothe south was very fruillu]. Theregvewa 
fine fhiit called Dynie, laige and fuU of moisture, which the people ate after 
meat instead of drink (? melons), also another fruit called carbus as big as 
a cucumber, yellow and sweet (i>., water melons, still called arbus by the 
Russians)*, and a certain com Jegur, whose stalk was like a sugar cane, 
and as high, the grain like rice growing at the top of the cane like a 
cluster of grapes (<>*i Chugara the Holcus Sorghum).t Jenkinson tells 
us the water for inigation was drawn from the Oxus. This h|id so 
diminished the river that it it no longer fell into the Caspian. 

Two days after leaving Sellinire he reached Urgenj where he paid the 
accustomed duos. There he had an audience with Ali Sultan the brother 
of Hajim, who had recently made a raid upon KbcMrasan. The town he 
said had been won and lost four times in seven years by civil wars, 
whence there were few merchants there and they poor, and he could 
only sell four kerseys. He tells us all the land thence to the Caspian was 
called the land of Turkman, and was subject to Azim Khan and his five 
brothers, ''who being the sons of different mothers and sometimes ol 
daves, were jealous of one another, and tried to destroy each other, and 
when there was war among them, if one was defeated and escaped he and 
his followers generally repaired to the desert, and prowled about the 
watering places en rouU^ where he pillaged the caravans until, he was 
strong enough to again struggle for his own.**! 

Jenkinson describes some of the habits of the people^ and then goes on 
to say that having left Urgenj, he travelled along the Oxus for loe 
miles, when reached the Ardok which was swift and rapid, and 
leaving the Oxus was consumed in the ground about 1,000 miles to the 
north, and then issuing again from under the ground entered the sea of 
Kitai. He then reached K4it, subject to Saramet Sultan, a 
brother of Hajtm, to whom he paid g red Russian hide for each 
camel and other dues, and assigned him an escort. The latter fed 
heartily on his victuals, and after three days elahned a large 
payment for going further, which being refused they took their departure. 
The Khojas who were with the caravan thereupon insisted upon a halt, 
and upon trying their divinations with the shoulder blades of sheep. 
Jenkinson teUs us how they burnt these bones and mixed their ashes, 
whh whkh they wrote certain characters using cabalistic phrases. 
Meanwhile this came to pass. A banished prince with a few followers 
(Stacked them fiercely but they opposed them, and thanks to some guns 
Jenkinson had with him beat them off, and they made a laager of their 
trunks and cettle, behind which they cen^ped. During the night 
ov er t m e s were made to the Mussulmans of the cempany to surrender their 
companions but without avail, and they eventually purchased 

«Urch,op.dt,tS. f/^. t Hacklqjt, op. dU ^, 56I. 


peacewiAapietentof bbdtnaflaadacamdoBiHiiditociRyit The 
traveUen then went onto Bukfaanu* Jenkmtonittnniedhomebjrwayof 
Unsenjy and took with hfan font envoys from Hajim Khan to the Rnsdan 

In 1595) ^i^esh envoys where sent from Khnaresm to solicit the 
friendship of the Tsar Feodor4 


Hajfan Khan was succeeded by Us son Arab Muhammedi who gave 
his son Izfendiar the province of K&t, in lien <tf that of Hasaiasp. Soon 
after his accession (in one place Abu^hazi says, six months after, which 
would be in loii, $^.^ 16023 ^^^ ^ another he dates it in the year of 
his own birth, Z^., 1014 or ioi5),|| ten merchants from Khuaresm who 
had gone to Russia were waylaid by 100 Cossacks of the Ural <»: Yaiky 
and eight of them were killed. From one of the snrviv(»s who came 
from Turkestani they learnt that the garrison ci Uigenj was then 
encamped in summer quarters on the river, at some distance from the 
town, and that on one side of that dty there was a desert, across whidi 
an anny of ioo/x)o men might approach it unobserved. They 
accordingly determined to surprise it, and set out with 1,000 men. They 
arrived safely and entered the town by the gate of the If urza.T They killed 
more than 1,000 ci its inhabitants and burnt much prq^erty, and having 
loaded 1,000 waggons with booty and prisoners they retired. Arab 
Muhammed meanwhile cut off their retreat, and so i»essed them, that in 
Hen of water they had to quench their thirst with blood, and this fruled on 
the 5th day. The Uzb^^s now attacked them on all sides, penetrated 
behind their laager of carts into thdr camp, and cut them to pieces, One 
hundred of them succeeded in reaching the Oxus, and built a small fat 
near the fortress of Tuk, where they lived for a while on fish, but Arab 
Muhammed eventually attacked them and captured their fort** Sk 
months later the jCahnuks, who had b^gun to spread westwards as fror as 
the Aral, made a raid upon the Khanate. They passed between Khc^ 
Kul (i>., the lake of the Khoja) and the mountain of Sheikh Jelil, and 
piUaged the Uxbeg camps as far as Tuk, whence they returned by waf of 
BurichL Arab Muhammed pursued them and recorvered the booty and 
prisoners they had made^ but did not capture any Soon 
after the Nsdmans formed a plot to depose Arab Muhammed Khan^ and 
to put Khosru Sultan, a descendant of Ilbars Khan, who wandered in 
Mavera un nehr, in his place, but the conspiracy was frustrated, and 
Khosru and the leader of the Naimans were put to deadL* Two years 

^Id„3fi9>Xfo. t/^373- I Dt GvigiiM. UL, 490* |OMit,aM. 

|/<l«Sta. fM*3Z3,3t3. **Abo]shasi,iS5iS0S> ttA^ 


later die Uigfatm iatrodvced a pretender in the penon of Salih Sdtan, a 
descendant of Hassan Kuli Khan, son of Abufik, son of Yadigar Khan; 
but he received only a jfew adherents, and the Khan had him arrested and 
put to death. Ten years after this, the Kalmnks made a fresh invasion by 
way of Bakirghan, and retired with a considerable booty.f Sbcteea years 
after the accession of Arab Muhammed, /.a, about 161S, two of his sons 
named Habash Sultan and Ilbars Sultaui who were respectively sixteen 
and fourteen years old, and were livhig at Khiva, rose in revolt and 
marched towaid^ Ufgenj. They halted at Pishgab, a long day's journey 
from that town, and when sununoned by the Khan to his presence with 
the promise of being made governors of Vesir, they refused to go until 
they had assembled a large force. They were speedily Johied by the 
mote adventurous si^rits among the young Uzbegs,} and their fother was 
too weak or too indulgent to restrain them. Having made a raid upon 
Khorasan, they sent their &ther some presents, and then drew near to 
Urgen). The Khan now sent one of his chief officers, a Uighur named 
Kurban Ah to their camp, who on his return, reported how all the Usbegs 
from Darughan Ata to Bakiighan Ata had Joined them, and that he had 
been received with shoots of defiance. He reported that matters were 
going badly, and advised Arab Muhammed to retire to Khiva. The 
Kbaa was a weak person, a iact which his own son the historian 
Abulghazi cannot hide. Hedidnot send to inquire how fiur the story was 
exaggerated, but at once set out for Khiva. When the young princes 
heard this they went and encamped at Kiran Kin. At this time, says 
Abulghazi, all the district from Mizdehkan to Kuighun beyond 
Bakiighan was a large field of wheat Abulghazi telk us how a year 
before he was bom the Khan had cut a canal which passed by way of 
Tuk and Kuigfetun, and fUl into the Sea of AraL This canal was dosed 
at the epoch of Mizan (i>., when the sun was in Libra), and opened again 
after harvest ; and some years later was more than a bow shot in 
breadth. In consequence of this wheat was very cheap. The young 
rebels seised the magazines idiich the Khan had built in various distrkt% 
and gained over the poorer people by undertaking the distfibotioii of the 
grain. Arab Muhammed meanwhile by the advice of the bda ceded the 
town of Vesir and its dependent Turkomans to them, and we are told 
they paid their frther a visit, escorted by 4/x)0 men, and th^ returned 
once more to Vezir, where they lived for five years peaceably. In the 
sixth year, whfle the Khan was at Uigenj, Ilbars seised upon Khiva, and 
when his fkther returned honaewards, he sent a body of 500 men who 
made him prisoner. He then secured his treasures, and k the 
words of Abul^iazi, ''scattered them among the dogs and the birds,** and 
deposed the beks. After this he returned again to Vezir. All his sons 
dMnot behave thus, and we now find Izfendiar Snltan and Abdlfl^iaii 


'id^iffk M4^9^ tUn9». 


jointog tbetr forces to their fiither% and marching agsunst Ilbais Sultan, 
liio thereupon retired towards the Kir or Ust Urt,* while they piHa^^ 
his appanage. In vain Abulghazi argued with his weak ftther that it was 
now a favourable opportunity to crush the rebds. He vacillated con- 
tinually and leaned for support on his Atalik, Hussein Haji, ^o it would 
seem was a secret partisan of the rebels. Nor could Abulghazi persuade 
his elder brother Ixfendiar to take a bold course. Meanwhile, Habash 
and Ilbars were duly informed of the former's plans and haled him 
accordingly. Arab Muhammed returned to Khiva and Izfendiar to 
Haiarasp, while Abulghazi was given command of K4tt Five months 
later the Khan changed his mind, and determined to punish his 
rebellious sons, and summoned Abuli^iazi to his aid. He wouM not 
however adopt the latter's counsd to surprise them, but marched against 
them in open daylight The rebels being duly warned were prepared, 
and met their father with a consideral^ force at the canal of Tashli 
Yarmish, which had been excavated by All Sultan. Arab Muhammed 
was defeated and made prisoner. He was taken to Habash Sultan, who 
had him blinded and sent to Khiva and thence to Kum, with his three 
wives and two younger sons, Habash himself went in pursuit of Izfendiar 
Sultan, while Abulghazi went to K4t and thence to Bukhara. 

Izfendiar with two other sons of Arab Muhammed, named Shaif 
Sultan and Khuarezm Shah Sultan, shut themselves up in the fortress of 
Hazarasp, but after a siege of forty days they came to a parley, Izfendiar 
agreed to go to Mekka, Sherif * Muhammed was given Kit, while 
Khuarezm Shah and a younger brother named A%han, who were both 
boys, went to their mother at Khiva. This revolution took place in 1030 
of the hej, i./., 1621. The following year Ilbars put his father, his 
brother Khuarezm Sultan, and two sons of Izfendiar Sultan to death. 
His other brother A%han he sent to Habash to be executed, but the 
latter sent him off to Russia, where he died in 1648, and was buried at 
Kasimof in a t^e built by his widow^ Altun Khanim, the daughter of 
Hajim Sultan.} 


On the deposition of their father, the two rebel princes divided the 
Khanate between them, Habash took Urgenj and Vczir, and Ilbars 
Khiva and Hazarasp. 

These revolutions seem inexplicable when we consider how faithful the 
Uzbegs generally were to their own princes, fragile as their friendship is 
for strangers, but we may explain them by what followed. The Khanate 
of Khiva was inhabited by three races ; Sarts or old indigines of the 
towns, harmless, and t>f Persian descent ; the Turkomans descended 

*/tf.,3os. t/^>y^. IX/, 300. Nou»x. 

uanannAR khan. $97 

from the Goi and Kankalis, the tttmfathetf of the S^okt mi 
Osmanlisi and lastly Uibegs who came in with Shdhani, a^ who 
dominated over the rest Between Turkomans and Uzbegs, the old 
masters and the new, there was very great jealousy and strife, and when- 
ever the Khan leaned on one section, he was sure to lose the support of 
the other. Arab Muhammad probably suflfered from this policy. When 
his death became known, his eldest son lafendiar received a small 
contingent from Shah Abbas of Persia, who told him to rq[Mdr to the 
borders of Khorasan, and endeavour to recover Khuaresm* He made 
his way to Derun and Mount Balkhan, and was joined by a few 
Turkomans of the tribes of Teke, Sarik, and Yomut, in all but 500 mci^ 
with whom he made a night attack on the camp of Habash, which wis 
planted on the Oxus, opposite the fbitress of Tuk. That prince however 
escaped and joined his brother libars, who nuuxhed to the rescue^ 
and Izfendiar was joined by the naukers or dependents of his other 
brothers, Sherif Muhammed and AbulghasL 

Meanwhile, a Khoja named Nasar, whose daughter Ilbars had married, 
took up the lattei's cause with vigour, and when he noticed bow tht 
people crowded to join Izfendiar, he j^anted himself and a contingent of 
300 fdlowers on the route they had to follow, and cut a deqp ditch across 
the road so as to make it impassable. He then proceeded to frighten 
them, by dedaring Izfendiar meant to hand them over to. the Turkomans, 
and c oi^jur ed them, Koran in hand, not to assist him. These words had 
their due efiect Smne of those who had joined Izfendiar now deserted 
him, and he was defiMted and escaped to Mangushlak. There he was 
joined by a large immber of his parrisans and 3,000 Turkomans, and 
once more marched eastwards. He approached Uigenj, and fought with 
Ilbars for twenty days, when he at length defeated and captured him, 
and had him pot to death* Habash fled to the Karakalpak% and thence 
to the Nogais of the Yemba, whose chief Sfaanik Murza was under con«> 
riderableobBgatkms to hhn,whidi he rq>aid/wr/A'4y4ftl by surrendering 
hfan to Izfendiar who put him also to death* 

Isfendiar mounted the throne in 1032 of the hij, m., in 1622. He 
became the patron of the Turkomans and Sarts against the Uzbq;s. 

Let us now turn to his brother Abulghaa, to whose fanums History we 
are so hidebted He tells us he was bom in 1014, !>., 1605, and was 
named Abulghari because his lather defeated the infidel Cossacks of the 
Ural about that time. . I have described how he fought besides his father 
against Ilbars and Habash. He tcDs us that in this struggle be com- 
manded the tiifiU wing and that he had three horses killed under him * 
After their defeat he was body pursued, and had only one attendant widi 
him. He was hit in the mooih by an arrow which broke his jaw bone, but 
ehided his pursuers among the tall tamarisks on the banks of the river. 

* Ovk dL, SI5> 

Zg$ EOfioitT oar trb monools. 

TikingoffMsquivaraiidtwofdliephii^ediit Hithoiia^lietdlsii%was 
thirsty and bitered to drink, wliile tome of his ptumien q^ed 1^ 
b«nk and sent a flight of airows upon him. He had no whip to urge H 
on, nor had he ever swam a river before on horsebacki and his montfi 
was meanwhile filled with blood from his wound* His armour too was 
very heavTi ''^d his horse sank hi die wuter tifl only his ears and nose 
werevisible; he acoordingly remembered the advice of a practised soldier 
who had tM him in such a case to slip off the saddle, keying one foot in 
the stirrup and putting the other on the horsed tail, to seise the 
pommd of the saddle mik one hand and the bridle with the other, and 
thus aUow the water to partiaOy support hiuL On his doing so, the hocse at 
once rose hi the water and got over safoly and he went to Kftt, where he was 
joined by some of his people^ and having secured some fresh horses and 
provisions he went on to Samarkand, where he was cordially received by 
Imaum Kuli Khan.* It was two years after tills tiiat Iifendiar was 
proclaimed Khan, whereupon Abulghazi with his other brother Sherif 
Mohammed returned to lOiuatesm. The former received Urgenj and the 
latter Vecir as an appanage;, while the Khan reserved Khiva, Haxarasp^ 
and Kit for himseUlt 

The brothers soon btgaxt to quarrel Izfendiar became the partisan of 
the Turkomans and Sarts, while his brothers sided with their own 
people the Uzb^fs. After harvest, in the year 1634, they repaired to 
Khiva to see Izfendiar, and after staying there three days, were saddling 
their horses to return when the Khan ordered all the Uighurs and 
Naimans to be pot to death. The massacre at once commenced, and 
tM very day 100 Usbegs of those tribes perished, nor did the 
persecution stop there, but aU the Usbegs who encamped between 
Hazarasp and Khast Minaressi were shuightered, while ci the two 
devoted tribes even the inftmts and old pec^ were Idlled, and Sherif 
Muhammed was sent to Urgenj with ordoY to kill all of those two tribes 
whom he found tiiere. Abulghaa himself was detained at Khiva, 
apparently with the purpose of eventually putting an end to him, but as the 
remaining Uzbegs threatened to abandon the Khanate unless he was 
released, he was allowed to go. He set off for Urgenj which 
was then ahnost deserted. The river Amu whidi had focmerly watered 
its envirotts having taken another coune and deserted its old bed. He 
accordingly stayed at a fortress near Tuk, wh^re he was joined by Sherif 
Muhammed. Having collected a large body of Uzbegs, it was 
determined to attack the Turkomansy but Muhammed Hussein the 
Turkoman leader having heard of their plot escaped with his Mowers 
from the fortress, where they had been living, and rqpahed to Izfendiar 
Khan. Meanwhile, the two brothers with their Uzbq^ determined to 
inarch on Khiva. At Tash Kupruk, or the stone bridge over the canal 

* Id^ 3X6-S1S, . t /if.» SI9* 

tzwnmuMnaUM. B99 

of Rhaflon^ they fiMmd and pnt todeith tone wretched Tukooianfy 
almbet deed with Imager* Theee the li^^iwM^if flUefhtd their enlf end 
cerried off a ntmber of their people^ wheiwpoii ft miBfibet of their 
supporters returned home igein* 

Meanwhile^ the Tmfcomans of Khhra hftving been lebfbcced, offered 
them battle near CheshmL* Afiereefighteasaed. At first the Ud)egs 
were successfhl, but the enemy rallied^ end at length the foraier were 
obKged to widulraw to their campi which thof deimded braTelj for six 
dayS| when terms were pioposed andeaflhpartyagteedioretMmhomewfttd% 
but Iifendiar had scaroely persmded them to leetve tiieir camp when he 
w4 t n^ hif T\*T^ <W H ^ *** tff attJFtflr flwfft^andalf hwi g h thfy Ofl tnumb ertdthft 
Ud)egs ahnost ten to one the betde was fade dsi ya. ETentnaOy 
Isiimdiar spent the soaimier at iChh«y and Sierif Mahammed and 
Abidghad at Urgeiy.t The whole stery seems more or less Ineiplkabls^ 
anless we are to read betwasa the Ihies diat Abal^iasi had plotted 
agahist IffeUdiar, aad been supported by the UrilMgs, The hrtlor were 

apparency too weak to resist, and ditmnfaed to di^^ets^ and accoidinrtr. 
when the comet appeered, ij., bx i6aS-9i they collected in small 

bandstand some went to Maveia an NduTi and sobm to Torfcestan; 
presently they formed three huger sectional cue of which retired to 
Bokhara, one to the Manguts or Nogai% and the third to the Kasaks. 
Abolghaxi Joined these last, whfle Sherif Mohammed went to BoUianu 
Three years after the dispersal, 3,000 fiunilies returned from exil^ and 
were]<rfned by 800 others who came from BuUuua. They settled about 
the mouth of the Ozus, where tiiey were attadied and estemfaMted 
by Isfendhur.t 

I have already mentioned Abolgfaasft visit to Ishhn Khan of ttie 
Kasaks, and his introduction to Torsun, who to<^ hfan with him to 
Tashkend, where he lived two years, until Ttoson was killed by IsUntf 
He then told die hitter how he had gone to him lor h^ but 
as matters ware not propltkms^ he asked permissbn to visit Imanm 
Ksl at Bukhara, which was granted hhn. There he received 
an invitation firom the Turkomans of Khuaresm, iHio were it 
appears growfa^ somewhat tired of Isfendhur, to return home. He 
accordingly went to Khiva, and Iifendiar rMied to Hasarasp, where he 
was shordy joined by Sherif Muhammad. The two latter now made 
friends and made a joint attadc on Abol^iaii, who defeated them. This 
was followed by a series of strugi^ and mutual raids. Eventually 
Abnlghasi was seised by order of Isfendiar,and conveyed under an escort 
to Abiverd, whose governor handed him over to the begler beg of 
Iflifffftfaw ^ mkA m MH'^t^f^y^ him to Hamadan to Shah Sefi, the grandson 
of Shah Abbas the xst, who was then the luler of Persia, and who sent 
Umtolspahan. There he was ass%ned quarters and a pension of ic/)oo 

900 HisitntY or rai movools. 

tetigas, hut he was also gvacdod.* AMglual qient tan years In Irak, 
vii.| fixMn aboat 1630-40^ wlion he escaped* He USh ns how be bought 
eifi^ horses one hj 00% and secreted them in Tarious quartersi and 
having secored some trusty servants, he disguised himself as a horse 
driver and his servant as a b^ on whom he attended. Atnight&U he 
got his horses ready, and was Mfv«l^ through the streets as the nakares 
were being sounded at midnight from the Nakardi Khaneh. On 
reaching tiie gate he shouted out loudly ''Open the door.^ It was 
duly opened, and he went on. Near Bostam they passed a cemetery 
where three men were burying a corpse^ one of tiiem was a poor 
Seyid. VHth the latter he negot ia ted for some provender, and also 
secured hb assistance in egchanging three of his horses, which were 
breaking doim, for three better ones, his servant meanwhile duly 
acting the part of a bek, and seating hfanselfonamatinamosttordly 
iidiion in die Seyid^ bouseit Having imprudently asked the route to 
If aghx by an unfrequented way, one of the bystanders, who was an old 
man, had his suq[>idoos aroused, and charged him with being one of the 
Usbeg prisoners attempting to esc^>e^ and he tried to persuade the 
bystanders to arrest him, or at least not to sell him any horses. This 
conversation took place in Persian irinch Abulghasi understood, and he 
was not long In concocdng a story hi which his servant the pretended bdc 
paraded as Muhammed Enli bek the Qrcasnan, a Yusbashi in the 
service of the Shah, and he hhnsdf as in his service, and that they wished 
tomeetafrmousMoUahatMaghs. This story with some embellishments 
passed muster, and the prince duly readied the edge of the desert, where 
he met swne fugitive Turkomans from Mangwshlsk, They reported how 
three years before tiidr land had been attacked by the Kahnuka^ who had 
harried their herds. He made himsdf known to the refugees, who 
persuaded him to pass the winter with them, and in the spring to go to 
dM Tdcke tribe^ which then encamped near the BaUdian mountain, on the 
Eaitem shores of the Caqiian. There he accordingly went, and passed 
two years, and then went on to Maagushlak, which was then subject to 
the Kalmnks, whose chief having heard of his arrival sent for him and 
having detahied him for a year allowed him to return to Urgenj4 This 
was in the year 1642. Sixmonths later Isfendiar died ; Sherif Muhammed 
had died two years before. 


Matters mast have been in a more or less confused condition hi 
Hmt Khanate, for Abulgjiaii tdls us it was not cm a year afrer Iztediar's 
death that be was pnxWBMd iChan ii^ the district of Aral, wheie the 

OsttS flows into the sea, and doubtless Ae most thoroughly Uxbeg past of 


*/A,sSt«93S. tMflSa*IIS Xi^>S9y99l^ 


die Khanate. Meanirliile^ tiie Taikomans seem to have hdd poisearioii 
of the lenudnderi and to have had cottodj of Itfendiar's two aoni, 
Yaihan Sultan and Aahiaf Sultan. These they refused to surrender and 
they also had the Khuthdi proclaimed in the name of Nadir Muhammed 
the Khan of Bukhara, to whoaa they sent Ashraf. Abnlghazi thereupon 
declared war against tiliem, and twice pillaged the environs of Khiva. 
Nadir Muhammed nondnated go v ernor s to Khiva and Hazarasp, and 
sent the widow, son, and daughter of Isfendiar to live at Karshi. 
His dqmties were orly military g ov ern o r s , and the dvil administrap 
tion was retained in the hands of the amalats or dvil functionaries 
appointed by Ixfendiar, who were Turkomans. Presently the 
Bukharian Khan sent his grandson Kaasim, the son of Khosru Sultan 
to superintend matten^ but he did not meddle wilii the Turimmaa 
deputies. When Abnlghasi beard of Us arrival he collected the greater 
portion of his people and again marched upon Khiva. His iorce was 
much Inicrior to that of the Bukharians who had ranged their men 
in the form id a flight of geese, while he broke his up into several 
secdoas. The Kliivans were ifioo strong, and See of them were dressed 
in cttirasees, helmets, dobulghas, &&, so that only their eyes were virible. 
Abnlghasi had but five men, vdio were mailed« These numbers pfove 
how small and petty the importance of the Khanate was at this time* 
Abnlghsii describes the strugfl^ vdiidi ensued, iriiidi he won chiefly 
through the skilful dispositioii of his men. At this point his own 
naarative of events ends and is continued by his son and succesaor 
Amisha Muhammed.* After Uie battle Kassim was recalled to Bukhara 
and replaced by Yakub Tupit, but soon Nadir himself was driven from 
the throne by his bek% idio prodaimed his ioii Abdul Aris, whereupon 
the garrison he had placed at Khiva fled,aad Abulgliasi set out from 
Aral and occupied Khiva and the land of his fiuhers. Tliis was in 1644. 

He issued a general pardon to aU the Turimmans who had fled and invited 
tiiem to return. Thaee of their dilels named Ghulam Bdiadur, Din 
Muhammed Un Un Beguii and Urns Begui, with a number of dwfar 
fliOowers had escaped to the deserts near Hasarasp^ and now atat aome 
of their akaakals or greybeards with their submission. Abulghaxi pto> 
mised them pardcm, and summoned them to meet himat Hasarasp^and 
ordered them to bring with them their airan or dotted milk and kalik or 
cheesfibut he had inade iq^ his mind to destroy them, and his son does 
not scn^ to confess it, and as soon as they had £driy arrived, and 
were hfg^*»«^ their meal, a general mnssacre commenced, in which n 
great number of them were killed, their goods were piHaged and their 
wives and diikisen reduced to slavery.* He then returned to Khiva, 
and shortly after attacked and jdundered another body of Turkoman 
fugitives a T^ytfn. The fugitives from this place as «ell as others 


from Khiva and BiM took shdter at Bimi Burmai wliere they h«llt 
themselves a stone fort and sent their families for shdter to KaxakastL 
They were attacked however and destroyed to a man, while their camp 
of refuge at Karakasti was abo taken and sadcedt 

In 1648, Abulghazi defeated the Ki^shote Kalmnks, as I have 
mentionedyt and also sent home a Torgut chief named Buyan, who had 
heen to Khoaresm for purposes of trade. In 1651, with only a very 
small body of men, and after a nmrch hivohrii^ great hardsh^s^ he 
attacked the Tuikomans of the Bairaj dan whom he destroyed, togedier 
with their chief Bairaj, and harried their women and chikbren. The 
following year he dkl the same with the tribe of the Imirs which encamped 
at Tuj,and with the Sariks.f This same year the Toiigut Kafannks 
under three of their chiefs made an attack in the neighbourhood of 
Hazarasp. I have described how Abulghaxi pursued them, and on their 
behaving humbly pardoned them.|| 

Having subdued all the Turkomans, Abulghazi had reigaed for 
some years hi peace, n^ien Subhan Kuli of Baikh sent to ask him for 
aid agai: 't his brother Abdul Azis, Khan of Bukhara. Subhan KuH 
had married Abulghazi's niece, the daughter of Sherif Muhammed. 
The Khuarezm ruler did not foi^et how AbduUa Khan had slaughtered 
thirty-two princes of his house, and otherwise iUused his people ; he 
accordingly set out gladly for Bukhara, hi 1064 of the hej, le., 1653-4. 
Having arrived at Kukerdlik he despatched Bek Kuli Imak to waste the 
neighbourhood of Karakul, while he hunself did the same at Suiunidi 
Bala and other viUages near Bukhara, and thence returned to Kukerdhk, 
whence he again set out the same year, encountered and defeated the 
Bukharian army, and captured and burnt KarakuLf He then ravaged the 
neii^bourhood of Chaijui, and a few months hiter the district of Yaiji as 
for as Nersem, and thence to Karakul, returning to KhWa with a laige 
number of prisoners ; nor did the Khan Abdul Azis venture to cross swords 
with him. This was in 1065 hej, «!/., 1654-5. The same year Kennindi 
was taken and sacked. As the Khuarezmian army, 15^000 strong^ was 
letumhig at daybreak escorting its plunder, it was suddenly 
attacked by a Bddiarian force. The Khan idio had loitered bdiind 
with only a few followers had to sustam a series of repeated attacks from 
the enemy, who greatly outnumbered his people. We are told by his 
successor that he would have been ov erw h ^ned but for the timdy 
succour brought by himself, then only rizteen years old, who having 
arrived with a fresh body of but aoo or 500 horsemen, charged the 
enemy's host and routed it. There seems to have been a r^pilar 
stan^jiede, and many of the Bnkharians were drowned in crdsshig the 

*AA.344. t/i^,S45*S49« Mffilr. Vol. L,503. |ilbiilc]iMit347»S4& 


river. Abolgiiaii retarned to Bukhara in trimiipi^ gscvt a grand 
feast there^ rewarded hit son Anviha with a standard and a body of 
troopS) and gave him commaod of Haxarasp. In 1658, he ravaged 
Vardansii and in 1661 once more wasted the neighbooihood of Bokhara 
and returned heavy laden with loot Accordii^: to his son he now began 
to realise that he had sufficiently iU-osed his co-religionists, and 
determined to devote the remainder of his days to plundering the infidd 
Kinlbashis or Persians and the Kahnuks. He accordini^y sent an envoy 
to make peace with Abdul Axis and handed over the cares of his 
government to Anusha.- He died in the year 1074 of the hiji ia., 166%* 
after a turbulent and lawless reign idiose ill deeds have been too 
mnch condoned by the gratitude of students for the fiunous history which 
we owe to his pen. 


Abolghazi was succeeded by his son Anusha Muhammed, who had 
already, as I have said distinguishedi himself in the great fight with the 
Khan of Bukhara. On the death of his father he determined to make 
an attack upon the same Khanate, notwithstanding the peace recently 
concluded. He invaded Mavera un Ndir, and plundered the residence ci 
the Khojas of Juibar near Bukhara. It seems he was partly incited by 
Sultan Kulii the brother of the Bukharian Khan. Abdul Am happened to 
be in Eermindi when this took place. He hurried back at once, and at 
midnight arrived before the city, which was in the hands of the 
Khuaremians. Accompanied by only forty slaves he succeeded in 
cutting down the guard, and forced his way, fighting as he went into the 
citadd. From this place a summons went forth inciting the population 
to murder the Khuareimians that very night All who could bear arms, 
whether Usbegs, Ti^iks^ or foreign merchants, fell upon the enemy, 
iriiose retreat was cut off by barricades at the gates and other outlets 
from the dty. The massacre was tttrible, and but a small party 
of the army of Anusha esciqted to Khuaresm* The catastrophe for 
a long time cUscouraged his people from disturbing the peace 
of Bukhara.t This tnvasibn, although repelled, according to the 
Tariki Mekim Khani, led to the abdication of Abdul Asiz, iriio 
made way for Subhan Knll This was in i68o4 The bq;inning 
of Subhan Kuli's reign, as I have shown, was troubled by the 
insubordination of his sons, and it was this which probably tempted 
Anusha to make another venture against the Khanate, nis was about 
1683. He burnt the towns and villages and wasted the country around 

*/<AtS57* t S«akolrid, op. dl., 47. 48. Vamtonr* Hitl. of BMtfa, jas. 

904 HurronT op the monools. 

Bokhanandcaniedoffinanyprisoiiecf. The Khaa now sommoned hit 
8on Sadik, who had recently itbeUed ac^aintt hbn^ to the rescue, bat he 
learned m rtmU that Anutha had invaded Khorasani had caused money 
to be struck thore in his own name, and proclaimed himself the sovereign 
of that province, while several Amirs were in open revolt at Hissar 
and Khojend, and that others about the court secretly favoured Anusha* 
He thereupon determined to run no risks but to return to Balkh and 
to fortify himself there. The Khan thereupon turned to his fiadthful 
dependent Mahmud bi Atalik, whom he had appointed governor of 
Badakhshaa He marched to the rescue, * and encountered the 
Khuaremians at Gijuvani where he completely defeated them and 
compelled Anusha to return home again/ The next year, ^., 1685, 
while the Khan was engaged in settling the aflSaiirs of Balkh, Anusha once 
more marched to the gates of Bukhara, but was met by Muhammed Jan 
Afalik who marched against him from Balkh and defeated him.t Some- 
time akfr Subhan Kuli having gone on a pilgrimage to Meshed, Anusha 
again invaded Mavera un Nehr. There was a general rally of the inhabi- 
tants and the Khuarezmians were once more beaten with great slaughter, 
the greater part of their leaders being killed. The- turbulent ruler of 
Khuarezm was not likely to submit to this rebuff, and he was preparing a 
fresh expedition when a conspiracy broke out among some of iiis Amirs, 
who were discontented with him and were supported by Subhan Kuli. 
The conspirators spread a rumour that the Kalmuks were about to 
invade the country, and suggested that the Khan should give the 
c omm a n d of the army to his son Erenk, who was in the plot He was no 
sooner raised to this position than he had his frither seised and his eyes 
seared with a hot iron and he then deposed him.t 


Erenk having moonted the thjrone^ proceeded to exOe the Amirs who 
had been creatures of Subhan Kuli Khan, and when the army of the 
latter shortly after marched into Khorasan, and Bukhara was divested of 
troops, he seized the opportunity and invaded the district. Subhan 
Kuli defended his capital vigorously for ten days, and sent for his faithful 
Atalik Mahmud to go to the rescue, and on his arrival a savage fight 
look place under the walls. The Khuarexmians were beaten, and lost 
many prisoners. MeanwhOe^ the party which favoured Subhan Kuli at 
Urgenj, under his countenance proceeded to a new revolution there, and 
en his return from his unfortunate expedition Erenk was poisoned by 
the partisans of Bulduura among the Amirs. 


• atttkoUd, 51. S4> t/i^SS* tA^.54SS* 



After this revolt the conspirators in 1099, Le,^ 1687^ sent a depatation 
to Subhan Knli, offering to coin the money and to have the khutbeh said 
in his name if he would choose them a ruler. The Khan thereupon 
nominated Shah Niaz Ishik Aka, and as the author of the Tarikhi Mekim 
Khan! says he thus reduced to subjection a province against which he 
had not been able to defend himself.* Shah Niaz retained his authority 
over Khiva for many years, having been no doubt supported by Subhan 
Kuli Khan» In 1700 he sent an envoy to the Tzar, Peter the Great, asking 
him to take his country under his protection. This was answered by a 
letter dated on the joth of July in the same year, in which Peter intimated 
his compliance with the requestf We do not read of him again, and it 
is not improbable that he withdrew or was deposed on the death of 
Subhan Kuli in 1702. 


On the dinq^ptarance of Shah Nias Khan, die old royal stock of 
Khuaresm seems to have again occupied the throne in the person of 
Arab Mnhamiwed, who was probably a son.of Erenk Khan, and to whom 
in 1703 Peter the Great sent a confirmation of the friendly message he 
had abeadf sent to Shah Nias, and accepted him and his people as his 
sntjects-t Michell's authority has corrupted his name faito Arak 


In 1714 an envoy went to St. Petersburg from Haji Muhammed 
Bdiadur Khan, who is expressly called a grandson of Abulghazi4 He 
was probably a brother of the late Khan and was speedily disphiced. 


He seems to have been succeeded by Yadigar, wrongly called Yadiber 
by Michell's authority, who was probaUy another brother of Arab. 
Muhammed, and perhaps named after the stem father of the Khuarezmian 
Khans. Michell tells us he died in 1714, so that he must have had a 
very short reign. 

* Id., 56. t Bf iehtll't Ceatr&l AtU. 538- 

I jMRieT of Blaakemusel. bj Greforief Vietnik, Imp. Geo^. Soc. for 1S58. Kott, 37. 

M^ieJl, op. cit., 538. 

I S«nkofiild, zoo. Do Gtignes, iii., $13. Nott»ei 




We now meet with a curious revolution at Khiva. We aie tdMI that 
the Uzbegs there grew tired of their Intimate rulers, pnbMf in 
consequence of the divided aOegiance which had caused so much jealous 
struggling, as I have shown, between them and the TurkomanSr But u 
there was among them a singular devotion to the Imperial stock 
of Jingls Khan, they were in the habit of sending for a scion of 
this famous family from among the Kasaks, the Karakalpaks^ or 
Bukhara, whom they made their ruler. Meanwhile, the old royal house 
subsisted among the Kunkurats, who had withdrawn to the Isle of Aral, 
by which the delta of the Oxus was known to Arabians.* The first 
recorded of these i^iported Khans was Arank or Erenk, who was a 
Karakalpak.f I know nothing more of him than the mere mention of 
his name, and he was apparently succeeded by S hirg jia ti Khan. 


Shirghaz', the successor of Acink KhaSf was we are told fron 


In 1713 there arrived at Astrakhui a Turkoman ddef named 
Khoja Nefiei, and suggested to Ihrince Samonof, a native of duhyi, 
who had settled in Russia and become a Quietlan, that in alliance 
with the Turkomans the Russians shouki seise the district about the 
Lower Oxus, where it was reported gold was found. He staled diet 
the Usbegs of Khiva, from fear of the Russians, were in the habit of 
damming up the outlet of that river into the Caq;wan| but that widi a 
little pains it couki be diverted into its old channeL Abovt die 
same time Peter the Great received news from Prince Gagarin that gold 
was to be found near Erket,£/.,Yarkand| in Little Bukharia.t TheKhoja 
Nefes and Prince Samonof went to St Petersburg, where they were 
presented to !he Emperor by Prince Bekovich Cherkaski, a favourite of 
Peter's and a captain in his body guard. The report about die goki was 
confirmed by Ashur bek, the Khivan envoys who was at St Petersburg 
from 1713-1715. He suggested that the Russians shouki build a fort to 
hold io/xx> men at the old outlet of the Oxus, probably on Krasnovoda 
Spit, and he said the Khan would not oppose the removal of the dams nor 
the restoration of the Oxus to its old bed. Ashur bek left Russia in 
1715 with a present of six guns and the necessary equipage for the Khan, 
but he was detained at Astrakhan, in consequence of the revolution by 
which Yadigar, Aran|^ and Shirghaa had dfaqplaced one another at Khiva.$ 

* RytKhkof. OrvabiirfiMhe Topof.. L, 19. | Michall, op. €it« 34OW 

I Mailer. SAml. Getb* Ac viL. 157-15^ If idMH op. cit., 538, 5S9. 



It seems Ashur bek had idso been commissioned by Peter to visit India, 
and to pofdiase him parrots and panthers there.* 

Meanwhile, the reports about the gold sand seem to have stirred Peter 
the Gieaf s ambition, and he determined to send an expedition to Khiva. 
In command of this he placed Prince Alexander Bekovitch Cherkasldi 
already named. He was the s(m of a Grcassian prince who had sought 
refoge hi Russia during the disturbed reign of Shah Hussein of Persia. 
On his death, his son Alexander had married the daughter of 
Prince Boris Alexandrovitch Galitzin, and been baptized and received 
a commission in the Guards. He was now chosen to head the Khivan 
eq>edition, from his supposed fiuniliarity with the Tartars.t He was 
ordered to survey the old coune of the Oxus, to persuade the Khan of 
Khnareim to acknowledge the supremacy of Russia, and to build forts in 
suitable places, and especially at the mouth of the Oxus. After com* 
pleting this commission he was to enter into negotiation with Bukhara, and 
lastly to send from Khiva, Lieutenant Kojin to explore the road to India, 
and another officer to search out the gold nunes of Yaikand-t He set 
out with letters of introduction for the Usb^ Khans and the Great 
Moghil, and at tiie head of 4/)oo men, in the summer of 1716, and 
built three forts on the eastern shores of the Caspian, namely, Tuk 
Karagun, Alexandrobaesk, and Krasnovodsk, the last bemg where the 
ancient outM of the Oxus was supposed to be. Having left garrisons 
there^ he de^fiatched envoys to the Khan of Khuarezm to uprise him of 
hisjoumey, among whom were a Gredc called Kiriakand a gentieman 
of Astialdian named Voranin.$ He then returned once more to the 
Volga, and having enlisted 500 of the Swedish prisoners then at Kazan 
as dragoons^ and s^ven command of them to Major Frankenberg, he 
embarked on the Volga and again set off in July, 1717, overland for 
Gurief with a body of Grebensk Cossacks and Nogais, and a caravan of 
about 500 men, people of Astrakhan, artizans, Tartars, and Bukharians. 
At Gurief he was jomed by i,i;oo Cossacks of the UraL Two days 
after leaving that post he reached the Yemba, which he crossed on rafts. 
He also despatdied the Murza Tevkekf to explore the route to India 
and China, but the latter was detained at Asterabad by the Persians, and 
when released was sent back to Astrakhan. H 

Prince Cheikaski was duly warned by Ayuka, the chief of the Kalmuks, 
and by letter from his envoy Voranin, that the Khivans were preparing 
to give him a hot reception, but he doubtless felt strong enough to cope 
with them. Two days after leaving the Yemba, according to Ahmedo^ 
diey reached Bagachatof, and in five days arrived at the Irkitsh hills, by 
which the Ust Urt or Chink is meant Then mounting the plateau they 
arrived at the Aral Sea, along the margin of which they went fin about seven 

*IA t Haawisr^ Timvelt, i., laS. I Jovn. Attei., ttt Striaf , v., tf, 

l/rfLfiS. Mailer, op. cit., 175-177. | Jows. AtUt., v., 69 70. 


weeks, diggiiig wdls and cleaning out old ones in fvuie. When Uiey 
am ved four days from Khiva, messengers met them from the Khaa bear^ 
presents of horses, kaftans. Sac, i^ were duly received by Cherfcaski 
These friendly overtures were supplemented, however, by more than one 
attack made by the Khivan cavalry, which, although disowned by the 
Khan, were doubtless made with his connivance if not at his instance* 
B^kovitch now rapidly approached Khiva, whose inhabitants began to 
evacuate it Thereupon the Khuaresmians summoned Sk coundli at 
which one of their chiefs, named Dussan bi, suggested that they 
should circumvent the Russians by perfidy. The Khan entered into the 
plan, and sent word to the Russian commander that he had misunderstood 
the object of his mission, but having been informed by his friend the 
Kalmuk Khan Ayuka that it was of a peaceful character, he expressed 
his regret for what had happened, and welcomed him heartily to his 
country, and to show his friendship he sent some of his principal peopfe 
to make an arrangement! and he begged him meanwhile not to enter die 
town, in order that the citizens might not be alarmed* Bekovitch allowed 
himself to be misled by these overtures, and with only a small following 
of 500 men trusted himself in the city, while Major Frankenbei^g was left 
in charge of the little army. As soon as they had got him in their 
power, the Khuarezmians massacred his suite and made him, write a 
letter to the camp, ordering his soldiers to hand over their arms to the 
Khivan commissaries for safe keeping, and take up their quarters in the 
faubourgs of the town. It was only when this absurd ordei-, which was 
perhaps forged, had been repeated three times, and Frankenbeig had 
been threatened with severe punishment, that he at length obeyed. 
When the Russian force was broken up and scattered in its new quarters 
it was attacked and overwhebned. Those who were not killed were 
reduced to slavery.! The Russians and some of the artilkryHDiien 
apparently joined the Khan's service. Bekovitch hhnsel^ we axe toldf 
was brought before the Khan's tent, and a scarlet cloth being spread out 
he was ordered to kneel, and refusing, according to Hanway, instead of 
suffering the easy death of losing his head with the stroke of a sabre, he 
was hacked on the legs and butchered in the most barbarous manner4 
His head was stuffed with straw and sent as a present to the Khan of 
Bukharai who refused to receive the trophy and drove the Khivan envoys 
away, asking them if they were man eaters and drinkers of human 
blood.S The heads of Samonof and others were put on spikes at one of 
the gates of Khiva. Hanway was offered two slaves many years after. 
They were Russians, and had been part of the prisoners captured from 
Bekovitch, who had been sold by the Uzb^s to the Turkomans,!! A 

* Popof, Zapitid, Imp. Geof . So€.« ix., 362-S651 
t Mailer, op. cit., viL, XTS-xaa. Jour* AtUt, ut Scries, v., 70-72. 
I Op. cit., 127. i J oiin- Asiat. Soc., i., VoL, ^ 73. llicbeU*t Xtia 94 

i Op. ciUa 126. 

SiUftGlUXI KHAN. 909 

oMmeBto of the eipeditioBy in the shape of a square fort, built by the 
Rttssianson thisoccasioii|appai»iidy ttiUzemains neartheGulf of Aibugir.* 
MuUer offers an explanation of Bekovitch's apparent want of prudence. 
On his way to Khiva he received news <tf the drowning of his wife and 
children on the Volgay which seems to have entirely disconcerted him.t 
Daniiolski says the Rudsians were killed not at Khiva but at Par8u.t 

A few years later, namely in 1725, we find the Italian Florio Beoevenii 
an employ^in the Russian Foreign Office, who understood Peruan and 
Turkish (one of those adventurous Italians who figiire so olten in the 
politics of Central Alia), visitiilg Khiva. The journal of his travels has 
been published in the Memoirs of the Imperial Geographical Society ci 
St Petersburg. Baieveni had gone throt^h Persia to Buldiara, where 
ht arrived in Novenriiier, i/ii, and where he had to remain for four years. 
Abul£ut Mnhammrd was then Khan, and by him he was received with 
courtesy. The early years of the reign of Abukaiz were marked by 
intrigues and disturbances in the Khanate, and one party there apparently 
wished to displace him, and to put Shirghasi Khan, of Khaarenn, in 
bis {dace. This idan was nipped in the bud, and a large number of the 
leading Uzbegs were executed. The Khan greatly distrusted his peoide, 
and employed the descendants of Russian prisoners and Kalmuks as his 
body guards. Meanwhile, the discontented Usbegs rqaired to the 
steppes and duly plundered the various caravans and convoys of food 
that went to the city, which began to satttr severely. They were insti- 
gated and supported by Shiighazi Khan. The Bukharian chief, on the 
other hand, entered into close relations with the Aralians, who, as I have 
shown, were at issuewith the Khivan ruler and partisans of the old Royal 
House. They now set up Timnr Sultan, the son of the htte Musi Khan, 
who is not named by any other author known to me^ but who was probably 
a descendant of Abulghaii as a rival to Shir^^i. We are told that 
Musi Khan had been raised to the throne before Shiighasi, and had been 
kflled by the Khivans, whereupon his sons had gone to live at Bukhara. 
Tiie elder cne had been appointed ruler of Balkh, and the younger one 
was now dected their Khan by the Aralians. This was fourteen years 
before, i>.> about 1707. A struggle now ensued between him and 
Shirghazi, in which the Turkomans took a characteristic part, receiving 
bribes from both sides, and returning home without doing anything. 
Sfaitghazi then had recourse t(f craft He sent the Uzbeg bi who had 
instigated the murder of Cherkaski and three other Uzbegs to escort a 
young damsel, to whom Timur was attached. The bi pretended he was 
Timur*s partisan, and washed to kill ShiighazL Timur trusted and 
rewarded him, and even consented to take his troops to a rendezvous 
^nteace Shirgasi vught be surprised. The bi now wrote to inform his 
real patron of what he had done, but his letter was intercepted, and he 

* IlicheU. opk citn 24. t Op. cSu !▼.# 204. | Fopof, op, cit., 267. 


ptid dearly for his temerity. HenMbdieadedwithysfoiircoii^Nuiioiis, 
and the heads were sent as trophies te the Khan of BoUiara,* and we 
aie told Timur twice attacked the town of Xhi¥a itsdf. 

Shirghasi lived a lifo of constant peril among his people, and 
apparently only sacceeded in retaining his position by the distribation 
of liberal hugess. He would have attacked Bokhara, hot his men 
would not consent, and he consequently tried to break its Khan's 
alliance with Tinrar, and sent him several envoys. He was in constant 
foar that the Russians would mardi upon him to revenge the murder of 
CherkaskL Peter the Great was at this time psepaiing a campaign 
against Persia. These preparations were thought by the Khivan Khan 
to be directed against himself and he warned the Bukharian rukr 
that the Russians would not wp9xe him if they conquered Khiva, and 
urged a common policy against them. Timor also informed Abulfris 
of these preparations, and was advised by him to receive the Russians 
kindly if they did not molest him. 

To conciliate Peter, Shirg^iasi determined to release the Russian 
prisoners in his hands, and he sei^ pressing invitations to Beneveni to 
visit Khiva. Meanwhile turbulence piwailed at Bukhara. ThediflSsrent 
chiefs became mere leaders of maranden, and one of them, Atalik 
Ibrahim, seised on Samarkand and set up Shirghasi's cousin, whom he 
had married to his daughter, as rukr there, with the title of Rcjim 
Khan. Ibrahim's influence attracted a large party to die banners of 
this pretender, and they laid waste the country in the neic^boorhood 
of Bokhara. Abulfais i^^pointed a new Atalik and ordered him to 
atuck the rebels, but he complained that his soldiers would not i^ 
and that they were clamouring for pay, and bade the Khan head his 
army himsel£ He dared not trust himself outside the town, however, 
and Beneveni was of opinion that if the Uzbegs had4>nce secured his 
perMm they would have killed him. One of their grievances, it appears, 
was the countenance he extended to this kaffir agent of the Russians.! 
After Peter the Greaf s campaign against Persia the Uzb^ became 
less hostile to the Russians, but the same event seems to have increased 
Shirghazi's jealousy still more^ and also his anxiety to have an interview 
with Beneveni. On the i6th of March, 1725, the latter wrote to his 
Government to say that Bukhara was in a precarious condition, that 
all the roads were occupied by robbers; and that the former ruler oi 
Balkh had retaken that dty and put the brother of Timur Sukan to 
deathf and he complainedof the terrible hardships he had suffned during 
the previous two years. He reported that Timur Sultan and his 
Aralians and Karakalpaks had twice attacked Khiva and twice pnsillani* 
mously withdrawn, and that his own efforts to leave had been frustrated 
by the intrigues of the officials. News now arrived dyit Rejim Khan 


was maitliiiig on Bukhara from Samaikaiidy and a general panic seiced 
Hie authocitiety during which Beneveni left the dty en r9ut$ for Meshed.* 
He had received several pressing invitations from Shirghazi to go to 
hfan. These he had hitherto evaded on the gronnd that he had no 
instmctions from the Emperor to go to Khiva, and that he had written to 
St Petersboig for them. Having heard of his approaching departure^ he 
now sent him another messenger, and Beneveni at length consented to 
go, but urged that this must not be made known to the Bukharian Khan, 
who would otherwise detain him. He left Bukhara on the loth of 
February, 1735, with a convoy of Russian slaves, merchants, and others, 
but he had to return again, as the Turkomans-had planted an ambush to 
waylay him. Shortly after, he escaped secretly with but four camels, and 
went towards Ehiva.t He sent on to apprise the Khan of his approach, 
and received a kindly message, and was offered a lodging in the house 
of Dostam bi, the Khan's favourite. He was told in order to avoid the 
tuspidon that he was ft spy, to dress in hb European uniform, and to 
trim his beard in the same fssluon. Negotiations were now opened for 
a treaty. The Khan's authorities excused the murder of Bdcovitch, on 
the ground that he had marched on Khiva with hostile purpose, and 
urged that bygones should be bygones. The Khan also ofiered to release 
the-Russian slaves at Khiva. A difficulty arose about the paltry value of 
the presents he was in a position to give^ and Dostam bi, it seems, acted 
with the usual Uzbeg rapacity. At length Beneveni was admitted to ah 
audience, at which the Khan complained of the ill-behaviour of the rukr 
of Bukhara towards himself, and how he had Housed one of hb envoys 
and sent him back, not to Kbiva, but to his rival Timur Suhan. Beneveni 
replied with diplomatic Uct, and seems to have created a good impreoion 

on the S^han.t 

The latter was suspicious of the motives of his journey, and was soarcdy 
reassured when told the envoy had merely gone to congratulate Abul&iz 
on his accession. He thought the Russians were spying out for a district 
producing gold. On the other hand, Dostam bi was very hostile. At 
this time Timur Sultan had defeated tiie Khivan troops, and was pre- 
paring to attack Khiva for the third time. The Khan was apparently 
much distressed, and Beneveni had his parting audience in the night 
He left Khiva in August, mccompanied by Subhan kuli as an envoy from 
the Khan, and duly arrived at the Russian frontier.! 

Khuarezm was at this time the great slave market of Central Asia, and 
as many as 10,000 Russians and Persians were hdd in captivity there^ 
and had to work in the fields and on the canals. They were sold hi its 
markets by the Kazaks, Turicomans, and Kalmnks.| In the year 17^8 
a plan was concerted among the Russian and Per^an captives to km the 

H Matter S«ml« Hist. N«€b.4f t«^« 


Khan and to rqilace him by the Chief of Aral (/./.^ by Tunttr Sultan). 
Rytschkof tdls U8 expressly ^ latter was of the stock of the former Khans 
of Khiva.* As he coald only master 5,000 men he conld not hope to 
conquer ELhuarezm without assistance, and he apparently gladly availed 
himself of the offers made by the conspirators. News speedily reached 
the Uzbegs of how matters were drifthig, and they fell upon the Russians 
before the Khan of Aral moved. Eighty of them souf^t refiige in a house, 
where they were beleagured, and caused the death of several of dieir 
assailants, but running short of provisions they were forced to nuke 
teims, and secured at least their lives. Two days after their surrender 
the Aral Khan arrived at Khiva, and finding the Russians had given in 
returned home again.f 

Our next notice of Khiva is in 1731, in the reign of the Empress Anne, 
when we are told Colond Erdberg was sent there as an envoy^ but was 
pillaged on the way and returned home again.! 

I do not know how Shirghasi came to his end, nor have we any more 
information about this crooked period <^ Khivan history. 


A few years later we begin to have a more detailed notice of the 
Khanate, and then find it subject to the Kazak prince Ilbars, whose 
parentage I do not know. When in 1739 Nadir Shah returned from 
India, Abulfaiz, the Khan of Bukhara, sent to congratulate him, and 
reoe&ved a courteous letter and presents from him, of which he informed 
Ilhars Khan, but the latter sent him a churlish answer, upon which 
Abdul Kerim remarks, ** You cannot make a damned soul enter heaven 
even by fbrce.'*$ Ilbars was a truculent person, and during Nadir's 
absence in India had ravaged the borders of Khorasan, an outrage 
which the great conqueror was hardly likely to submit quietly to. 

While Nadir was at Charbekr he sent an envoy and two Khojas of 
Juibar to Ilbars Khan to summon him to his presence, and apparently 
also to obtain the release of the Persian prisoners in durance at 
Khuasesm. When this embassy arrived at Khankah and Hazarasp they 
found Ilbars encamped there with 20poo Yomuds and other Turkomans* 
Kazidcs,and Uzbegs, an army whose strength intoxicated him with a great 
sense of his own importance. In his letter Nadir reminded him that he 
was oMster of Iram as far as Adem, of Basrah and Muscat, of Khorasan, 
India, Kabul, Kandahar, Balkh, Badakhshan, Kunduz, and Khulm, 
as far as die Siah Posh Kaffirs, and of Bukhara, Samarkand, and Ferghana, 
mad that his aims had been everywhere successful and favoured by 
heaven. It was necessary that the ruler of Khuarezm should also go to 

• A«., soS i Rjncbkoi, 1-19^ t Molltr, op. dt.. soS. 2 Micbell, op.€iti94i-*- 

I Scb«fer, op. dt., 96^. 


bis stinop, be dothed in a robe of honour and otherwise rewarded. 
He had not accepted his invitation to accompany him to India, and 
had thus £u]ed to share in his Royal largess. Instead of behaving 
amicably towards his soUi Rixa Kali Mnrsa, whom he had left in 
chaige at Meshed, he had oiganised several predatory raids of Yomuds 
and had ravaged the environs of that Holy City. Each time he had 
been defeated and foiced to retire to Khiva, where he had not been 
porsned, because Riza Knli had received no oiders from his father to 
march against hhn. Whenhe^ Nadir, returned from India, ^^accompanied 
by victory, the divine aid, and good fortune,'' and had gone as a guest to 
visit Abulfaiz E3ian, the most OhistKious descendant of Jhigis Khan, whom 
he venerated as a fiuher,it was becoming that this short-sighted chieftain 
(U., Ilbars) should have gone to his presence, where his past faults 
would have been pard<med and he would have been* duly rewarded, but 
iostead of going to him at Buldiara 3,000 of his Yomuds had marched 
against CharjuL They had been scattered like ^ the stars in the Great 
Bear,'' and most of them killed or made prisoners, and his anger had 
naturally been aroused, but Abulfaiz had interceded for him, and he had 
consented to send an envoy accompanied by two persons in the confidence 
of the Bukharian Khan. He therefore summoned him to his presence, 
promising him pardon if he went, and if he did not go he threatened ^ to 
tread under his country with his horses' hoofis and to hang his head like 
a ring from a gibbet*** 

When Ilbars read this letter he fell into a violent rage and ordered 
the three envoys to be killed.t* Hanway says two of them were killed 
and the third sent back with his nose and ears cut.J Nadir thereupon 
divided his army into two divisions and ordered one to cross the Oxus, 
while the other marched down its right bank to escort a flotilla of boats he 
took with him. The Persians speedily arrived at Hazarasp, where Ilbars 
and his peqple were planted. Nadir ordered his troops to pass Hazarasp 
by and to make straight foi Khankah. Ilbars noticing this threw himself* 
rapidly into the latter place, which was speedily bombarded. In three 
days he asked permission to capitulate, which was granted him. He 
presented himself with a sword and cord listened about his neck, and 
was kindly treated by Nadir ; but the sons of the Khojas whom he had 
killed having demanded his death, hb execution and that of twenty of 
his officers was ordered.§ Thereupon the various towns of the Khanate 
except Khiva surrendered. 

When Ilbars was threatened by the Persian Shah he sent an 
invitation to the famous Abulkhair of the Little Horde to go to hb help. 
Abulkhair accordingly went with a body of Kazaks and Uzbegs and 
occupied Khiva. At this time the Russian engineer officers, Gladishe^ 
Muravin, and Nazimof, had gone at Abulkhair's invitation to examine 

^actefertOp.clLvioi-M^. i id, t Haowir't Travels, tt., 395. I Schcfer. X99-6. 

914 BXgtOBX or THE lfONOOL& 

the site for a Rtusian fortress at the moath of the Sir, and had sarveyed 
the Kazak steppes/ Not finding the Khan at his aaap they went on 
to Khiva. On Nadir's approadi Abulkhair sent Moravin and some 
sultans with his submission, and asked to be allowed to retain Khiva. 
The Russian officer was well reoeived and given presents of robes and 
money. AbdUiair was ordered to repair to the great conqneroi's camp, 
where he should be treated graciously as a dependent of the Russian 
eo^iress, with idiom he wished to be on good terms. Whether suspicious 
of Nadu's mtentions or otherwise^ Abulkhair refiised to obey this sum- 
mons, and wiUidrew again to his 8teppes.t The dtisens neverthete» 
determined to resist the Persians who beleagured the places and after a 
four day's bombardment compelled it to surrender. Nadir having selected 
4,000 young Usbegs, sent them to recruit his army in Khorasan, and 
rdeased the Persian and Russian slaves. There were then 12,000 of the 
former in the Khanate. They were sent home and settled at a new town 
built by the Shah, near AUvenLI 


Nadir now appointed Tagir Khan, a cousin of the ruler of Buldiara, 
who had been his £uthful fiiend, as Khan of Khuarezm, and having 
arranged the affidrs of the Khanate returned to GiaguL His reign was 
very short, however, for we are told that while Nadir was engaged in a 
war in Daghestan, in August^ 1741, a band of Usbegs and Aralians 
sought the assistance of Nurali, the son of Abulkhair Khan, who marrhrd 
to Khiva, killed Tagir and some other chie£i, and occu|»ed the KhanateS 
The leader of the rebels witf called Ertuk Inak, and it seems they 
momentarily placed Nurali on the throng but having heard that Nadir 
was preparing an army to revenge himself Nurali left the Khanate and 
rejoined his Kasaks. The Persian army duly went under the command 
of Nasrulla Muna. Whereupon Ertuk Inak grew repentant, went to 
meet it to Merv, and asked pardon. Nadir granted this in coosideraUon 
of the 500 £authful Uzbegs he had with him.|| 


Nadir now nominated Abul Muhammed, the son of Ilbacs, who had 
sought refuge under the shadow of his banner^ to the Khanate. The 
brother of Ertuk Inak and other chiefe joined the Persian aimy, probably 
as hostages, while a number of prisoners were again released. Ertuk was 

*Ltr?Ua«,^.clt.tt9i. t/^tgs. 

IHiMredaN«dlrShah»SirWa.JoMi%Woria,39»-7. U^H$» l/i^SSS. 


ippoHtod fint mhiittw* tht Utttcr wst| howcvtXf thoiil^ After kflled by 
tone rabd Utbegs and Yomnds.* The Khan also teens to have (fis- 


The lebelt apputa^ placed Abidihaii, irfio Is called Abolgha^ bf 
Jooesi at their head The Peniaa geneml, AU KoU, now marched to 

iciHifl i^— >■ wnMnfi Ha deMated too YOBBBQS ^^^^ UrvBBia and medo ■'"**^ 
ledre to Mount BaOdian. We are told that haTing regulated the district 
and ghren a mler to tiie Khanate he returned to Khocasan. This was in 



In 1750 the Khan of Khiva was Katpi the son of Batir, who had 
previously been set iq» by a section of the Little Horde as a rival to NnraU 
Khan^t Hb £iAer, Batiri seems to have ruled over the Karakalpalrn In 
r75o an envoy named Irbek went to Russia to ask tfiat the caravans 
going to Khiva should pass through Batir's territoiy and not throu|^ 
Nurali's. He seems to have received a courteous but evasive answer.$ 

The same year Aichuvak^ brother of Nurali Khan« with a band of 
Kazaks made an attack on tiie Arahans, and carried off a large number of 
prisoners, cattle, etc As these last were subjects of the Khivan Khan he 
bid hands on the people of Nurafi then at Khiva, and in order to release 
them the plunder taken from the Aralians had to be restored*! 

As Kaip forbade his subjects to traverse Nurali's territory when visitii« 
Orenbuigh, the latter grew angry, and in 1753 ordered a Khivan 
caravan to be plundered, and oflered to subject Khhra to the Russians if 
they would send him loyooo men and some artillery. The latter refiised, 
and insisted on the captured nterchandise being restored to its owners.^ 
Notwithstandingthose good offices Kaip,in i754falloweda Russian caravan 
to be detained at Khiva, and it was only rdeased a year later. TheKaiaks 
under Erali sultan asked permission to punish this, and strangdy enough 
Kaip at this time having sent an envoy to the Russian authorities the 
latter proved ^thless to his master, and reported that the Uibq[s wished 
to be rid of him, and asked the assistance of the Russians to help them. 
The Russians would not act directly, but allowed Nurali Khan and his scm 
Erali to undertake an expedition on their own account, and promised to 
ransom the latter if he was captured. The chie£i of the Little Horde 
thereupon summoned a council to discuss the matter, but having asked a 
Khoja for his blessing on the undertaking, he turned round on them 

*M,57S. tA^id69. X LtTelii]ie,2Z9. |/i^,ai9*3te. lfkbtn*0(.citMS4t. 

|L«Tchiat,aaa. f/(A,a23. 


and forbade it* Eventually, at what date is unoertaiiit Kaip ivas 
driven out by his own people for his rapacity and cmdtyi and once moie 
went to live among the Kazaks of the Little Hordc^t and he took part in 
the various attacks made by the Kazaks on the Toignts during their 
famous flight in 17704 He was subsequently dected Khan by a section 
of the Little Horde. This was in 1786.$ He married a daughter of 
Abuliaiz, Khan of Bukhara,|| and died about the year 1791.Y 


We must now try and realise the strange form of government that 
ensued at Khuarean. Probably on account of the hard tieatment whidi 
they had received at iht hands of their Khans, the Uzbegsseem to have 
determined to control their authority very considerably, but as it was a 
matter of conscience with them to be nominally at least superintended by 
a sdon of the house of Jingis Khan, they, on the death or removal of 
their soverdgn, sent for a fresh one from anu>ng the Kazaks or Kara- 
kalpaks, who preserved the Imperial strain among thent These sovereigns 
were merely titular rulers, however, and the real authority was m the hands 
of the Inaks, or prime ministers, who were the senior bis of the Uzbeg 
tribe of Knnkurat, or Kungrad, the most aristocratic among the Usbegs as 
it was among the contemporary tribes of Jingis Khan. These Ins hdd die 
hereditary post of Inak and were governors of Hazarasp. They became 
in fact, the Mayors of the Palace, to the Rois fidneants, and thus it came 
about that both at Bukhara and Khha there were at this time and during 
the rest of the century double sovereigns, one titular and the other real 
The Khan himself, the titular sovereign, was kept in seclusion with his 
family. He was fed on dainty food, and dressed in robes of gold 
brocade. Every day the Inak and grandees had an audience with him, 
and he neveracted without the intervention of the former. Every Friday 
the courtiers went to the palace, where the Inak sat beade the Khan, 
and when the time for prayer arrived he assisted him to rise and sup- 
ported him on his way to and from the Mosque* 

After some years the Khan was generally exiled, and another one sent 
for. As Abdul Kerim says, it was a system of playhig with a Khan.** 

The earliest of these Inaks mentioned by Muravief was Ishmed 
bi-tt He was succeeded by his son, Muhammed Amin, who became 
Inak in 1755, and continued to fill that post for seventeen years. 
During his admimstration the Khanate prospered. It had no 
coins, and the Khutbeh was said in the name of the nominal Kasak 

|Mf]rea4lori;o^dt,uS» f LtTclUM»a8s. ** S€helir,op«dt,i79MidtSo. 


KbaiL The motty of BhUmuk and Penia w«i used ikcre/ On his 
ttal, Mubammed Amki had the phtaia : ** Thaidu to God, tba prophet 
has a slave on whom he may rely.* H« was on tenae of close fiiendshtp 
with the Atahk Daaial hi of Bokhara, with wiMMOn he onoe songht refuge^ 
aid who assisted him to regaia his anthofity in Kh o a r eg m . I do not 
know the names of the Khans who occupied the titular throne after the 
eriotion of Ka^ Mithawmed Amtn was succeeded as Inak by his son 
Ivasi who is descdbed as a person of great sagacity^ and ju the same 
time simjdidty of character^ tool the Khanate seems to ha^ safiered 
considerable decagr hi his hands. The Yomnd Tttricomans^ who 
generally brake oot into revolt at each dumge of Khan^ rsfosed to 
obey hhn as did those of Mangnshlak and the Kaaaka. The Kunkhrats 
of Aral, nnder their leader Tordi Sufi, who was a eriatiire of his, also 
nfnsed to obey him«t 

During Ivas Inak's jrole, Khuarean was viitod by liahraud Shah, of 
Ad^iaaistany idio was then a fugitive^ He received him with great 
honour, set apart a hufe sum and bountUul prorisioas for his entertain- 
mant, and had a daily faiterview widi hhn«t AJBtsr living thera four 
months Mahmud went to Asterabad, and was accompanied there by an 
escort of various noraades supplied by Ivaz.{ 

It was during tiM Uttter's rule ahM>, that the Russian doctor Major 
BlaniBennMKei visiteQ Knoaresas* 

He arrived at Khiva in October, 1793, and was confined closely in a 
house near die town. A few days lata: he was sent to see Fazil bi, who 
had grown blind.| Abdul Kerim says FaxU was Muhammed Amin's son 
and the brother of Ivaa Inak, and that his fedier and brother always 
consulted him on grave matters. He also tells us he became blind when 
old; that he was still living hi x8i8; and had built a splendid mediesseh at 
Kbhra^T Blankennagel soon saw the case was neariy hopeless. He was 
charged with being a chariatan and a ^y, and some were for killing hmi, 
but after an hiterview with his patient matters became more comfortable^ 
and he was invited to sUy the whiter.^ His medicine luckily produced 
a strong reaction m the old man, and he got much beUer, which secured 
a great xeputaticm for the Doctor, who soon had as many as joo patients. 
As he prescribed to them for nothing he speedily won over a Luge 
number of partisans. They at length allowed him to leave the place^ 
and prvsented him before he did so with a kaftan, belt, asp, horses, and 
ninety pieces of money, and also gave his omipattions kaftans, but they 
appropriated the good horses he had taken with hhn and gave hnn some 
very inferior ones in exchange. Hedespaired of persuading the Khivans 
to trade more fiedy with Russia at MangusUak, and found them very 
jealous of her approach. He tells us the whole population of the place 

'•Of.dt,i76-y. tAfHiSa. I /l, St and 55. IM^SS* 

I Voract. ftc, as. f Uilitler, stS, ** BlwlMiiasoI. 86 aoS S^ 


w«8 not more than loo^ooo^of wlioni 41 per cent wen Utbegs, 15 Sarti» 
ID KankalpaW, 5 or 6 Yomodsi and therett tlaves. Tbeannycompriied 
•ome la^oooto is^ooomenyOf whom only about 2,000 had gonsi the rest 
being cavahy armed with swords, spearSi and bows and arrows. Ihe 
Yomuds and Karakalpaks were reckoned the best of the soldiers, then 
the Ud)egs, and testly tiie Sarts. 

Hie Khan when Blankeonagd was at Khira was Abolghasi, son ef 
Kaqx He is mentioned by Levchine^ who tells us Kaip left two sons, 
Abnlgfaazi and Boikao,* and from his account he seems to hate also 
controlled a section of the Little Hordct Blankenaagel tells ns the 
Khan was kept in sednsioni and only shown three times a year to the 

Ivas Inak died in 1219^ f>., i8Q4.t 

On the death of Ivax his eldest son, Kuth Murad Bek, was 
pointed oat as his successor by the suffirages of the people and of his 
brother^ but he would not accept the honour and resigned it in fiivoor 
of his brother Ihasar, and he was unanimously proclaimed Inak. For 
six months he duly paid his daily devoirs to the Kazak Khan who ruled 
at Khiva, when one night he summoned his brother, Kutlugh Mcrad, 
and reminded him that Timurlenk, Nadir Shah, and Muhammed Rahim 
of Bukhara were none of them Khan's sons, but men hke themselves 
who had earned their own fortunes. *' Thanks to God,' he coutinuedy ^ I 
have judgment, courage and soldiers. How much longer must 1 support 
this puppet ? I wish to become Khan mysdf, and ask your advice. I 
will give the Kazak Khan a sum of money, send him home, and then 
rid myself of the Yomuds.** Kutlugh Murad approved of this view, 
and duly recited the feUiha. The next day Ikazar had the Kazak Khan 
led out from the fortress and sent back to his own people. 


Iltazar told the departing Khan he was going to send for another to 
fill his places bat he proceeded to ridse and equip a considerable force^ 
and soon had a body of loyooo Uzbegs by him clad in armour. He then 
summoned the ulemas and other religious notables, the ataliks, inaks, 
etc, and tdd them he had himsdf become their ruler and they had no 
longer any need of a Kazak Khan. All present assented and called down 
divine blessings on him except Bek Pulad, the Atalik of the Uighur 
tribe. The lauer said, ^This conduct is not worthy of you. Imitate 
the example of your father and ancestors. It may not be God*s pleasure 
that you should bring so grave a matter to a happy conclusion.'' But as 

*0p.dt.,sB5. fld,,^, |S€lMler,zas. 


Um rtst wen ttnanimoiis he at length acquiesced. Thi$ opposition 
nikkled in Iltazar^ miad, but he posq;KMied his vengeaiice and 
distributed robes of honour among the grandees, the ulemas, and 
aktakali or eWert oC the tribes. His nam^ was duly recited in the 
Khutbdk9 and he was coografcubtod by the Usb^^ Karakalpaks, 
and TuricomanSy exoept the Yomudsy whoso rdU in the history of the 
Khanate recalls that of the janissaries in Tudeey. Iltasar busied himself 
in preparing his amqr* Every day a grand band pUyed before his 
palac^ and he had a tu|^ or standard made which cost i^ooo gold 
miskals. When he rode out on honeback he was preceded by twenty 
couriers) and he was surrounded 1^ his pnetorians and body guards. 
He now prepared a campaign against the Yomudsy who fived on the 
road towards Asterabad and Guigaiu Hehad one of these robbers^ who 
had plundered an Usb^ led round the madcet place by a rope through 
the nose ; and he told them plainly if they would abandon tiieir life of 
br^gandagei live at peaces and paythedues on their camelsy sheepi and 
crops paid by the other tribes^ they might have peace, if not they must 
take thek departure. Robbers by instinct and profession, they would 
not subnut to this order, and Iltazar mardied against them. They were 
attacked, 500 of them killed, 500 made prisoners, and the rest driven 
into the recesses of the desert. Iltasar then prepared an o^editum 
against Tureh Sufi, whose people occupied the so-called island of 
Aral, but he was unsucoessful, and returned to Khiva. He then 
wished to march against Bukhara, but Bek Pulad uiged that it 
would be very imprudent to do so. This aggmvated Iltasar's liiding 
towards him, and one day when the various amirs came one after 
another to the palace Bek Pulad was seised and cut. down as he left 
the audience. His family and trib^ the Urghurs, rose in revolt There 
were two encounters, and eventually Bek Fulad's sons fled to Buk- 
hara and several of their chief supporters perished. The rest, in the 
graphic language of Abdul Kerim, "secured the kind of peace hnposed by 
thewdfl** In order to secure his power for his descendants, Iltazar now 
united himsdf with the daughter of Akhteh Khoja, a seyid of iUustrious 
Imeage who lived at Urgenj, and whom he seised and married forcibly 
against her fother's wish. He then determined to attack Bukhara, and 
first sent an envoy with proposals id peace to the Yomuds, inviting them 
to return home again, and couched in very friendly terms, and offered 
them further an opportunity of pillage in his new venture. This 
readily won them over. They accordin^y returned, were granted lands 
at Urgenj, and largely increased Iltasar's power, who oppressed 
the pe(^ even more harshly than before.! In 1805 he marched 
against Bukhara. At this time Abdul Kerim was at Uigenj, on his 
way from Bukhara to St Petersburg as the envoy of the Bukharian 

910 mntQKf OF THB icomoLs. 

Khan. He fit once retunidd to Karshi and warned its governor of the 

preparations he had seen. He compares Iltaxar to a bat, which only 

comes oat atkl disports itself after twilight and retires again to its 

hiding place on the approach of day, and adds the tether graphic 

illostration, '^ When the fiorest is deserted by the limi it is occspied by 

dogs and abject foxes.''* A month later Utasar mfaged the environs 

of Bukhara and carried off soyooosheep and eevefal thoosand camds. 

Tiie Amir now awoke from the lethaigy in which he was plunged, and 

began to make prcparaticai. Meanwhile Utasar renewed his incursions^ 

and Mtthammed Ntaz t» was ordered to march agabit hhn with 30,000 

Uzbcgs. When Utasar heasd of their approacii he armed 12,000 men 

of the tribes Tdc^ Yomud, Salor, Chaudor, Amir Ali, Bozeji, Uzbeg, 

Kunkurat, Kankali, Manguty-aad otherSf and mardied along the Oxus. 

He speedily SMrprised a son of the Dad Idiah of Bukhara and 500 

foUowers, who had unwarily trusted themselves too ha. They were 

bound with ooids and taken to the door of Utasar^ tent, who witii his 

people had out off the retreat of the main army of Bukhara. The 

latter thersupon determined to attack him, and did so with sudi vigour 

that they were di s pe m ed and many of them drowned in the river. 

litazar himself gained a boat| but many of his companions clambering 

into it, it sank, and he was drowned. His brothers Hassan Muiad Bek 

and Jan Murad Bek also perishedi Kuthigh Murad Bek was made 

prisoner, while another brother, Muhammed Rahim, escaped and made 

his way back to Kkuarezm. The fiunoos tugh or standard already 

mentiened was captured, and i/xx> people of distinction were made 

prisoners.! This was in 1806. Abdul Kerini tells us Utasar strudc 

money but he had no time to issue h. It bore the inscription, ^ Iltazar, 

heir of the kings of Khmuesm, has by the grace of God impressed his 

name on the gold and silver.*^ M« Veliaminof Zemof has, however, 

published a coin struck at Kkuaresm in 1716 hej, t^., 1801-3, but widiout 

a khan'a name, which must have been issued by him. 


The news of the victory was received with great rejoicmgs at Bukhara. 
The prisoners were rdieved of their chains and pardoned, and the Amir 
summoned Kutlugh Murad Btk and his chief peoj^i who were rewarded 
with robes of honour. The former said he was the slave and dog of the 
Amir Hudar and ready to do his biddh^. A week later all the pris<mers 
were released f 

Kudugh Murad was nemhiated governor of Khiva, widi the style of 
Inak, and left for that place with die other prisoners, but before his 

•M.ite. t/it,iM. :/4^,x8t. |/^..167. 


anival tbe Khoafenniant had already installed Us yooiifer teoditty 
Muhammad Rahhn, as Khan. KnUuitb Murad acquifsccd in thb 
naminatioB and contentad himself with the posHion of Inak^ ind ditt 
imte to the Bnkharian Amhr sayiof he could not do otherwise than he 
had done as die people had forced his handf and ho^ng he would 
excuse him carrying out his engagement with him.* 

The two hrodieis now co n cei t ed m e amr c s lor restoring prosperity 
to the Khanatft. They organised an expe^itioa ag«h»t the Afalian 
Uab^gs, iHiich was not Tery successful, but dM boidsrs of die sea of 
Aral ware wasted* Some time after Ifahammed Raliim*B undo* 
Muhammed Rin Bek, revdted at die head of a band of Uighnra. 
They began to piOag^ but he was cultured and necnted. When 
peace was restored the Khan summoned sixhr grandees of die tribe under 
pretence of rewarding thenif but hairing got them into his power he had 
them put to death. Durhig the winter die Khan osganiaed an cg^editioa 
agahisttheKaxaksofCheUyiOfTMKaia»andefChnmeky.t Thetwo 
iotmer were ruled by Shbghasi Sultan, and the tiibes of C3inmeky, Jflbu, 
etc, by Build Sultan^t These Kaiaks had ibr many years inteted the 
borders (tf Khuaresm, and had plundered die camTans iHiich went dierai 
Muhammed Rahim ordered the Yomuds and Uxbegs to attadc them ; 
diey accordingly fell on the tribes of Oiumdcyahd ChMfp harried them^ 
and returned widi their phmder to Uigenj.{ The subjects of Shfagad 
Khan were forced to pay one per cent of their sheep iduch they 
annually took to Khiva. Shirghazi himself went there in 1819 and died 
iHiile Muravief was there, whcreiqxm Rahim nominated hb son as Us 
successor, in which the Kasahs acquiesced. | The next year the tribes 
of Turt Kara and Oi were similarly punished, and in the winter ^ die isle 
of AraV where the Kunknrats had been for so many years independent 
and whence they had made raids on the Khanate, was attacked. The 
Khuaresmians approadied it over the ice. Turdi Sufi M«ad still 
ruled over the Aralians. The strug^^ that ensued were apparendy 
indecisive iHien a Khivan fugidve who had hmg lived with T^ndi 
Murad deemed it a good opportunity to make peace widi his old 
sovereign. He and his son were the body attendants of the Araliaa 
Khan. They assailed him with thdr swords when he in» asleq;i» killed 
him, and put his head in a sack. They then took the grim trophy to 
Muhammed Rahim, who rewarded them and took diem into his service. 
The Aralians having learnt the deadi of their chief submitted humbly, 
and the Khan returned to Khiva with the family and treasure of Tiueh 
Murad and appointed his own dqiuty at Aral, while he married Sufi 
Tureh'S daughter.^ This doubtless greaUy added to his prestige since 
it connected him with the old royal stock of Khuarezm. According to 

^/A iIA,m» I/'^iSS* i/^.Z97* 

|UwtTto^op.du*sli. t/A,iiS-fi 



Munakff he also mtrried one of Iltaitx^s widowsi who was the daughter 
of a Seyid,and two other maidtes of the same aristocratic descent* He 
describes him as a monster of aufHty, and tells us how he had the 
pregnant Aralian women ripped open and their imlxmi dilMien hacked fai 
^eces.t His measures jnodoced at least tranquility, for those who were 
dangerous to him either became eriles or were pot to death. He also 
tittmped out brigandage and the arbitrary collection of taxes, for tHiich 
he adopted a fixed rate, and instituted a custom*house and ndnt where 
gold and silver pieces were struck.} 

In 1813 be prepared an expedition against Khorasan with a force 
rariously estimated at 13,000 and 30,000 and seven pieces of artHkiy. He 
invited the Tekke and GSklanTnrkomans to join him, but they refused. He 
dien turned to the Yoinnds,idio had recently snila^d severely at die hands 
ofthe Persians andwhogave an evasive answer. Nevertheless he marched 
on to Busrdi, near die Gurgfaen, where he met a Persian army under 
the command of six khans. The Persians were strongly posted, and an 
ineffDCtual artilkry fire followed. After four days spent in skirmishing 
the two armies returned to their re^>ective homes.S On his way back 
Muhammed Rahim foil upon the GIMdans and carried off many 
prisoners. He also assailed the Tddces, whose cultivated land he annexed 
to Khiva, and drove them to take refoge in sterile mountains, where 
they had to buy their grain at a high cost fix>m the Khan and to pay 
him heavy dues. A number of these Turkomans migrated within the 
Khanate and were given lands along the canals.| In this expedition 
his men lost many cattle, etc., but the value of the dead camds and 
horses was returned to them on their tails being produced.^ He also 
conciliated the Chaudor Turkomans who encamped about Mangushlak 
and who acknowledged fab supremacy. Many of them also settled at 
Khiva.** This policy was a wise one, for it secured a safe passage for 
his caravans and fw the trade of Khiva with Russia without the risks 
of the Kasak steppes. He also seems to have encouraged strangers to 
settle in his dominimis ; so that notwithstanding his tyrannical dispo- 
sition the Khanate greatly prospered, and in foct he may be said to have 
been its creator as an important power. 

Fraxer describes a campaign undertaken by Muhammed Rahim in 
Kurdistan, which he dates about 181 5. He took advantage of the^ 
disturbed state of Khorasan, crossed the desert, and bdeagured the fort 
of Deregus. The Kurds assembled from various quarters, and the 
Khivan Khan growbig anxious about his retreat entered into a parley 
and suggested that they should join hands and make conmum cause 
against the hated Khajars. Heraised thesi^fe and the Kurds withdrew 


meanwhile tending a body of well-anned men to attend him as a body 
guard. Their chiefs would not trust themseWes in his hands, bm they 
urged him to advance on Meihed, promising him their assistance. He 
in turn became suspicious, seised the horsemen diey had fitmished him 
with, made an ineffectual attempt to capture Deregus, and then retired 
towards Khiva with his prisoners. His men and camds sintered 
severely dnrii^f the retreat, and he also treated his Kurdish prisoners 
harshly, except their leader, Bedr Khan, who being a good chess 
pbtyer he constantly had him to pky with hhn.* Two or three years 
later the Kurdish chiefs being threatened with destruction by the 
Persians, sent an envoy to ask his help and offering to put their country 
in his hands. The Persians growing afiraid of such a coalition agreed 
to retire and make peace with the Kurds, who thereupon, not being 
really anxious for an Usbeg yoke, gave fresh instr u ct io ns to their envoy 
informkig him of what had happened and dedaring their unwillingness 
to expose Muhammed Rahim to the risks of such a canqMugn. He 
saw through their subterfuge and imprisoned the envoy, but rdoased 
him again on rec^ving a plausible message that if he would postpone 
h» expeditbn till the death of Futeh All Khan he might easily conquer 
such parts of Khorasan as he wished, and tint they would help him.t 

In the earlier part of his reign Muhammed Rahim had no qien war 
with Bukhara, although he seems to have (mkred the Tncfcomtos 
several times to piUage the Bukharian caravans. In die spring ci 1B20, 
however, he marched with a considerable force against the fortress of 
Charjuii which he besieged for a month. His heavy baggage and provisions 
were transported thither in boats. During the siege his people did not 
£ul to plunder the Tddce Turkomans, who nomadised in the neigh- 
bourhood. While the Khan was absent on one of these raids the son 
of the Amir of Bukhara crossed the Oxus and took up a strong porition 
in a defile between the fortress and the absent Khivans. Athreeday's 
battle ensued, which ended in favour of tlie Utter, whose artillery 
decided the day, but each side returned home after the struggle. 

The next year die Khivan Khan renewed his attack. This time Mir 
Haxiar went against him. His guns stopped the Khivan flotilla, the 
water on the Oxus being very low, and when Muhammed Rahim sent his 
brother, the Inak Kutlugh Murad, across the river against them, he was 
defeated and lost several of his boats and many men, iriiereupon the 
Khivans again went home. 

In 1823, being informed by a spy that Mir Haidar had gone against 
the Kitai KipchaVs, Muhammed Rahfan crossed tiie Oxus at Hasarasp, 
surprised tiie town of Vardanri, whence he carried off many 
prtsonersi and secured Chaidir, peopled by Khivans who had migrated 

• Pram^t Khawm, Apptidii, Stand ^ t/dl»tfl*4- 


from thflir own cooBtry. HttlMBOvenmatkecoamiyaf ftruKtrtksl» 
and retcnmed whhoot meeting the BuUiarian army.* He seems to 
have had some remorse in his huter days lor these attacks upon his 
co-religionists, and Bornes tdb us that on his deathbed he counselled 
his rdations to heal the differences with Bukhara, and before he died 
he sent an envoy to solicit the Amir's pardon for die qnands he had 
80 perseveringly promoted and the injuries he had inflicted on the 
comm e rce of his kingdonut 

In i8t9 General Yennok>f, the Governor of Geotgia, having determined 
to enter into rdations widi die Turieomans east of the Caspian and with 
IQiiva, organised an expedidon tliither. Captain Muravief was chosen 
to lead the expedition. He took letters with him from the Russian 
commanders. Having raited the Turkomans he afterwards landed at 
Krasnovodsk on the 19th of September. He describes with some 
minuteness the steppe intervening between die Caspian and Khiva, and 
die mannefs of die Turkomans living there. These nomades had been 
ocdered to pay half a dOa, or e^ finncs, to die Kbivan Khan for 
each camd in their caravans, and when he passed, there was mndi 
disoootent about this and a conference was to take place with the Khan 
at Ak Serai to arrange matters.! He speaks in enthusiastic terms of 
die fertility ci the land along die banks of the canals. He arrived near 
Khiva on the 6th of October, having been met outside the city by two 
officials, one of them named Al Chapar Alia berdi, who became his host 
widi die double motive of squeenog some presents out of him and of 
gaining the Khan's favour by becoming his eocecutioner if necessary. 
He was a Persian by l»rth, and distinguished by a lOQg beard and a 90^ 
prisbg greed formoney. Muravief was afterwards sent to lodge at afort 
named IlGhddi, a private stronghold possessec by a rich grandee named 
Khfljash Mehrem, who fdaced his femily and treasures there out of 
readi of the marauding Turkomans. Here he was kept a prisoner, was 
given tea, sugar, pila^ and fruit for his meals, and allowed to take 
exercise in a small court and garden«| 

He was kioked upon as a Russian spy, and a council was summoned 
to discuss what was to be done with him, where various motives for his 
joum^ were discussed and it was deteimined to keep him confined. 
It is strange to read that Muravief consoled himself in his solitude 
by reading Pope^s Homer.| At lengdi, after being detained lor some 
weda, during whidi the Khan was absent hunting^ and whose monotony 
was rdieved by the visits of various nadves prompted by curiosity and 
odierwise^ he received orders to go to Khiva,f n^iere he was lodged in 
dtt house of Mekfater Agha Ynsu( the first visier of the Khan, and was 
supplied with immense dishes fill of diffierent meats, with tea, suga^ 

*Batraii4 IIfbMi«ii,Mlrac«*tle,U.»So-69. tBiinMt.op.cit^U.»sS4« 


Vki Mt^* He tells us the Khaa worioed at nigltt snd slept ia the 
day timei Thus it came abost that he had to send the letters and 
piesents he had with him after nightM. Among the latterwere daqia^c 
and other cfath, lead, powder and £int% and sugar, and some ghtfs 
gQ^)let8 which were a rarity there. He also sent the Khan's bioUier, 
Ktttlugh Murad Inak, some presents.! He was at length tmnmoned to 
an interview, and having pat on his imifon^ except his weapons, be 
was preceded by certam Yessauls, or heralds, who opened a way far 
him throvgh the crowd, among whom, he tdls us, he heard the voices 
of Rosdan prisoners.! He entered through a handsome bride gate into 
a court yard surrounded with mud walls, where nxty-diree Kaiak envoys 
weie seated, waiting to take part in a feast, and who before leaving each 
received a piece of doth with which to make a kaftan. In a second court, 
idkich was die arsenal, were seven cannons widi their wfaeds, etc, broken. 
The tUid court was occupied by the coundL A fourth court, ruddy formed, 
contained die Khan's kilntka. Muravief was introduced in the usual 
fonn by a Rnssian mak^Ktor who had escaped from Siberia and had 
had his nose nNitikted.{ The Khan was seated in his kilntka, dressed 
hi a robe of red dolh which Muravief had given him, and £tLstened 
nmnd the nedc by a silvei brooch. His turban had a iHiite band 
about it, and he was seated on a Khorasan carpet. He was about fifty 
years dd, stoot, m and a half feet high, and it was saki that 
his horse codd not carry him for more than two hours together. He 
had a thin beard of a light odour and an agreeable hot, and looked 
more like a Knsdan than an Uxbeg, tgpwMLj on account of his light 
oompkdon, his compatriots having dark hair, and he spoke easily with a 
dignified manasr. He asked die envoy why he had gone there. The 
latter reified he had gone to tender the respects of fab master the 
governor of the C a o ca su^ to open up dose intercourse with Um, and 
to divert if posdble the trade from Mangtishlak, iHiicfa involved a 
steppe journey of tfaUty days to Krasnovodsk, whidi onfy required 
seventeen days journey across the desert The Khan replied that the 
inhabitanu of die Ibnner place were his subjects whOe diose of the 
ktter were subject to die Khajar rulers of Persia, and it would therefofe 
not be safe (or hb caravans to go there.| He* redprocated the 
frioodfy eipresdons of die envoy, said he would send bade some of 
hb peof^widi him, and dien retired Presendydie Khan sent him 
a robe of gold broade, an Indian scar^ and a dagger whh a dher 
sheadi. These he duly put on, uwdl as a kind of jacket widi diort 
sleeves made of Russian doth of gdd, while hb c^ was dumged for 
an inferior one which die Khan had sent hhn. He was then 
> """M > ed to another interview, where he was agdn cordially treated, 
a grey Turkoman horse was given him, and widi two Turiromans 

•M,iSi^ tid^tm. I/*,iyi. IMUtTS-s. IMiTf. 

%26 HISTORY or THB BI0M00L8. 

koldtng the stirrups and othert the bddle he had a triumphant mardi 
to his lodgings through the crowd.* Other robes of inferior qnalltf 
were given to his followers. Before setting out on his retom MacaTief 
distributed presents among the courtiers^ esped^Uj remembeiiag die 
three principal grandees of the court, the Meiditer Aga, die Knsh begi» 
and Khajash Mekhrcm.t 

Having purchased some horses and other necessaries he set oat oa 
his return by way of II Gfaeldiy and again remarks on the numbers ol 
Russian slaves he noticed in the crowd, who cried out to him to bring 
their &te before the Emperori their conmion master.! The Yntbashi 
and two other Khivans^ named Ashnaser and Yakubbii accon^anitd him 
as envoys from the Khan. He duly reached the Caspian, where a 
Russian corvette was waiting for them. 

The Khan's character seems to have been very moody. Abdul Kerim 
says he was generous and rdigious^ was fond of the ulemas, and was not 
a tyrant. After this abstract statement he gives us a more concrete one 
from which we may judge for ourselves. 

One of his ministers, Yar Muhammed, who had served htm many 
years, was charged by some females with having made presents to one of 
the Khan's wives, the daughter of Sufi Murad ; oUiers charged a young 
relative of Yar Muhammed's with having entered her i^panments. In 
vain the minister refdied that the young lady, who was but frmrteen years 
old, had gone to his house unbidden, and that he had given her presents 
to show her honour. He was seised with all his frmiily, thirty^six 
persons, young and old, down to infants in die cradle^ and they were all 
put to death, as was the daughter of Sufi Murad.| 

Bedr Khan described the Khan as most capridoos and as a 
perfect madman, one day loading a person with frivoors, at another putting 
himto death without any adequate cause. A good swordsman, q>earsman, 
and horseman, he says he was personally brave, but unskiBed in war. 
His troops also he described as brave but undisciplined, while the fortifica- 
tions of his towns were contemptible. The Khan's royal equipage was 
mean and poor.l This poverty is otherwise confirmed. We are tdd 
that the rations for the Khan's horses and wives were duly weighed out, 
and the latter were in the habit of sending the remains of their meals 
to the bazaar for sale, so as to secure themselves a few copecks for pin 
money, etc.f Mollah Murad AU, a Kurdish envoy, who lived at his 
court for two years, also describes him as of a violent and inconsistent 
temper, although not so bkKKkhirsty as commonly reported. He was 
quite ignorant or careless of the most commonly received international 
amenities. The characters of stranger or guest had no sanctity for him, 
and as he fdt he was tolerably safe from attack the slightest suspicion 

I PrM«r» 64 tod fs- 1 Blaakt«aaK«l»-ootc« 8. 


tectmd impiimiment, captivityy or deaib, without tr&l, exantlnartoai or 
appeal* On thii Fraser hat some philosophical (!) comments. Hesays: 
^ The laideSf description of iIm comnmnity and the narrow theatfo in 
whidi tlie Klum's character waa formed, the neeeuity of strong measvrsa 
to coerce sudi men as hb siifa|ect8 for the most part were, and to support 
a osnped authority with t^ ignorance arising from inexperience to com- 
past these ends by other means than those of rigoor and even crudtyi 
accoimt in some measmre for the capridons, inconsistent, and biood«thirity 
char a ct er of the Khan widioot neces sa r ily supposing anything unusually 
malk^nant in his dispoaition.'t 

Mnravief reports him as fo c m et l y addicted to debauchery and drink^ 
but as having become more temperate. He no longer became drunk 
and had but seven wives in his harem. Instead of brandy he drank 
vincfar ahd water, and he forbade his people to smoke or drink 
spirits under pain of punishment Besides his native umgue he spokd 
and wrote Arabic and Persian, and knew something of astrology and 
medicine. He wore a simple dreu made of Bukharian silk, and his food 
consisted of pilaf, of a kind of gniel made of buckiriieat, soup thickened 
with saffiron, and roast meat without butter.| Aldiough he had fixed 
liouses for his wives he spent most of his time in a moveable kibitka and 
was very fond of hunting and hairidng. During his absence his brother, 
the Inak, or one of hit fovourites controlled affiiirs.$ 

He slept little and diiefly during the day, and did his business at 
night, a scheme suggested probably by his suspiciousness, and he was 
very fond of watching people pby at chess.! On Friday his friends 
and the clergy met at his residence to say their prayers in common. 
He had two brothers, the Inak Kutbgh Murad and Muhammed 

The Khan bore the title of Taksir, /.«., ^Brror,'' probably with the 
meanixqr of oonector of errors; he was also styled Khan Khesret, Lord, 
and KhanKhoja. His powerwas supreme, and matters were arranged so 
that he and his fovourites could get iStut most profit possible out of the 
state. Any patriotism or care for the common weal was out of the question. 
Each mMXk*% kibitka or house being his country, eadi one strove to conceal 
his weahh. Fear of punishment was the motive power in the Khanate, 
and as this diminished with the distance from the capital so did the 
tyranny. In this community of slaves the Khan was assisted by a council 
whidi judged dvil causes and capital crimes. The council cousisted of 
hb finpourites and merely did his bidding, while it served to screen him 
from the popular mimnurs. When Muravief was at Khiy^ its president 
and state treasurer was the visier Yusuf Mekhter Aga. A San by origin 
he frivoured his countrymen who bdonged chiefly to the mercantile cbss. 
At he wat also of the d^endenl race he was more subservient than no 

*Pfttf«r.6s. t/A,fl^Mt«. |Op.dt»t|t. |M,t9t-3. f/^.tssa. 


Uzb^ would be.^ Tbe second vmtr, or Eath begi, was an Vthtg, 
and was well spoken <d for his resdntt and obliging character. The 
third offidali the Khcjash Mekhrem^was the son of a slave of the Khan ; 
be presided over the Customs. He was a Persian by origin and thiefly 
empk>yed his conqpatriots. The Sarts and slaves praised hhn whfle the 
Uzbegs hated bun; like most parvenus^ he crouched before his master 
and was arrogant to those over whom he had andiority. He was rich 
and. retained theKhan's good favour by continiial presents. He was no 
however a member of die coundL The most potent members of it were 
Rahim's brother Kutlogh Morad and the Eazi or head of the Faith* The 
ministers of reUgion had their authority sharply controlled, and Mumvief 
says '' they had merdy the unHmited ii|^ to appeal to God for his blessinf 
and pity on die Khan and other true bdievers."t At die council also 
assisted the heads of thefour Usbeg tribesi who sat according to seniority, 
but their position was merely an honorary one» The council met weekly 
on Fridays in a hall with a thatched roof, with a round opening to die 
sky, and without windows or floor. It was dignified widi the name of 
Ghemush Khanah or HaH of Secret Audience.! The Khan generally 
presided and die sittfaig began with a mealed jrilaf* The members of the 
council received no reguUr pay, but had concesskms of land or die right* 
to dig canals. The local courts were presided over by inferior Kasis. 
Among the punishments in vogue were hanging by the foet until death 
ttisued, and impalement, which was rendered more cmd by the prisoner 
being first pinioned, and when the stake was in his body his 1^ and aims 
bemg loosened.) The bastinado was fredy used, and in some cases, as 
for instance as a punishment for soioking, the moudi was dit open on 
either side as for as the ears; infidds were buried alive so that dieir blood 
might not soil the sacred land, and Muravief dedares that Bdcovitch 
was himsdf flayed dive and hb skin made into a dram cover. Slaves 
were too vahiable to be killed aid were punidied by being mnrilated, 
nailed to the door post for a vdiOe^ etc. These diabolical omdties prove 
what a chamd house and focus of brutality the Khanate was and how 
necessary that it should be tian^led under. Among the Khanfs 
favourites, who were nearly all foreigners, much to the chagrin of die 
lordly Uzbegs, was afoglUvefrom the borders of China and a Russian 
renegade. TIm latter was styled Tangri Kuli, i>., servant of God.! 

The money current in the Khanate consisted of gold tiUas, silver 
tengas, and copper puis; Bukharian, Persiani and even Dutch cohi 
was also current, and Uuravief says that in the ruins of Old Urgent 
sacks of money often occurred which were daimed by the Khan as 
treasure-trove. The Uzbegs and Turkomans paid no taxes, but in lieu 
of them gave military service and fumidied themsdves. The latter 

•id^^n-^ t/^JM. 190). i/(l.iS»i |M»9Q9-«' 


In fact received sUte pay. The most important tax was the house or 
cauldron Ux, which was collected by the elder of each dan or family, who 
was an elected official. Besides the produce of the royal demesnes, which 
were culthratcd by his slaves, the Khan drew a tax from all sales of 
gndn ; the price of this be also insisted upon fixing. He was also the 
owner of several canab whose water he farmed out. All articles 
entering the Khanate paid customs duty and all shops a licence tax. 
In case df ndds or barantas made on Persia, etc, the T\urkomans 4nd 
otters had to surrender one-flMi of their plunder to the Khan.* He also 
diew a large revenue from the presents made to him by those expecting 
favours or protection. 

The Sarts were the chief merchants, and with them trade meimt the 
art of deceiving and cheating. Muravief calculates the state revenue at 
4,000,000 francs annually. There was little opportunity for amassing 
money, as the Khan had to secure his position by continual largess. Kb 
diief wealth consisted in precious stones, horses^ and cannons. Muravief 
describes in detail die producu and commerce of the Khanate. In die 
slave market Russian men obtained the largest price, but their women 
were not so costly as those of Persian blood.t The best proof of 
the unsettled condition of affairs was the number of forts scattered 
about the country, where the great proprietors maintained garrisons to 
protect thefar labourers and produce from sudden attacks of robbers. 
These were generally square and made of earth, and contained a 
reservoir of water, dwellings, mills, oil presses, stables, shops, etc 

The Khan had several hunting lodges fortified in the same way, die 
chief being Akserai, Mai Jenghil, Khan Kalassi, etc} There was no 
regular army, and the general levy of Uzbegs and Turkomans consisted 
of about 12,000^ which could be doubled in case of necessity by arming 
the Karakalpaks and Sarts. This army was ill-organized and disciplined 
bat the men were unsurpassed as skirmishers or scouts. As it consisted 
entirely of cavalry it could only fight on level ground, and was much 
embarrassed when attacking fortifications. It received no pay, therefore 
a month or six weeks was ahnost the limit during which it could be kept 
under arms. The Khan maintained a cannon foundry, overlooked by a 
Turk from Constantinople. The guns were served by Russian prisoners. 
I must remit my readers to the narratives of Muravief and other recent 
travellers for an account of the manners and customs of the inhabitants 
of the Khanate, and must now on with my story. Muluunmed Rahim 
died in 1341, i>., 1835. ^- ^^ Zemof has published one of his coins, 
on which he styles himself Muhammed Rahim Behadur Khan, and 
which was struck at Khiva in 1236 hej, /./., 1820-1. Other cdns with 
other dates are extant $ 

* /^., SS3* t /t/,, 94*- I /^ 350. 

^ Coint of BokhAra, ttc 




Mohammed Rahim was socceeded by his ddett sob, AUah Knli, wiio, 
havmg reoeived a well filled treasury, soon began to dissipate it in a war 
widi Bokhara. The Kazaks, y/rbo had been returing south before the 
Russian advance, were claimed as subjects both by Bukhara and Khiva, 
and there were perennial struggles betwem them ; aad we aie told that 
even when Khiva was threatened by the famous armament under 
General Perdflski, the Bukharian Amir extended his forays as £u: as 

In 1832, Allah Kuli marched with all his army to Merv, and levied 
contributions from the Tekke Turkomans. He fixed a custom house 
there and at Sirakhs, where the Salor tribe had its camp, and he 
afterwards levied duties on the caravans which passed those places. 
The road from Khiva to Merv is over a very sterile country, and the 
Khivans had to dig wells a^ every stage of their march. The Khan 
connumded the expedition in person and gave out that he had marched to 
oppose the Shah Abbas Murza, who threatened him from Meshed. He 
took a vast number of cameb with him, and 2,000 of these beasts 
perished /w r^u/i. 3umes says that in Rahim Behadur's march over the 
same country he had had to leave his guns on the road, and that one still 
remained there when he wrote^t It was doubtless on this occasion that 
the Khan captured the fort of Muzderan, razed its fortifications, and 
transplanted its inhabitants. A lazge number of them took refuge in a 
cave, "and,** says Bumes, "as they issued like bees from a hive they 
were put to death, or sent in perpetual exile across the deserf't 

Bumes, on his return to Persia, went past the Khivan camp on the 
Murghab. The Khan himself had returned to Khiva a few days before. 
Before they reached the camp a Yuzbashi with some attendants visited 
the caravan to exact the dues. Bumes describes him as an elderiy man 
with a large tilpak stuck on his head. He was received with obsequious 
politeness by the merchants, who presented him with tea and tobacco^ 
silks, cloth, raisins, and sugar, and then displayed their merchandise; 
" Every person made an ofiering,'' he says, "and we sent two handfuls of 
raisins and a bit of sugar as our homage.**} The Yuzbashi demanded 
the usual tax of one in forty, refrained from opening the bales and 
accepted their statements as to the contents, invoking the wrath of the 
Khan, his master, upon any one who dared to deceive him.| The total 
dues amounted to 200 golden tillas, and the merchants escorted the polite 
publican to his horse. On reaching the Uzbeg camp they found a party 
of 350 Turkomans just setting off on an alaman, and heard the Yuzbashi 
give them his parting blessing, " Go and bring the Prince Royal of Persia, 

* Vambery't Bukhara, 377. t BorDM*t TruTelt, i., 583.6. I Op. dt., U., 70. 

I Op. cit.. iL, 30. I /d. 


Abbas Murza himself^ to the feet of the Khan Huznit/* he said. The 
cararan went past Sirakhs, the headqamten of the Salor Turkomans 
who paid a sparing and doubtful allegiance to Khoareim and Persta, 
and at tiiis very time detained a Persian envoy in chains, while they 
refused to grant a share of the transit dues to the Khan, t 

At SirakhSy Bumes met the alamans on their return. They dropped 
in, he says, by twos and threes, with their horses lame and jaded, and by 
evening upwards of a hundred had arrived. They had made a descent 
on Meshed four days before, about ten in the morning, and had ridden right 
up to the walls of the town, driving men and anhnals before them. They 
were not opposed, and yrhta a few miles from the city having counted 
their gains found they had 115 human beings, 200 camds^ and as many 
cattle with them. They had already divided the booty, one-fifUi being 
given to the Khan of Uigenj. Bumes appositely compares these raids 
made in the name of religion against the heretic Kirilbashis with the 
similar raids made by the Spaniards upon the Mexicans and Peruvians, 
where the botcheries of the natives were defended and even blessed by 
the priests, and where the King of Spain was also presented with a fifth 
of the spoil} 

Let us now turn to the intercourse between Khiva and Russia. At 
this time there was a very thriving trade carried on by the caravan route 
leading from Bukhara by Urgenj and Mangushlak to Astrakhan. About 
iS20^ dnrhig the late Khan's reign, when Khiva and Bukhara were at 
war, the Russians tried to open a new trade route by the eastern shores 
of the Sea of Aral The route having beoi surveyed and found prac- 
ticabte a caravan set out duly escorted by 500 soldiers and two guns. It 
seems the Khivan Khan was afraid that this contingent of troops might 
be used against himself, and sent word to the Russian commander that he 
could not allow reinforcements for the enemy to march across his territory, 
bttt that the Russians were free to go to Khiva whenever they pleased 
and he p ro nds ed them his protection there. The Russians disregarded 
this message and tried to force their way, and when the Turkomans and 
Kasaks assailed diem they stockaded themsdves. They had not much 
<Mculty in defeating their nomade opponents, but they had to retire 
eventnatty after burning and losing their merchandise.} This aroused 
an ffl feeling between the two countries, and led to mutual raids being 

The Russians had been long suffering enough, crowds of their country- 
men were hdd in bondage in Khiva, and their caravans were being 
constantly plundered. At length, in 183$, they determined to build a 
fort to command the landing places at Mangushlak and to overawe the 
Khkass. This greatly irritated Allah Kuli Khan, who threatened to 
make reprisals, and a party of lao Russians having soon after gone out 

•/ii,3Saad39. t/A.9i. lltt*,^ ^ BtrnM, i.. 428. 


reconnoitring they were captured and sold as slaves at Bokhara aad 

Khokand, notwithstanding the remonstrance of the Emperor. In 1836 

the Emperor Nicholas ordered an embargo to be laid 00 all KhifMi 

merchants at Orenburgh, Astrakhan, etc, and their release was 

forbidden unless the Russians heki in bondage were rdeaaed and 

depredations in Russia ceased. The Khivans returning from the Great 

Fair at Nishni Novgorod, who are said to have numbered forty-six, were 

accordmgly detained in August, 1836; and General PerofsU, the 

Governor of Orenbuigh, wrote to the Khan to tell him that his actioiis 

were bad, that bad seed produces bad fruit, that he nrast return the 

prisoners, cease his life of raiune aad intcifering with the Kasakst and 

give the Russians in his country the same privileges accorded to Khivans 

in Russia. In January, 1837, an envoy arrived to say the Khan was 

ready to release the Russians if the Khivan traders were allewed to go 

and the fort of Novo Alexandrofidc was rased* The latter demaad was 

ignored, and in regard to the former the release of the OMrchaats was 

promised when the Russian prisoners should be set free. In November 

of the same year Kabul U, whose son was among the detained Kldvaii^ 

arrived at Orenbuigh as the Khan's envoy, escorting twenty-five piisoMrs^ 

and taking considerable presents. The Khan also promised to send back 

others. It seems he was afraid he would be asked for the kun or blood 

money for the life of Prince Bekovitch and of the Russians who had 

died in captivity, and for compensation for the plunder of the various 

caravans. A reply was sent back that Russia could not abate her cfadms 

nor release the Khivans untilall the prisoners were set free. Afterwaitkig 

two years scarcely 100 men were restored, while in 1859 about aoo fishes^ 

men were seised on the Caspian.* It was therafore determmed to adopt 

more active measures, and on the 26th of November, i839^a prodamatioii 

was issued setting out the grievances of Russia-t In the beginning of 

1840, General Perofrki left Orcnborgh with about 6^000 infimtry, 

lo^ooo camels, and an aimy of drivers. The wfauer was choesa as aflford- 

ing a more certain siqiply of water. But the weather proved unusually 

severe and the thennometer fell to #0^ below sero ; snow was piled up in 

drifts, and a terrible wind swept over the naked sisppes. Several thousand 

soldieis were frostbitten and lost their legs and ams, and a .gnat 

number of men and animals perished before they reached >yd)uiak on tiie 

Russian and Khivan frontier.) Meanwhile, the Kushbegi left Khiva witii 

several thousand men to oppose the enemy. They found the snow $ foot 

deep and had to drive a herd of Kaiak ponies before them to open a way 

and then rode with a wall of snow on eidier side. An advanced body of 

Turkomans made a raid on tlie Russian cat^, but were belly pursued 

and lost forty of their men. The Usbeg general in a letter to his master 

described the Russians as hall^^tarved, pig-eating, idol-worrii^iping sons 

* MkbtU, S4^«. t/ifH54S. IF«rrkr,Ali|lM«,4fli. 


ofbftmtfiidwn. He spoke of them as soldiers in contemptaoas terauy 
and as the Khan coold easily dissipate them at any time he requested 
permission to retire to winter quarters to Kunkurat. His men had 
sofiered terribly from the frost— feet, ears, noses, and even men's tongues, 
iHiich were protruded while sleeping, had been frostbitten and lost.* 

Pero61d finding the elements too much for hhn deterinined to retire, 
which he accordingly did afrer losing the greater part of his army. 
This untoward event was not ungrateful ta the English diplomacy of 
that time, and Major Todd, who was then at Herat as agent, sent the 
Kasi Muhammed Hassan on an embassy to Khiva to draW closer the 
bonds between the two countries. At this time the Vizier Yaknb 
Mdchter was very hostile to the English, and the Kazi met inth a rude 
reception from him. He had an audience with the Khan, who reproached 
him for having introduced the English who were Kaffirs into a Mussul- 
man land. To this he replied that Allah Kuli had himself refused to 
assist his senior brother, Shah Kamran, and had forbidden his subjects to 
furnish him with provisions, and that the Bukharians and Muhammedzis 
had followed his example and joined the Khajars, whereupon the English 
came to the rescue with their com, gold, blood, and intellect to defend 
the ramparts which were crumbling under the balls ci Muhammed Shah, 
and protected the true Mussulmans against the heretics, and he ended up 
by asking who were Infidels, the Persians whom he had supported or the 
English who had protected the true believers, and might ere long be needed 
to stem the invasion of Russia.t At this point, seeing the impression he 
had produced, the "Kazi drew from his pocket a letter from Major Todd, 
and assured him that its words were so many precious pearls which he 
had woven into a wreath of firiendship, etc* It was contained in 
a sUken bag embroidered with gold. The Khan greedily broke the seal 
and read the letter containing the proposals for an active alliance against 
Russia. The Khan was much pleased with the letter and with the 
optical instruments and splendid arms which accompanied it, while Yakub 
Mdchter, whose insolent behaviour had reached the Khan's ears, was 
temporarily disgraced.} The draft of a treaty was arranged, and the Kazi 
set out on his return. He was waylaid near Merv by Niaz Muhammed 
Khan, ftkt uncle of Yakub Mekhter, from whose minions he escaped with 
difficulty. When the Kazi had reported the suctess of his mission 
to Major Todd that officer despatched Captain Abbott to Khiva. 
He was instructed to obtain the liberation of the Russian prisoners, 
and then to go to Astrakhan, and, if possible, secure the release 
of the Khivan merchants. Abbott set out in the spring of 1840^ 
^firectly afker the- disaster to General Perofiski's cohmin.( Eh route he 
sent on a messenger to acquaint the Khan with his approach, who found 
the latter seated in his black tent, whereupon he took off his shoes, raised the 


cmtJun, entered, oossed his haudi^ and said. Salaam Alikuniy and stated 
his mission. The Khan treated him kindly and sent out a lordly escort 
to meet Abbott, who was assigned quarters in one of the Visier's palaces 
ovtside the town.* Abbottenteredthedtyinhisembfoideredvnilbimaad 
gold epaolette% attended by the master of the ceremonies and a 
escort with beJesseOed bridles and handsome matchlock guns, who 
chaiged their pieces, and wheeled their horses at foU q)eed M^# ^xxtfltet 
He entered the town through a crowd of pei>(^ and then repaired to his 
lodgings. He was assigned two tillas a day, or tweoQr-etght shillings for 
his maintenance, which he, however, refused to accept, much to the profit 
of the Vizier4 He had pheasants, mebns, grapes, etc, for his meals, and 
fiured sumptuously. It was not long before he was summoned to an audience 
with the Khan, and he tells us the housetops on his way were crowded widi 
women* The palace, a poor brick building at a comor of the city waU, 
had some brass guns near one of its gates. Having entered an outer 
room he mistook the vizier for the Khan and duly saluted him ; he says 
he was a dark, high featured, long bearded man, who reminded him of 
the knave of dubs, and was dressed in a large Uib^ cap and a quilted 
chbti robe. He was first offered some refreshments, then after 
remaining for about an hour kneeling in the recognised constrsined 
attitude, he was summoned to the Khan's presence, presented his 
credentials and gifts, and stated the object of his mission as bdng to 
cultivate a mutual friendship between E n gland and Khiva, and doobdess 
also to thwart the ambition of Russia .| 

Abbott describes AUah Kuli, whom he calls the Khan Huzrut or Svpxtmc 
Khan of Khuarezm, as about 45 years old, of an ordinary stature and 
very agreeable countenance, and as having more beard than most of the 
Udbegs, due to the mixture of Persian blood in his veins. He says he 
was amiable and just, with a sound judgment, but with a hard dispo- 
sition. Major Gens says he knew Russian, which he had learnt from an 
Astrakhan captive named Phoma, f>., Thomas.| Like his coontiymen he 
was fond oi sport, and spent several months in the winter in hawking and 
coursing. He bad strictly but four wives, but, says our author, as he 
was an admirer of beauty these were occasionally changed, so that the 
total number claiming the position was twelve^ several of whom had 
frunilies. Their title was Babi, and they were chiefly ci Uxb^ race 
chosen from among the branches of the royal funily. The Khan's 
brother, Rahman Kuli, hdd the office of Inak of Hasarasp. He was a 
tan and powerftd person with a vigorous mind and nwch consulted by 
his brother. The Khan*s eldest son, or the Tureh, acted generally ^M 
regent when his father was away hunting, otherwise he took no part in 
affairs. Of the officials the Mdditer was the most important The 

« Abbott. {.,61.4. 1/4^.64. l/d.,67. ifd^n- 

I Bmt gad Htlatnta, Btitraft» i.»03. 


fomer holder of the office, Ytisaf bi, was remarkable to his humanitx 
and tale&t and had held the post under five successive monarchs. From 
respect to his memory the office was given to his son Yakob hi, whose 
incapacity and irresolution are inveighed against by Abbott The 
Kttshbegi had also succeeded his father in his office. He commanded 
the force sent i^ainst the Russians, in which campaign we are told he 
exhibited neither courage nor military skilL The government of the 
country was purely autocratic, the monarch himself transacting all im- 
portant business and giving special orders on aU important alEiirs, the 
prime minister, or mekhter, having little mem authority than an En^ish 
undersecretary. The Ku^begi, or Grand Falconer, who was commander- 
in-chief, discharged ahemately high military functions and the meanest 
of a civil character. Even the priesthood had small influence.* 

When Abbott was presented he found the Khan seated on a 
carpet and supported by several curiiions. He was dressed in a 
green doak fringed and lined with dark sables and showing at the 
waist a gokl chain; a large Usbeg cap of bUck lambskin was 
on his head, a dagger with a golden sheath in his bdt. The 
dark tent in which he sat was about 34 feet in f^'^^^^pf^n and 
contained no furniture but the carpet and cushions just mentioned; a 
fire burnt in its midst, and the smoke went out at a hole in the ceifang. 
The Khan, it seems, was devoted to smoking, which was said to be Ins 
only vice^ as he neither snuffiMl nor drank and had but four wives.t The 
audience over, Abbott sent a letter and rifie he had brought with him to 
the Khan^s brother, the Inak of Hazarasp. He also received permission 
to ride out about the place and send his people out as he pleased.! He 
was soon summoned to another audience iHiere he was questioned as to 
the relative power of Russia, England, and other £urq)ean countries; as 
to his ampacity for discriininating whether gdkl was ibuiid in certain Aeigh- 
bourhoods^ and as to his knowledge of medicine. The Khan had a sore 
ear for which he asked the English Ekhi to prescribe, and the latter 
prudently recommended him to warii it with soap and water and to sit 
£King the wind.! Abbott tiien urged the Khan to use his good offices lor 
the release of Coloiid Stoddart, but he regiitd that he was on tenns xi 
defiance with the Amir, who he said was a madman, and ended by 
ia^iking what ransom the Ea^^ish would give for him.| Soon after 
he had an audience with die Vizier and dis cus sed with him the recent 
Russiait expedition. He urged on that official the necessity of the 
rdease of the Russitti prisoners before the Khivans coukl expect any 
assistance from England, and was assured the Khan meant soon to 
rdease them alL The Khan now sent a messenger to the Amir of 
Bukhara to solicit the rdease of Cokmd Stoddartf 


In another audience Abbott presented the Khan with a map of Enrope, 
the names being written in Persian, and pointed out to him the interest 
England naturally felt in Central Asia from her rdations with India, 
and the necessity there was both for her and the Khivan Khan to 
restrain the ambition of Russia. He also explained her policy towards 
the Afghans, etc.* In another interview the discussion turned on the 
recent Russian expedition and the release of the prisoners. The Khan 
was evidently afraid of Russia, and produced a six-pound shot polish e d 
like silver which had been carried off by his people in the recent 
skirmish, and Abbot concluded from the effect of this shot on the Khan^ 
nerves that ** so long as it remained in the royal pavilion it would keep 
ajar the docnr oi reconciliation.'i' He now prepared for his journey to 
Russia, to secure the assent of that power to the terms for the exchange 
of prisoners he had arranged. The Khan suggested he should go by 
way of Mangushlak, as the district about Mount BaUdian wjis in the 
hands of the Yomuds, who were in revolt against him.) It is curious 
to find the Khan in discussing the power of various nations describing 
China as the most powerful of empires,$ showing how long the tradition 
of its strength survived in Central Asia. Abbott's departure vras 
constantly delayed on the plea that the Caspian was frozen and the 
steppes were deep in snow, and he was shari^y interrogated about 
various embarrassing matters— for instance, as to the Russians being 
idolaters, and as to Christians believing in more than one God. In 
regard to the latter point Abbott neatly escaped the difficulty. *^ Do you 
bdieve Christ to be the son (tf God ? ** he was asked. ''What do yoa 
cafl him ?'' he said. " He was the son of Huzrut Mariam.'* ^ And his 
fiuher P'' They could not answer this. '' But what do your books call 
him? Do they not call him Ru Allah, the Spirit of God ? " On their 
not having a reply he said, '^Will you exfdain this^the spirit of a 
spirit ? I will then inform you why we call him, as he called himself, 
the Son of God.*|| He was asked if he had ever seen the mountains 
of Kaf through the chink in which the first dawn shows itself on Bab ol 
Mandeb, where an angel stands whirling a fiery sword, etc. The most 
embarrassing questions were generally about the pig, and Abbott had 
to show considerate ingenuity to avmd confessions on this crucial 
matter. He did this by affecting not to know what was meant by 
Idiuk, <>., pig, and neatly turned the table on the Uzbegs by asking 
if they meant that animal with long ears and a sweet voice, the asSf 
and saying, ** No, we never eat anything so undean." The wild asi 
was an Uz1>eg delicacy.^ 

Sudi traps and pit£dk-were laid for him at every comer, and it was 
necessary for him to be cautious, for only shortly before, two Europeans 

*Id^^. 1/d^ toy I Id., 11^ Md.,117, 

I /4.» tax* i Id; 110. 


wko appeared m the Khanate without credentials were executed at 
Rn^rian Mfios, and the Khan dwddod over their &te.* The Viiier, 
who was a verf avaridovs person, extorted our traveller's watdi as th^ 
laasem of an A%han dependent of his who had been imprisonedy and 
other usefbl articles on other pleas, and he tried to thwart him in various 
wajs. One of his needs was what he called wanning medicine, a 
oophemism for brandy, which Abbott, who was a total abstateer, coukl 
not of coarse snpi^X him with. 

On one occasion Abbott was invited to a test at the patocot He 
was told to change his white tmban for an Usbeg cap^ probaUy to 
avoid scandal to the priesAood, who alone wore white tmbans there. 
When he entered the saloon he foand sixty or seventy people chiefty 
priests; the Sheikh nl Islam was at one end, &en followed the rest, 
kneding in a row, with dieir backs to the wall Abbott's seat was 
s^arated from that of the last of the priests by a meniber of the 
royal fiunily. He saluted the assembly on entering with the Salaam 
Alikam, and had a conversation with the chief MoUah. He arnnsfaigly 
describes the torture to his legs and ankles caused by the constrained 
position in which he knelt for a while, and how astonished the a sse mb ly 
was when he ventured to prodalm his pain and to change his positioB 
to the squatting attitude adopted by tailors. After ntting an hour fai 
solemn silence^ the Persian envoy entered and sat on the opposke side 
of ibt room, three places bdow Abbott's. He had gone to Khiva to 
obtain the release of 90,000 Persian slaves, equal In value to £^fiot>, as 
a return for guaranteeing the Khan from the Russians. Soon alter he 
entered, the Sheikh ul Islam pointedly asked him what those were who 
denied the titk of the three $rst Khalifs, f>., die Shias; and the 
enlbarrassed envoy, amidst the titters of the audience, had to say 
Kaffirs, a confession wkkh Shia casuistry readily excuses iHien made 
under compulsion. An hour after the Persian envoy, came the Inak 
and his cousin, the eldest son of the late Khan. Several long pieces 
of chintx were now brought in and spread on the floor; on these 
were ranged flat cakes of bread, then earthenware basins df mutton 
broth, with dumsy wooden spoons, swimmhig in fat ; and lastly, some 
poor pUa£i and cups of mixed butter and grape juice* Aftenrarda the 
doth was removed and cold water poured over their hands, when they 
dispersed.'t Among his greatest triumphs Abbott countM an order he 
(4>tained from the Khan for the release of twenty-two daughters of 
A%faans who were p r is oner s at Khiva, which was done as a peace offer-> 
ing to the Queen of England, while a double-edged dagger, with its Ivory 
hilt studded with jewels, a small head-stall for a horse decorated with gold 
inlaid widi rough rubies and emeralds, and an Ispahan sabre were sdeeted 
as presents for the Russian Emperor, The letters sent with these written in 

* M, 131. t AbMf • JmrMl. tj/S-t^^ 



were encwced in saroeait bags flowoed with gold. He obtained 
pemlssioii for a Russian of&dal I^Tisit Khiva to take back to Rxissia 
aU the o^itives he ooold find who wish^ lo return, on condition that the 
Khlvan traders wem released.* Abbotfs efttikts seem to have prodnoed 
some i mpress km npon tiie Khan. At Khiva military rank was^onfierred 
by tbe Khair himself, a commander of a thoisand horse receiving a 
dagger with a golden, and one of a hundred with a sihrer scabbanLt 
Abbott was thwarted at every step by the Mekhter, Who^ it woold seem, 
afietted to believe him a Russian wpy. In one of their angry conlecenoes, 
when he spidce about his destiny, Abbott suggested that this might be to 
lose Khiva to the Russians. ''Oh!'' he said fiercely,'* if we laUfightbg 
the Kaffirs We pass strfiught to paradise." " And your women,'' rallied 
the sarcasticofficer, ''what kind of paradise will your wives and dai^^iters 
find ia the arms of Rlissi4n soldiers ?" A repa r tee to which no answer 
was madct The Persian envoy left Khiva some days before AUwtt. 
In answer lo the Shah's request fbr the rdease of prisoners and promise 
of aid AUahKuli sent theboorish answer, "Tell Muhammed Shah that he 
is still a child, his beard is not yet grown ; why does he not first drive 
the Russians out of Persia? "I At his final audience with the Khan the 


latter sunwioned the chief of the Chaudor Tiu^komans who wandered 
between Khhra and BlangusUak, and who, having heard of the libendity 
of Abbott, wished to be his guides and ordered him to conduct Inm saColy 
to Mangushlak and then to obtain hhn means for the transit to Astrakhan. 
BeftNce he retired he reminded the Khan that as his dominions formed a 
barrier between two rival em^res, it.would be well for him to behave 
with prudence. '^ It is very hard," said the Khan in reply, " that they 
cannot find in all the world some other battb-fidd than just my dOi- 
mhiions."! His profiise liberality had left the English envoy very bare of 
money, and he ftuled to persuade the officials at Khiva to find him any^ 
so that he could not ransom the female sUves and others whom he had 
intended sending to Herat He set out irith a quaking step under the 
escort of the powerful and unprincipled Turkoman chie£ The rest of his 
adventures I must rapidly condense. The whole story of his su0erings 
is tdd in graphic terms in his very picturesque narrative, assuredly one 
of the most brilliant books of travel ever written. 

He duly reached the port of Guedik, where, however, he could find 
no ship^ this having been previously arranged by the treadierous Visier. 
He, therefor^ determined to go to Dash Kaleh, a post occupied by the 
RossianSf lour days fiuther south. His escort refused to accompany him, 
and he had to go on with his servants. Eh r9uU and within ten hoars 
of his goal he was attacked by a party of UriMgs, was seised and stripped^ 
and in the meke he lost two fillers and received a gash on the head. In 

*/il.«i#3. t/i/.,ll4. t//Mi7«. 1/^175. 

I z*'.. 179. 


this State he was carried off to a nomade camp some distance away, 
wittrt he was treated with great cmeltjr and his servants were reduced to 

Meanwhile Major Todd had despatched a most faithfiil A^han named 
Akhud Zadeh to Khiva with some money for Abbott, and Ferrier has 
described the loyalty and perseverance with which when he heard dthat 
officer's hit, although he did not know the Tartar language, and had to 
suftr great privations, he eventually found him in destitution. He was 
anned widi a special firman from Allah Kuli and speedily obtained his 
release. Abbott now made his way to the Russian outpost and thence 
to Astrakhsm, whUe Aldmd Zadeh returned to Khtva.t 

A report having reached Herat that Abbott was dead, Major Todd 
despatched Lieutenant Shakespear to make inquhies and to complete 
the negodations. He arrived there the same day as Akhud Zadeh and 
from him learnt the particulars of what had happened. He then pro- 
ceeded with his business and won a favourable opinion from the Khan* 
In one ofhis conversations with him the latter said, ''How is it your 
nation, which is so distant from mine, should wish so much for an alliance 
with me ?'' To which Shakespear neatly replied, ** We possess India, a 
vast garden, and for fear of a surprise we wish to surround it with walls ; 
those walls are Khiva, Bukhara, Herat, and Kabul^t The Vizier 
Yakub Mekhter, who tried continually to thwart him, having sneered at 
hhn for being an infidel, he replied tartly to that intriguer, ^ Which of us 
is the infidel— you, who, driven by insatiable avarice, daily put daves 
to the torture, tear the daughter from her fiather, the wife from her fans- 
band, and sell them to the highest bidder in you^basaaJrs ; or those whOi 
like myself, seek the deliverance of so many unhappy beings, and wish to 
send them back to their country and their families ? " The Khan, who 
Mi keenly this jibe, turned to the Vizier and asked him when he would 
cease to expose their vices to strangers, and to one who would make 
them known to all the world, and Yakub remained in disgrace for 
some days. To conciliate the Khan, Shakespear gave him a bill of 
exchange endorsed by the Kazi of Herat which was to be paid him if the 
long-delayed caravan was not released. He then collected all the Russian 
prisonen he could find^ to the number of 434, and hiring camels for their 
transport 'duly arrived at Old Urgenj, and thence^went on to Astrakhan 
and 8t Petersburg, where he was very courteously received by the Tzar 
Nidiolas and was afterwards knighted. 

Ferrier justly animadverts on the contrast between these rewards and 
the n^lect which was the portion of Abbott and Akhud Zadeh, who had 
prepared the way, and instances it as a case of the grim comedy of the 
world! Abbott himself, who must have been a singulariy amiable 
person, in referring to the same contrast, says that no one could ifiore 

•/^4S9. t«.43I. lU ♦//..433. 


intieaUy bear hardship than himself and no one was more deserving ci 
a laurel wreath than Shakespear. Among the released prisoners some 
had occupied high positions at Khiva. One, William Laurentie^ had been 
chief of the artillery ; and another, Ann Kostin, a soldier^ wife, had been 
housekeeper to the Khan. In July, 1840, Allah Kuli issued a prodamap 
tion abolishing the trade in Russian slaves and prohibiting inroads into 
the Russian dominions.* The English influence at Khiva was only short* 
lived. Meanwhile the Shah seems to have again pressed for the release of 
his countrymen. The Khan very naturally rqilied they had been boa^^t 
for hard cash torn the Turkomans, who could not be made to diigoige 
ndiat they had paid for them ; that many of the slaves had redeemed 
themselveSi married, and settled at Khiva, and if he attempted to 
send them back there wouki be an outbreak in the Khanate.t Thereupon 
the English once more offered their services, and Captain ConoUywas 
sent to Khiva to try and settle the differences, and was accompanied by 
Allah Dad Khan Papobye, an envoy from the A%han ruler Shah Sh^ja. 
At Meimeneh he met Akhod Zaddi, who also went with him. Conolly 
was wdl received by the Khan, but he refused to rdease the prisoners. 
After he had been at Khiva four months Y^ Muhammed, the Afghan 
governor of Herat, turned Major Todd out of that town and sent to 
advise the Khivan Khan to do the same with Conolly. Instead of diis, 
he presented him widi a robe of honour, begged him to consider Khiva 
as his country and the Royal Palace as his own house. As he could 
not secure the release of the slaves in a direct way he now proposed 
to tansom them, and sent Akhnd Zadeh to Kabul to suggest this to Sir 
'William McNa^^iten. The departure of that official, who, as the son 
of the Kazi of Herat, had great authority and who was much attached to 
the English, opened the way for $resh intrigues, and Yakub Mekhter's 
influence was soon in the ascendant The Khan speedily became more 
exacting asked for a subsidy, and also for English officers to <«ganise 
his army and to cast some guns for him. ConoUy made eacuaes and 
especially urged that such a policy would endanger the life of Colonel 
Stoddart The Khan became more and more disagreeable, and ended 
by letting Conolly know that he was in his way, and that he diould not 
be very sorry if he were to leave.t He thereupon made up his 
mind to go to Khokand to explore the route thither as he *had been 
instructed. His subsequent adventures I have detailed elsewhere.! 

MeaniAile the intercourse between Khiva and Russia continued 
imermittently. In 1840 Lieutenant Aitof returned to St. Petersburg 
before the arrival of the other prisoners, and was accompanied by a 
Khivan envoy luuned Athanias KhojaReis Muft^ who took a letter fior die 
Emperor and returned in 1 841. Thre^ other envoys followed him, but 
none went to the Russian capital^ One of dieae^ named Sfainar Mabmet 


• MidMU, «f . dt* 9S0> 1 Ferri«r,4S4> IX^4SS^ iAtUftT^Sn. 


Niaiy rtt«med borne with Ctptaiii Nikifon^, who triad in vain to 
negodtte a treaty. Colonel DanMefidd went to the Khanate in 1843 
and tocoeeded in maldnf the fint treaty between the two coontries. 
While he was at Khiva the Khan Allah Kofi died. This was m iS4a. 
Several oC his cehis, on which he stjrles himseif Allah Kali Bdiador 
Khan* are extant It is curioaa to find on these coins the revival of the 
old name of the Khanate, Khuaresm, which occurs on them as a mint 


Rahim Kuli succeeded his £uher in i&p. His reign began with a 
strugi^ with the J emt h id i i » an Iranian tribe living on the left bank of 
the Murghab, of whom lo^ooo had been transported to Khuaresm and 
planted as a colony on the bank of the Oxus near Kilijbay. The Sarik 
Turkomans who encamped abont Merv also began hostilities. His 
yoonger brother^ Muhammed Amin, was sent against them with i5/x)o 
men, but they suffered very severely in the terrible country that inter- 
venes between those two towns. As the Amur of Bukhara was at this 
time besieging Hasaraspi the Inak turned his arms against and defeated 
him, and concluded a peaoe.t Rahim Kuli died in 18454 M. VeL 
Zemof has published one of his coins.} 


Rahim Kuli Khan was succeeded by his brother Muhammed Amin. 
Vambery says he is looked upon as the greatest of the Khuarezmian 
Khans of modem times. Directly alter mounting the throne he marched 
^[ainst the Sarik Turkomans and after six campaigns captured the 
citadel of Merv, as well as a fort named Yoldten in its ndghbouihood. 
Scaicdy had he returned, however, to Khiva when the Sariks icbdled 
and killed the officer he had left in command at Merv, as well as the 
garrison there. He again fought against them and had as his allies the 
JemshidSi old rivals of the Sariks, under their chief Mir Muhaouned. 
The allies were successful and afterwards efftered Khiva together in 
triumf^ The Tddn tribe next proved rebelliods and he had to march 
against it, and alter tiuee campaigns, in which many men and cattle 
perished, they were in part subdued, and a body of Usbegs and Yomnds 
was left among them to ov e r a we them. A quarrel having ensued between 
the leaders of diese two co mfa gen u , the Khan had the Turkoman chief 
hnriedfrom the topofak fty tower at KMva. This exasperated the Yomuds 
agahist hhn and they alUed dienssdves secretly with the Tddces. I 

* Vtl Zmmi, ColM 9i Btkbtn, etc, 444* «tc t Vambeiy. Tr»vdi» jss-tf . 

^ mnoitT or thb momoou. 

I bare shown how die Khivan Khans bq[an to dwnhiate note or less 
over the neii^boaring Kazaks. TheKasaksof theLowerSiror Jaxartes 
afterwards became the d^ectsof rhrahry between the KhhroM and the 
Khokandiansi and when the hitter boilt aonie forts on that river diey 
received notice from the fotmer to demoHsh them. As dwjr did not do 
80^ the Khtvans during the reign of Allah Knli Khan boOt several strong* 
holds on the left bank of the river Kuvan for the collection of riaket or 
dues from the Kazaks and from the caravans that passed that way. Thb 
was about 185a* In 1846 the Khivans built their frontier fortress of 
KhojaNiazbi, so called from die name of its first govemor.t TheKhtvan 
rule there was a harsh one^ and the Kazaks were especially punished for 
the raids of Jan Khqja, who destroyed Bish Kaleh.t 

Meanwhile the RusslanSy who also claimed suserain rights over the 
Kazaksi were naturally anxkms about these encroachments, and Ihey 
speedily advanced then: foot also. In 1847 they boilt several forts in the 
Kasak stq^,$ and in that very year the Khivans lepfied with a demonstra- 
tion in its neigfabourliood.ll The same year the fort of Rahnsk orAraU 
was founded on the Sea of Aral This was accepted as a menace by Ae 
Khivans, who crossed the Sir to the number of 3,000, and harried more 
tium a thousand families of Kasaks owing allegiance to Russia. The 
Russians attacked and punished the marauders and rdeased the prisoners. 
Three months later the Khivans made a raid into the Karakom steppe, 
where they murdered many old men* carried off women and diildren, 
and robbed two caravans, but on hearing that Uie Russians were in 
motion they hastily withdrew. In 1848 they made several inroads across 
the Sir ; on one occasion 1,500 of them proceeded to pillage the Kaaks 
for neariy twenty-four hours^ while 300 Turkomans approached within 
gunshot of the Russian fort and visited their landing whaiC They soon 
found they were no match, however, for the troops of the white Tiar,and 
contented themsdves with askii^ for the demolition of the forts of Araisk 
and Novopetrovsk.1[ 

In 1853 General Peroftki attacked the Khokandian forts on the Lower 
Sir as I have mentioned.** In order toprevent the Khivans from ^viqg 
assistance, he made a demonstration towards their fort of Kbcja 
It was to oppose tiiis that, as I have said, thd Khan Muhammed Amfai 
sent a divinon of his army. At this time, however, the Rnasians didnot 
go beyond indttng thdr Kasak allies to scour the country i^jbit and kit 

In the b^innhig of 1855 Muhammed Amin undertook a campaign 
against Skakhs. The terrified inh a bitant s sent to ask asdntanrr from 
Feridnn Muna, the ruler of Meshket He quaddy maidiod to Ak 
Derbend, about 70 vasts distant, with 7,000 Kherasan troops, jyooo 
others and 10 guns. He sent on an advanced division of 500 men nndv 

«,3iS.i9. t/^,3«5- lA^JSo. fM,Ssio. 

t RoMiMiM ItnM. Ir, ns. f^^»3ft^ ** if i»tfr, |S3 Md •94. ttMMta,S» 


Mohammed Hassan* Near Sliakhs these were joined hf several 
handled others, and together they fell on the first Khivan division, 
deisatedtity c aptur ed six r^ i M?i if| and compsllcKl Mohammed Amin to 
retire^ The Khan had i^arstes^r pitched his camp some distance fiom 
his people^ and a volonteer firom Merv tifl b i e d to guide Mohammed 
Hassan to it. He did so, and succeeded in capturing Mohammed Amin* 
Out oC 900 Kh oar es mi ans idu> were near some were killed and the 
rest fled. The Khan was at once decapitated. The Perdans ^ee^ 
relieved Sirakhs, and the Khivans, who had lost their Khan, withdrew, 
losing many prisoners in the retreat; 370 heads, indodii^^ those of 
Midunnmed Amin and of fourteen of hb relations, were sent as a ghastly 
trophy to die Shah it Teheran, who ordered the Khan's head to he 
horied and a small mausoleum to be boih over it.* This mawsoleum 
was afterwards demolished because the Shah feared the Shias m%ht 
mistake it for the tomb of an ImaumZadeh^ and it might thus give rise 
to a sinfol actf Mohammed Amin was killed in iSss* M. Vd. Zemof 
has published one of his cobis, on which he styles himsdf Muhammed 
Amin Bdiadur Khan.$ 


The retreating army raised AbdoUa, the son of IbaduOa, the son 
of Kttthii^ Muiad, who was brother to the hst Khan s grandfother, to 
the throne. Scarcely had he reached the capiul when Seyid Mahmnd 
Tor^ a brother of ADah Koli Khan, who had superior claims to the 
throng in the presence of all the moUahs and grandees, threatened to kOl 
the new Khan. He was, however, imprisoned. 

Then the Yomuds, who had latteriy been so persecuted, intrigued in 
fovour of two other princes, one of idiom was apparently called Ata 
Murad.$ The insurrection was, however, nipped in the bud, both 
the young princes were strangled, and the Khan marched at the head 
of several thousand troops to punish their supporters, the Turkomans. 
They were prudently repentant, and their aksakah went to him 
submissively, with bare feet, and swords suspended round their necks. 
He pardoned thenit but two months later they again htg^ to 
rebd, and according to Vdiaminof Zemof, invaded the Khanate with 
i5/xx> men. The Khan marched against them, and a battle ensued 
near Kiiil Tdcer, in which the Uzb^ were beaten. Abdulla was 
among the killed, and his body was thrown into a common grave with 
a number of others.| A coin of Abdulla^s, on which he calls himsdf 
Seyid Abdulla Khan, and struck in 1855, has been published by M. VeL 

ly — 

« Vel. Zemof, CoiM of Bukhara, ttc, is^f. t Vtmhctf, Tnvtii, ssS, aolt. 

1 0^ cit.,4S4' I Vuiib«y« op. ciL, 39S ; MicktU, S3- 

I VMiboqr, op. dt., S5Hl Vel. 2oraoi;49>< H Coin of BnldMft, ot«., 454. 

944 msTCAT or THB wamsmx. 


The Khivans new laiied AbdoIU't brother Kntfaii^ Mwad, wImi 
oofy eii^iteeA yetn old, to the thfooe. Uebadfoofl^iBthelatebettte^ 
end been bedljr wounded uieve* He, liowevefy pv^peied to roeke bend 
egnitttt the YomodSy who set op Ins fittbet^ second cooein, IHas Mobnuned 
bi^etAinru. Tbey ovennn theinieneteyend ftbttgomnibfrof Ititownt 
Ml into tbdr hands. Meanwhile the Karakalpeks abo nbtSkd^ and 
nominated Yailik Tufdi as their Khan. Kndns^Moiadismedafenenl 
•ii"*«*^**« to bis people to maich against the Tinhemant, but these 
noomdes foiestalkd hint Their pfvi^ Niax bi, gained admissioa to 
the pakoe tinder pretence of paying bemage, and thereapen nmr der ed 
him and seven of his ministers. During the tnmnlt that Mkmtdf tiie 
Ifdehter ascended the wall of the ^tadely and amomicing the 
muder from the battlements called upon the Khivans to pot to the 
sword erery Yomnd inside the city. These Turioomans were thersopon 
san^^ attadced, and very few of them escaped. Vambery says it 
todc «z days to dear the streets of corpses.* Coins of this Khan, on 
whidi he styles himsdf Kutfaigh Mtirad and Mniad Mohammed 
Bdiadnr Khan, have been published by M. Yd. Zemotf 


On the death of Kutlugh Murad, we are tokl, the crown was tendered 
to Seyid Mahmud, the son of Mohammed Rahim KhaUi a devotee to 
opium, which rendered him unfit to rule, and in consequence he 
abdicated in favour of his younger, brother, Seyid Muhammed, ii^ was 
then thirty years okLt He began his reign by attacking the rebdlious 
Turcomans and Karakalpaks. He routed a body of the latter who were 
on their way fipom Kunia Urgenj to dispute his succession, in which 
stroggje Yariil^ who had been chosen as their chief by the Karakalpaks, 
was killed. A section of that tribe thereupon submitted to Bukhara.S 
These dvil broils caused great devastation and distress in the Khanatei 
whose towns were terribly desolated ; and while the Yomuds and Usbegs 
destroyed oae another, the Jemshidis from the Murghab plundered the 
country from Kitsj to Fitniek and returned home again with much spoil 
and s/xx) Persian slaves whom they had rdeased.|| 

The frontier fortress of Khoja Niaz, where blackmail was levied on 
the caravans going between Bukhara and Russia, was generally 
garrisoned by about loo men and several guns. Khoja Niaz, from 
whom it took its name, was succeeded as its governor by his son Iijan, 

* Vambery, op. dt., 359^: U Ichell, op. dt^ )3 ; Vd.Ztno&op.dt»499. 

tColM of Bokhara. •tc.454-s. X Vaabar7.op.dU36oi Mkbcll, 592- 

^ If icheU. op. dt., 34. | Vaoibtcy, 360-1. 

S8YID ntncAitinsn khan. 945 

wbo in i8$6 wtnt to Khiva with forty of the ganison. Thevm^oo the 
Kaiaks in the neighbourhood proceeded to expel the oflicen left in 
chaigei spiked and dnmounted the gans^ dtstroftd their caniagety 
and {dnnderod the Khiran property there. They loUowed op their 
toccess by canting dieturbances on the Russian tontier. Meanwhile 
the Khnkandians laid daime to the fort. They had twice taken it 
during the pitvioiis ten yean^ and the last time the Khivans had had to 
pay the Khokand Governor of Ak Mejid a large quantity of cattle for 
permitting them to return. The Russiane having now conq^red 
Western Khokandi natnially claimed a reversion in tiie forty and tent a 
detachment to occupy it^ but finding it virtually dismantled and situaled 
among raarshee and sterile wastes, with no water aad little Mi near, 
tiiey delermitted to abandon it again.* 

The disturbances which had so Jong taken l[>lace at Khiva c a us ed a 
Ihmine there. In 1857 this was aggravated by an epidemic idnch was 
apparently diolera. The same year the Khan sent Fasil Khcja, tte 
Shelkfa ul Islam of the Khanate, to St Petersburg to annooace his 
aeoesdon, his condolence on the death of the Tsar NichohM, and bearing 
hb ooi^ratubtions to his successor, Alezander.f In May, 18581 amission 
was sent to Khiva by General Ignatie^ whose journey has been described 
by M. KIQilewein. It crossed the Ilek and. Yemba and went aloi^ the 
western shoieof Lake Aral to the Gulf of Aibogir. Near Cape Uiga the 
Russians were met by four deputies from the Khan, viz., the Karakalpak 
prince Istlu, the Kazak bi Azbeigen, Murad bdc, and a son of the 
Governor of Kungrad. Al>out half way to the latter town a customs 
officer took an inventory of their heavy baggage afraid apparently that they 
might have some cannon with them.) They entered Kungrad in state 
amidst the shouts of ^ Uius, Urns,* and were there welcomed by the 
Divan baba. The governor of the town was not very dvil, and speeded 
their dq)arture, as he had to pay tlieir expenses out of his own pocket 
This town was the former capital of the Aralians, and only submitted 
to Khiva about 1814. Thence tiie mission proceeded in boats towards 
Khivar— a tedious journey, averaging but ten miles a day* They found 
almost all the villages and towns mined ; the auls or caoq^ of the 
Karakalpaks containing only oki men and children, the rest of the 
inhabitants having been sold as slaves at Khiva and on the Persian 
frontier. The towns of Kipchak and Khoj/aH had met tiie same IUe.S 
At New Urgenj, then the second town in the Khanate, they were 
welcomed by Daiga, one of the Khan^s mlniiteWf a pertly, iwim^y^iiif. 
old man, in a cashmere rob^ whoee portrait is .given in llkheB^ worki 
On reaching Khiva the mission encamped in a garden outside the town. 
At their audience they found the Khivan iftfemtry at the gates and the 
bodyguard marshalled in front of the palace. They were first received 



by the Malditar^ who like the other great officials had an apartment in 
the palace, and then by the Khan. The latter waa seated on a raised 
divan with a dagger and pistd lying before him, while behind him floated 
the state banner. The Kush begi, the Mekhter, and Di?an bcgi weie 
in fronti and the chamberlain at the dttor. The imperial letter was earned 
in on a red cushion by the secretary of the mission, and handed to the 
Mekhter, who passed it on to the Khan.* 

Kiihlewein tells us there were two kinds of gold coins^or tillas issued 
in the Khanate^ one worth about twelve and the other about six shillii^s. 
The silver coins were the tenga^ worth about ^evenpence^ and the shahi, 
about threepence. Puis or karapub w^re the copper coins; forty- 
eight of these made a tenga. The army consisted of 1,000 sarbaris or 
infantry and Tofioo cavalry. In time of war the tnx^ received four times 
their ordinary pay. The revenue had greatly fallen ofi^ chiefly because 
of the migration of the Kazaks and the secession of the Turkomana.t 
There was peace in the Khanate during the stay of the Russian missi<m, 
but afterit left the Kungrads and Karakalpaks making a league with the 
Turkoman chief| Ata' Murad, killed their ruler Kutlugh Murad, with 
many of his party. He was succeeded by Muhammad Fanah, nq)hew 
of Tura Sufi, who I have mentioned as the raler of these Aralians in 
the eaxiy part of the century, and who submitted to Khiva in 1814. 
Muhammed Fanah was apparently countenanced by the Russians. He 
actually styled himself Khan of Khuaresm, and struck coins bearing hit 
own name. In the course of another year, howeveri he was killed, and 
the Araltan Kungrads again acknowledged the Khan of Khiva as their 

In 1863 Khiva was visited by Vambery. He found the Chaudor 
Turkcmians in open rebdlion against the Khan. The Kushbegi and 
the Khan's brother had, in fact, taken the field against these marauders, 
and he had to make a detour to avoid them. He speaks in glowing 
terms of the beauty of the capital, and how he and his Haji companions 
were presented with bread and dried fruits as they entered its gates, 
amidst shouts of welcome and kisses bestowed upon their rags. At the 
caravanserai they had to pass a rude inspection under the eyes of 
the Mddirem, during which suspicious tongues whispered freely 
Jansiz (spy), Feringhi, and Urub, his European countenance peering 
throu^ every di^^uise. At this time there was living at Khiva a certain 
Shukrullah bi, who had been to Constantinople as an envoy from the Khan, 
and on whom Vambery called. His knowledge of Turkey made him 
easily pass himself off as an efiendi from Stambul, who was a dervish by 
profession, and had visited Khiva on his way to Bukhara by order of his 
Pir or spiritual chiet He was heartily wdomied by the quondam envoy 
who inquired about his various friends in the West Vamb«y, with 

*/A,3a. tA£,4S-4. 114^39* 


die Other hajis, his companioos, pot up at a tddoe or convent^ where 
traveling dervishes generaUy stayed. It was called TSshibaz, or Tdrt 
Shahbaz, meaning the fbor falcons or heroes, from the four kings who 
were buried there.* The day after his arrival he was sununoned to the 
Khan's presence hy a yasaul, who also took him a small present His 
newly>found patron Shukrullah bi accompanied him. He found a crowd 
of people of every age, dass, and sex waiting to present petitions, who 
readily made way for the dervish who had come to bless their Khan. 
He first had an interview with the Mdditer, before tdiom he wpokt the 
usual pmyer, those present duly saying amen and strokingtiieir beards. He 
then presented his printed pass sealed with the Sultan's tamgha, whereupon 
the Mdditer kissed h reverently^ rubbed it <m his forehead, rose to place 
it in the Khan's hand, And, returning, conducted the dervish into the hall 
of audience. The Khan was seated on a dais widi his left arm supported 
by a round tSXk velvet cushion, and holding a short golden sceptre in 
his right handt Vambery describes him as very dissolute in appear- 
ance, and as presenting in every feature the picture of an enervated 
imbedle and savage tyrant The pseudo dervish raised his handa 
in the recognised fa^ion and was fdlowed by the Khan and his 
companions. He then recited a short Sura from the Kolan, then two 
AUahumu Rabbenna, and concluded with a loud amen, when there was a 
general stroldng of the beard While the Khan was still stroking his, eadi 
one exclaimed Kabul bdgny, /.^.) ^ May thy prayer be heard" Having 
iqpproadied the Khan and duly executed the Musafoha or greeting 
prescribed by the Koran, accompanied by the reciprocal extension 
of both hands, he redred a fow paces and the ceremonial was at 
an endt The Khan inquired about his journey, and he diplo* 
matically replied that all its sufferings had been richly rewarded by 
the sight of the Huzrats Jemal, i>., the beauty of his majesty, 
and he expressed a wish that he might live 170 years. He asked 
leave to visit the shrines of the Sunni saints within the Khanate^ and 
then to be allowed to speed on his way. He declined the Khan's 
proffered money with all the unctuous humility of a ^haj," but accepted 
his present of an ass to ride upon, which he adwd might be a white one^ 
that being the prescribed colour for pilgrimages. The travdler returned 
to his lodgings amidstthe greetings of the crowd He complains of the 
exacting nature of the hospitality he received, a good appetite being a proof 
of good breeding, and *'to be able to eat no more" being deemed incre- 
diblct On one occasion he calculates that his companions each consumed 
two pounds of rice, apound of fat from a sheep's tail,beside8 bread, carrots, 
turnips, and radishes, washed down by from fifteen to twenty huge soup 
plates full of green tea. He also had to run the gaundet of a large 
number of anxious students who wished to be iafoimed of all the details 

* VamSiJrr* Travek, xi4-5« ^Id^tA I Id., uS^ 

94^ HISTORY Of 1»S llOMOOtA 

of a holy man's lifemthatctiHreof cuhitreySuiBbQl;* it oUier tinws 
he had to ditpense some (tf the Khald Shifa or ^heahhdnsl* collecttd 
in a house at Medina, said to ha?e been the fsophet's, or to bieethe a 
Nefex or holy breath to one diseases. AnKonf the acqoamtances he 
made was one Haji Ismad, who had lived twenty-five yean in TiiiiBKy« 
where he had followed the professions of tntor, proprietor of baths, 
leather cutter, caligraphist, diemist, and conjurot but was dien chiefly 
fiunotts as a mixer of aphrodisiacs and love potioBs.t Some time after 
he had a second interview with the Khani and at his request esduhiled to 
hhn a specimen of his calignq^y, in which he professed his own faicar 
pacity, but happily said that ^every failing that pleases the Khan is a 
virtue.^ On withdmwtng be was eonducted to the apartments of the 
State Treasurer, and in a courtyard dose by found some 300 Oiandor 
Turkoman prisoners la ng$ and sufiering from hunger^ etc These wen 
divided into two sections. Those u«fer forty, chained together in parties 
of ten to fifteen, were to be sold as sfatves* Those over that age^ being Ae 
Aksalu^s or grey beards^ awaited a severer punishment and he saw eight 
aged men [dace themsdves on their badn on the ground, vdiere they 
were bound hand and foot ; the executioner then gouged out thdr 
eyes, kneeling to do so on die breast oi each of the victims, and after 
each operation he wiped his knife dripi»ng with bk>od upon tbe irtiite 
beard of the hoary unfortttnate.$ This was partially in revenge for 
similar cruelties practised by the Turkomans^ and partially from a 
Draconic code which was patronised by the Khan, who» as a great patron 
of religkm, was a most exacting judge,' and apparently affixed the punish* 
ment of death to many new offences. /n/^n/Jifftocastalookatathiddy 
veiled hidy was to incur that doom: the man being hung and the woman 
buried in the ground to her breast, and then killed with a volley of 
kedaks or balls of baked day. Vambery found the treasurer sorting out 
the robes of honour, which rondstfd of gaily-coloured ulk gowns 
flowered with gold, for the sucoessfiil officers in the late campaign. The 
value of these depended on the number of heads which Uie redpieat 
could daimto have cut ofl^ and our travtileriiext daysawa nnmberof 
the heroes return dragghig prisoners at then: horses' tails, and also 
carrying sacks containing human heads. These they allowed to roll out 
on the ground like so many potatoes until there was a heap composed of 
severd hundreds. Each one got his recdpt, and a few days later was 
duly paid. It is necessary to remember this ghastly brutality, and to 
hMlst upon h, for it poinu a grim mord when we discuss the necessity of 
die ffa—f^'g out of such dens of iniquity, even by such hard heels aa 
those of Russia. Before leavbg, Vambery imparted another blessing to 
tlie Khan, who adwd him to visit hfan again on his return from Bukhara, 
that he might send an envoy back with him to the new Sultan to obtabi 

•idnlifL t/l£,IS«>3* X/A,SjS» 


£tQQi him tht usual ittvtttkiife of his Shanalc* Seyld Mtihimwndd 
diedia 1865, and was succeeded fay hit Sin Seyid Ifahannncd Rahim 
Bdiadof ^ Hm i"- 


His reign has proved a singulaiiy disastreus one for te Khanato of 
KhuaiesoDu It was doubtless inevitable that some time or otlMr the 
Russians would plant their heavy foot upon it ThecBsa8tersefBd»vtoch 
and Peroftki were grim shadows that invited retributioa tomerime, and 
the lawless subjects of the Khan afibided ample excuses of other kiiida 
fisrintcrfoenceinhisafiairs. Yet the disaster came somewkat betoe its 
time. Russia, like all vast ensures whose means of commnnicatioo am 
badewavd, and whkh profess to have a strong centralised anthodtyi 
is nmch too often at the mercsr of its border commanders. Thejr 
necessarily have to be invested wHh the discretionary powers of satraps 
Wheiethey are ambitious they can easily force the hand of the centnl 
authorityi and when so forced even against its will and contrary to its 
policyi it has to condone what has cost treasure and blood to secure. It 
cannot in the &ce of a victorious army and the prestige it has secured 
sacrifice the fruits of victory even when thus obtainedf and even when 
to do so lays it open very naturally to the chaige of Machiavellianism. 

Such an ambitious person was General Kauimann, who, in 1867, im- 
mediately after his arrival at Tashkend, wrote to inform the Khan of his 
iqppointment and claiming the id^ to send detadmients across the 
Sir Daria or Jaxartes to punish manmders. The Khan, we are told, was 
then but twenty years old, and was more occu^ed with falconry than 
with business. His answer, which arrived a fow months later, repudiated 
the Russian claim to rule both banks of the Sir. In it he undertook to 
keqp the peace south of the river.f It nuist be remembered that the 
Kasaks who owed allegiance to Russia were in the habit of wintering 
largely south of the Sir and on the Kuvan and Yany Daria, and notwith? 
ffa miip g- the Khan's letter. Russian detachments conti m itd to cross the 
former river to punish those who assailed thenu Meanwhile on the other 
side of the Khanate the Rusuans were enlaigiAg their influence in the 
Caspian. In November, 1869^ to overcome the Turkomans^ and probably 
also as a future base against Khiva, a detachment landed at the bay of 
Krasnovodsk and proceeded to build a fortress there^ and shortly after 
another was planted at Chikishlar. At this time there occurred a wide- 
spread rebellion in the steppes. The Don Cossacks who resented the new 
regulations which were being imposed upon them, the Kalmuks and 4he 
Kasaks, were all in a state of ferment; the Kazaks in the neighbourhood 
of Tui|^ alone being quiet TheValieyof the Vdlga and the Ural were 

*i^»i4S. tTerMtM;8ckqrlWptt.,4A 


tbitt ia a State of conlusiof^ the tenified inhi^^ 
ceased to pass. This iebdik»cotitiiwifdattthioqgh the sarnie 
and the Kaxaltt succeeded in homing the fort of NofoAle iaa dw fek on the 
Mertwyi-Kultok inlet of the Ca^jdan, The small station of Nikofau, inth 
the neighhoming li^itshqiSy wtxt also destroyed, and a d etachment oader 
CdonelRnkinwasovenrhehned.* When the Rnssiaa troops went to pot 
down the rebels the Utter affinned that they had been instigatfd byte 
Khivan Khan, and the latter also was accosed of sca ttering inJammatory 
proclamations and of attisling the rd)eb wiA men and money.t He was 
also chaiged rith harboonng oodaws and robbers, with keqiing a 
nmnber of Russians in dnranoe^ and with detaining the Russian envgyi 
Soltan Daulet Bushaef, a Kasak whom he accused of having been 
treacherous both to Khokand and Bukhara.) 

As a set-off to the building of the fort at Krasnovodsk, the Khan, 
sent a detachment to poison all the wells on the way dildier, by 
throwing dead dogs into them. He had a new citadel built in his caphal, 
and aimed it with twenty guns, and ordered the Taldik diannd of the 
Oxus to be diverted and several canals to be cut to make it impassable 
for Russian ships. 

A small fort was built at Cape Urga, and the Russian Kaxaks 
migratitig to Khiva were fteed from all taxes on condition of supplying 
troops in case of n^ar.f General Kanfinann in January, 1870^ wrote the 
Khan a peremptory letter, repeating his former complaints, and threatening 
vengeance unless things wero altered* This letter was speedily answered 
in two others, one from the Kush b^ and the otherfrom the Divan bq;L 
They insisted on the right of the Khivan tax collectors to levy does from 
the peq>le in the Boka